The New Quarters.-Seizure
of Castle Pinckney by Charleston
Troops.-Raising
the Flag at Fort Sumter.-The Sergeant’s
Daughter.-Major
Anderson’s Position.-The Charleston
Troops take
Fort Moultrie.-A
Military Problem.-Condition of Fort
Sumter.-Governor
Pickens’s Commission.-A New Outrage.
On the very day that these events
occurred, the South Carolina commissioners, R.W.
Barnwell, J.H. Adams, and James L. Orr, arrived
in Washington to treat for the surrender of the forts
and other public property. It proved to be a
very inauspicious time for such a negotiation.
Our garrison were up betimes on the
morning of the 27th, to inspect their new quarters.
The soldiers thronged the parapet in such numbers as
to attract the attention of the troops on board the
Nina. That vessel steamed up to the city
in great haste, and communicated the startling intelligence
that Fort Sumter, in some inexplicable manner, had
been fully re-enforced. The chagrin of the authorities
was intense. Messengers were at once dispatched
to all parts of the city, to ring the door-bells and
arouse the people.
While this was going on in town, Anderson,
who was very punctilious in regard to settling all
debts due by the United States to citizens, determined
to send a detachment, under Lieutenant Davis, back
to Fort Moultrie as a guard to Captain Foster, to
enable him to pay off the claims of the workmen he
had left behind. Doctor Crawford went over also,
to look after some of his medical property. As
the guard-boats had been withdrawn, they reached the
fort without difficulty, and found it deserted.
The people of the little village, to all appearance,
were still ignorant of our change of station.
Soon after their arrival, the party, in accordance
with instructions from Major Anderson, set fire to
the gun-carriages bearing on Fort Sumter, and destroyed
all the ammunition and military material that could
not be brought away. The guns had been spiked
the night before, and the flag-staff was cut down,
either at that time or in the morning.
As I have stated, the major took great
pains to see that all bills, even those of a private
nature, due in Charleston we’re fully paid by
the officers and men of his command; but many leading
merchants in the city were not so scrupulous.
They gladly took advantage of the war to repudiate
the claims of their Northern creditors. I was
also informed by one of the pay-masters that a number
of officers of the army who resigned to join the rebellion
first deliberately drew their month’s pay in
advance, and then left the pay-master, as a penalty
for his kindness, to make good the deficiency from
his private funds, in order to settle his accounts.
Foster and Davis, finding Fort Moultrie
still deserted, made good use of the occasion by loading
up with supplies and ammunition one of the schooners
which had been previously chartered to carry over the
women and children, and which were now lying empty
at the wharf.
On their way back from this expedition
our officers saw the Charleston troops going over
to take possession of Castle Pinckney. The calm
and dignified South Carolina Legislature had not authorized
this outrageous proceeding. Even if we assume
that the State had the right to secede, it does not
follow that the public property within her limits properly
belonged to her. It appertained to the nation
at large, inasmuch as all the other States had contributed
toward it, and therefore it was a proper subject of
negotiation. To seize it at once, without a declaration
of war, and while the subject was still pending, was
a violation of all right and precedent. The hot-headed
governor, however, irritated at our change of station,
took the responsibility of commencing hostilities
against the Union, without the co-operation of the
Legislature, and this, too, at a time when the State
was almost destitute of war material and funds.
I doubt if there were more than half a dozen heavy
guns on hand, and there were certainly not a dozen
rounds of cannon-powder for each.
Major Anderson, who was a very religious
man, thought it best to give some solemnity to our
occupation of Fort Sumter by formally raising the
flag, at noon, with prayer and military ceremonies.
The band played “The Star-spangled Banner,”
the troops presented arms, and our chaplain, the Rev.
Matthias Harris, offered up a fervent supplication,
invoking the blessing of Heaven upon our small command
and the cause we represented. Three cheers were
then given for the flag, and the troops were dismissed.
The seizure of Castle Pinckney, on
the afternoon of the 27th, was the first overt act
of the Secessionists against the sovereignty of the
United States. As already stated, it was ordered
by Governor Pickens, on his own responsibility, without
the concurrence of the Legislature. The latter,
indeed, positively declined to sanction the measure.
At 2 P.M. the Washington Light Infantry and Meagher
Guards, both companies of Colonel J.J. Petigru’s
rifle regiment, embarked, under command of that officer,
on board the Nina, and steamed down to the little
island upon which the Castle is situated. When
they arrived in front of the main gates they found
them closed; whereupon they applied scaling-ladders,
and with eager, flushed faces made their way to the
top of the wall. The excitement was needless,
for there was no one there to resist them, the only
fighting-men present being Lieutenant R.K. Meade,
of the engineers, and Ordnance-sergeant Skillen, who
resided there with his family, and who was in charge
of the work. Meade, himself a Virginian, had a
sharp colloquy with Petigru, and expressed himself
in severe terms in relation to this treasonable assault.
After taking possession, one of the
rebel officers found the sergeant’s daughter,
pretty Kate Skillen, aged fifteen, weeping bitterly
at the foot of the ramparts. He assured her no
harm should befall her. She replied, “I
am not crying because I am afraid!” “What
is the matter, then?” said he. “I
am crying because you have put that miserable rag up
there,” she said, pointing to the Palmetto flag
which had just been raised to the top of the staff.
Foster’s few reliable workmen
proved to be a bad investment. It is said that
most of them, when they found the enemy were actually
coming, hid in closets, sheds, and under the beds,
and some cried bitterly.
While this was going on, Major Anderson
and myself stood side by side on the parapet, watching
the scene through our spy-glasses. From his expressions
of indignation, I was in hopes he would take prompt
measures to close the harbor against any further encroachments
of the State troops, made with a view to occupy Fort
Moultrie or Fort Johnson. It would have required
but a short time to mount a few pieces; and when these
were once in position, it would have been easy to cut
off all direct communication by water between the
different posts. In short, he could take entire
possession of the harbor. He did threaten to put
out the lights in the light-houses with his artillery,
and close the port in that way; but his anger soon
passed away, and he took no aggressive measures of
any kind.
In my opinion, if he could have been
satisfied that no other States would join South Carolina
in her mad attempt, he would have done every thing
that lay in his power to punish her; for he looked
upon her as a spoiled child that needed correction.
Having married a lady from Georgia, he had almost
identified himself with that State. He did own
a plantation and negroes there, but had recently sold
them. The purchaser afterward refused to pay
for them, on the ground that Anderson had destroyed
their value by virtually warring against slavery.
At this period the feeling in many parts of the South
was strong against South Carolina. This was particularly
the case among the young men of Georgia, who looked
upon the leaders of secession in the Palmetto State
as very presuming, because these leaders thought and
acted as if they were the only representatives of
Southern sentiment, and as if the leadership belonged
to them as a matter of right. They seemed to consider
that the mere fact of being born in South Carolina
(or Carolina, as they called it, contemptuously ignoring
North Carolina) constituted in itself a patent of
nobility; and their implied scorn of other States caused
the antagonistic feeling which I have mentioned.
This was shared by Anderson, until he found that Georgia
also would certainly secede. He then seemed to
lose all interest in the Union, and merely desired
to become a spectator of the contest, and not an actor.
His efforts thenceforth were simply confined to making
his fort secure against an assault. Hardly any
amount of provocation could induce him to become the
assailant.
On the day we left Fort Moultrie,
Captain Humphreys, of the engineers, arrived there
from Washington, with orders for Captain Foster from
the Secretary of War. I have never learned the
purport of these dispatches.
On the 27th, the day after we evacuated
the place, Lieutenant-colonel Wilmot G. De Saussure
arrived at Fort Moultrie, at 9 P.M., with his battalion
of Charleston artillery and thirty riflemen; in all,
one hundred and seventy men. (The companies composing
the battalion were the Marion Artillery, the La Fayette
Artillery, the German Artillery, and the Washington
Artillery.) I was informed by a spectator that the
new-comers were exceedingly cautious in making an entrance.
They were looking out for mines in all directions,
and had brought ladders with them, on the supposition
that there might be torpedoes in front of the main
gates. It was a clear, beautiful evening, and
the moon was at the full. They were greatly enraged
to find the flag-staff cut down, for they had hoped
to run up their own flag on the very spot where ours
had formerly waved. They found, too, the gun-carriages
burned, and the guns, which had gradually settled
down as the carriages gave way, resting with their
breeches on the platforms, and the muzzles leaning
against the walls. Out of the mouth of each hung
a small white string. As many of the guns had
been kept loaded for a considerable length of time,
these strings had been tied by me to the cartridges,
in order that the latter might be pulled out and sunned
occasionally, as a precaution against dampness.
De Saussure’s men imagined that these strings
were arranged with a view to blow up the guns the
moment any one attempted to interfere with them, and
each soldier, as he passed, avoided the supposed danger.
The South Carolina officers, at this
period, spent much of their time in discussing military
problems. One of these, which was afterward referred
to us for solution, occasioned us much amusement.
All cannon-balls used in the army, and exposed to
the weather, are coated with a varnish of coal-tar,
to protect them from rust. Many of those we left
behind were in piles near the guns, and when the carriages
were burned, the tar melted, ran down in streams,
and coagulated in lumps. It was immediately reported
that before leaving we had taken great pains to tar
the balls, to render them useless. The problem
which puzzled the military savans of Charleston
was, to determine in what way cannon-balls were ruined
by tar. Some months afterward, when we evacuated
Fort Sumter, one of the officers who had been much
interested in this subject took Seymour aside, and
asked him confidentially if he had any objection to
tell him why we tarred our balls, assuring him most
earnestly that they could scrape it all off.
Upon occupying Fort Sumter, we found
it was in a very unfinished condition, and that it
would require an immense amount of labor to render
it safe against an assault. It had no flanking
defenses whatever. Three or four hundred men,
with short ladders, could easily have taken it; for
no guns were mounted, except a few on the gorge, and
all the embrasures were open, there being no efficient
means of closing them. On the gorge side, where
the wharf was located, there were two sally-ports
and numerous windows to be guarded. In the second
story the embrasures were nothing but large unfinished
openings, slightly boarded up. Three or four
blows of an axe would have made a broad entrance for
an escalading party. The form of the fort was
a pentagon. Retaining a small force as a reserve
in the centre of the work, we could only furnish eight
men to defend each side and guard all the numerous
openings.
Fortunately no assault was made.
It was thought the fort was almost impregnable, and
that there would be no difficulty in inducing Buchanan
to order us back to Fort Moultrie. This occasioned
a delay, and gave us time to strengthen our position.
We were hard at work, mounting guns, preparing shells
to be used as hand-grenades, stopping up surplus
embrasures, and removing the debris which encumbered
the passages from one part of the work to another.
Quarters were selected for the officers, soldiers,
and camp-women; and the household furniture which
belonged to each, and which had been thrown pell-mell
on the parade-ground, was all separated and deposited
in the different rooms. I chose an apartment
near the mess hall, and made it so comfortable that
Anderson and Seymour came there temporarily to live
with me. Our mess was also organized, and placed
in charge of Mr. Edward Moale.
In the afternoon, Governor Pickens
sent Colonel J.J. Petigru and Major Elison Capers,
both field-officers of the rifle regiment, in full
uniform, to interview Major Anderson. Their looks
were full of wrath, and they bowed stiffly and indignantly
in answer to our smiling salutations. I was present
at the conversation that ensued, but did not take
notes. They told the major that perhaps he was
not aware that an agreement had been entered into
with President Buchanan not to re-enforce the forts
in the harbor. They desired to call his attention
to the fact that his recent movement was in direct
violation of the contract referred to. They were,
therefore, directed by the governor to request him,
peremptorily but courteously, to immediately return
to Fort Moultrie. Anderson replied, in substance,
that he knew nothing of any such agreement; that as
commander of the defenses of Charleston he had an
inherent right to occupy any fort in the harbor.
He stated that he, too, was a Southern man; that he
believed the whole difficulty was brought on by the
faithlessness of the North-here the aids
made a stiff bow-but as regards returning
to Fort Moultrie, he could not, and he would not,
do it. The commissioners were then courteously
dismissed.
I have always felt that this was a
most insolent demand. If the governor considered
himself aggrieved by our change of station, his redress
lay in an appeal to Washington. This attempt
to assume command of us, and order us out of a United
States fort, was an assumption of authority that merited
a more spirited reply.
Before his messengers left, I took
occasion, in conversation with a person who came over
in the boat with them, to refer to the great strength
of the work, and I also spoke of the shells which we
had prepared to throw down on the heads of an attacking
party. I knew the conversation would be repeated,
and hoped it might have some effect in deterring an
immediate assault.
A new outrage now took place in full
view of our garrison. The United States revenue-cutter,
which lay anchored in the stream, was turned over
by its commander, Captain N.L. Coste, to the authorities
of South Carolina. The previous seizures, made
without a declaration of war, had been justified on
the ground that the forts and public buildings were
fixtures within the limits of the State. To retain
this vessel was simply an act of piracy.
When it became apparent that South
Carolina did not control the Administration in Washington,
and that Anderson would not be ordered back, it is
possible a boat attack might have been organized against
us; but a storm came up about this time, and the wind
was so violent that no small boat could venture out
with safety. This occasioned still further delay,
which enabled us to do much toward placing the fort
in a better condition for defense.