FROM 1600 TO 1607
The second attempt to plant a French
colony in the New World was more disastrous than the
first.
Though my Lord Roberval
fails, the French fishing vessels continue to bound
over the billows of the Atlantic to the New World.
By 1578 there are a hundred and fifty French fishing
vessels off Newfoundland alone. The fishing folk
engage in barter. Cartier’s heirs ask for
a monopoly of the fur trade in Canada, but the grant
is so furiously opposed by the merchants of the coast
towns that it is revoked until the Marquis de la Roche,
who had been a page at the French court, again obtains
monopoly, with many high-sounding titles as Governor,
and the added obligation that he must colonize the
new land. What with wars and court intrigue,
it is 1598 before the Governor of Canada is ready
to sail. Of his two hundred people taken from
jails, all but sixty have obtained their freedom by
paying a ransom. With these sixty La Roche follows
the fishing fleet out to the Grand Banks, then rounds
southwestward for milder clime, where he may winter
his people.
Straight across the ship’s course
lies the famous sand bank, the graveyard of the Atlantic, what
the old navigators called “the dreadful isle,” Sable
Island. The sea lies placid as glass between
the crescent horns of the long, low reefs, thirty
miles from horn to horn, with never a tree to break
the swale of the grass waist-high.
The marquis lands his sixty colonists
to fish for supplies, while he goes on with the crew
to find place for settlement.
Barely has the topsail dipped over
the watery sky before breakers begin to thunder on
the sand reefs. Air and earth lash to fury.
Sails are torn from the ship of the marquis.
His masts go overboard, and the vessel is driven,
helpless as a chip in a maelstrom, clear back to the
ports of France. Here double misfortune awaits
La Roche. His old patrons of the court are no
longer powerful. He is thrown in prison by a
rival baron.
In vain the colonists strain tired
eyes for a sail at sea. Days become weeks, weeks
months, summer autumn; and no boat came back.
As winter gales assailed the sea, sending the sand
drifting like spray, the convicts built themselves
huts out of driftwood, and scooped beds for themselves
in the earth like rabbit burrows. Of food there
was plenty. The people had their fishing lines;
and the stock, left by the Baron de Lery long ago,
had multiplied and now overran the island. Wild
fowl, too, teemed on the inland lake; and foxes, which
must have drifted ashore on the ice float of spring,
ran wild through the sedge.
Like Robinson Crusoe cast on a desert
isle, the desperate people fought their fate.
Traps were set for the foxes, snares for the birds,
and scouts kept tramping from end to end of the island
for sight of a sail. Racked with despair and
anxiety, these outcasts of civilization soon fell
to bitter quarreling. Traps were found rifled.
Dead men lay beside the looted traps; and, doubtless,
not a few men lost their lives in spring when the
ice floes drifted down with the seal herds, and the
men gave mad chase from ice pan to ice pan for seal
pelts to make clothing. Spring wore to summer.
The graves on the sand banks increased. For
a second winter the dreary snowfall wrapped the island
in a mantle white as death sheet. Then came
the same weary monotony, the frenzied seal
hunt over the blood-stained floes; the long summer
days with the drone of the tide on the sand banks;
the men mad with hope at sight of a sail peak over
the far wave tops, only to be plunged in despair as
the fisher boat passed too far for signal; the fading
of the grasses to russet in the sad autumn light;
then snowfall again and despair.
Five years passed before La Roche
could aid his people; and the pilot who went to their
rescue won himself immortal contempt by robbing the
castaways of their furs. Word of the rescue
came to the ears of the court. Royalty commanded
the refugees brought before the throne. Only
twelve had survived, and these marched before the royal
presence clothed in the skins of seals, hair unkempt,
beards to mid-waist, “like river gods of yore,”
says the old record. The King was so touched
that he commanded fifty crowns given to each man and
the stolen furs restored. La Roche died of chagrin.
While France is trying to colonize
Canada, England has not forgotten that John Cabot
first coasted these northern shores and erected the
English flag.
About the time that Marguerite
Roberval was left alone on Isle Demons, two boys half-brothers were
playing on the sands of the English Channel, sailing
toy boats and listening to sailor yarns of loot on
the Spanish Main. One was Humphrey Gilbert;
the other, Walter Raleigh. These two were destined
to lead England’s first colonies to America.
Martin Frobisher had already poked
the prows of English ships into the icy straits of
Greenland waters, seeking way to China.
He had come out with a fleet of fifteen sails and
one hundred mariners in 1578 to found colonies, but
was led away by the lure of “fool’s gold.”
Loading his vessels with worthless rocks which he
believed contained gold enough “to suffice all
the gold gluttons of the world,” he sailed back
to England without leaving the trace of a colony.
Francis Drake, the very same year, had for the first
time plowed an English furrow around the seas of the
world, chasing Spanish treasure boats up the west coast
of South America and loading his own vessel with loot
to the water line. Afraid to go back the way
he had come, round South America, where all the Spanish
frigates lay in wait to catch him, Drake pushed on
up the west coast as far as California, and landing,
took possession of what he called “New Albion”
for Queen Elizabeth. But still no colony had
been planted for England.
Gilbert and Raleigh, the two half-brothers,
were both zealous for glory. Both stood high
in court favor. Both had fought for Queen Elizabeth
in the wars. Gilbert had fame as seaman and
geographer. He asks for the privilege of founding
England’s first colony. The Queen will
incur no expense. Gilbert and Raleigh and their
friends will fit out the vessels. Elizabeth deeds
to Gilbert all that old domain discovered by John Cabot,
reserving only one fifth of the minerals he may find;
and she sends him a present of a golden anchor as
a Godspeed. June 11, 1583, Sir Humphrey sets
sail with a fleet of three splendid merchantmen, fitted
out as men-of-war, and two heavily armed little frigates.
The crews number three hundred and sixty men, but
they are for the most part impressed seamen and riotous.
The fleet is only well away when the biggest of the
merchantmen signals that plague has broken out, and
flees back to England. Later, as fog hides the
boats from one another, the pirate crew on board the
little frigate Swallow run down an English fisherman
on the Grand Banks, board her, and at bayonet point
loot the schooner from stem to stern. When the
ships lower sail to come in on the tide through the
long Narrows, to the rock-girt harbor of St. John’s,
Newfoundland, the hundreds of fishing vessels
lying at anchor there object to the pirate Swallow;
but Sir Humphrey reads his commission from the Queen,
and the fishing fleet roars a welcome that sets the
rocks ringing. Sunday, August 4, the next day
after entering, Biscayans and French and Portuguese
and English send their new Governor tribute in provisions, fish
from the English, marmalade and wines and spices from
the foreigners. The admiral gives a feast to
the master mariners each week he is in port, and entertains as
the old record says “right bountifully.”
Wandering round the rocky harbor, up the high cliff
to the left where remnants of an old fortress may
be seen to-day, along the circular hills to the right
where the fishing stages cover the water front, Gilbert’s
men find “fool’s gold,” rock with
specks of iron and mica. Daniel, the refiner
of metals, declares it is a rich specimen of silver.
The find goes to Sir Humphrey’s head.
He sees himself a second Francis Drake, ships crammed
with gold. When the captains of the other vessels
in his fleet would see the treasure, he answers:
“Content yourselves! It is enough!
I have seen it but I would have no speech made of
it in harbor; for the Portuguese and Biscayans
and French might learn of it. We shall soon
return hither again.”
Many of the men are in ill health.
Gilbert decides to send the invalids home in the
Swallow; but he transfers the bold pirate crew
of that frigate to the big ship Delight, which
carries provisions for the colony. While planning
to make St. John’s the headquarters of his new
kingdom, Sir Humphrey wishes to explore those regions
where Cartier had gone and whence the fishing schooners
bring such wealth in furs.
August 20 the remainder of his fleet
rounds out of St. John’s south west for the
Gulf of St. Lawrence, the Delight
with the provisions, the Golden Hinde with
the majority of the people, the little frigate Squirrel
weighted down by artillery stores but under command
of Gilbert himself, because the smaller ship can run
close ashore to explore. To keep up the spirits
of the men, there is much merrymaking. Becalmed
off Cape Breton, Sir Humphrey visits the big ship
Delight, where the trumpets and the drums and
the pipes and the cornets reel off wild sailor jigs.
“There was,” says the old record, “little
watching for danger.” Wednesday, August
26, the sounding line forewarned the reefs of Sable
Island. Breakers were sighted. The Delight
signaled that her captain wanted to shift southwest
to deeper water, but Gilbert wanted to enter the St.
Lawrence and signaled back to go on northwest.
That night a storm raged. The provision ship
ran full tilt into the sand banks of Sable Island,
and was battered into chips before the other ships
could come to rescue. All supplies were lost
and all the pirate crew perished but sixteen, who
jumped into the pinnace dragging astern, and, with
only one oar, half punted, half drifted for seven
days till the wave wash carried them to the shores
of Newfoundland. There they were picked up by
a fishing vessel.
With provisions gone, Sir Humphrey
Gilbert’s colony was doomed. He must turn
back. Saturday, August 31, they reversed the
course. When halfway across the Atlantic the
admiral rowed from the little Squirrel across
to the Golden Hinde to have a lame foot treated
by the surgeon. “Cheer up,”
he urged the men. “Next year her Majesty
will loan me 1000 pounds, and we shall come again.”
As storm was gathering, the men begged
him to remain on the larger ship, but Gilbert refused
to leave the sailors of the Squirrel.
The frigate was as safe for him as for them, he said.
Some one called his attention to the fact that the
frigate was overweighted with cannon. Gilbert
laughed all danger to scorn. Soon afterwards
the waves began to break short and high a
dangerous sea for a small, overweighted ship.
It had been arranged that both ships should swing
lanterns fore and aft to keep each other in sight
at night. On the night of September 9 a phosphorescent
light was seen to gleam above the mainmast of the
Squirrel, certain sign to the superstitious
sailors of dire disaster; but when the Hinde
slackened speed, and the great waves threw the vessels
almost together, there was Sir Humphrey sitting aloft,
book in hand, shouting out, “We are as near
Heaven by sea as by land.” The Hinde
fell to the rear. The Squirrel led away,
her stern lanterns lighting a trail across the shiny
dark of the tempestuous billows. Suddenly, at
midnight, the guiding light was lost. The
Squirrel’s stern lanterns were seen to
descend the pitching trough of a mountain wave, and
when the wall of water fell, no light came up.
Down into the abyss the little craft had plunged,
never to rise again, carrying explorer, treasure hunters,
colonists, to a watery grave.
It may be added that the disaster
took place halfway across the ocean, and not off Newfoundland,
as the ballad relates.
But for all this misfortune, England
did not desist. The very next year Raleigh,
who had played on the sands with Humphrey Gilbert,
sends out his colonists to the Roanoke, and lays the
foundations for the beginning of empire in the Southern
States. English sailors explore Cape Cod.
Ten years after Frobisher had brought home his cargo
of worthless stones from Labrador, Davis, the master
mariner, is out exploring the waters west of Greenland;
and Henry Hudson, the English pilot who had discovered
Hudson River, New York, for the Dutch, is retained
by the English in 1610 to explore those waters west
of Greenland where both Frobisher and Davis reported
open passage.
It is midsummer of 1610 when Hudson
enters Hudson Straits. The ice jam of Ungava
Bay, Labrador, has almost torn his ships’ timbers
apart and has set fear shivering like an aspen leaf
among the crew. Old Juett, the mate, rages openly
at Hudson for venturing such a frail ship on such a
sea; but when the ship anchors at the west end of Hudson
Straits, five hundred miles from the Atlantic, there
opens to view another sea, a sea large
as the Mediterranean, that, like the Mediterranean,
may lead to another world. It is as dangerous
to go back as forward; and forward Hudson sails, southwestward
for that sea Drake had cruised off California, the
old mate’s mutiny rumbling beneath decks like
a volcano. South, southwestward, seven hundred
miles sails Hudson, past the high rocks and airy cataracts
of Richmond Gulf, past silence like the realms of
death, on down where Hudson Bay rounds into James Bay
and the shallows plainly show this is no way to a
western sea, but a blind inlet, bowlder-strewn and
muddy as swamps.
When the ship runs aground and all
hands must out to waist in ice water to pull her ashore
as the tide comes in, Juett’s rage bursts all
bounds. As they toil, snow begins to fall.
They are winter bound and storm bound in an unknown
land. Half the crew are in open mutiny; the other
half build winter quarters and range the woods of
James Bay for game. Of game there is plenty,
but the rebels refuse to hunt. A worthless lad
named Green, whom Hudson had picked off the streets
of London, turns traitor and talebearer, fomenting
open quarrels till the commander threatens he will
hang to the yardarm the first man guilty of disobedience.
So passes the sullen winter. Provisions are
short when the ship weighs anchor for England in June
of 1611. With tears in his eyes, Hudson hands
out the last rations. Ice blocks the way.
Delay means starvation. If the crew were only
half as large, Henry Green whispers to the mutineers,
there would be food enough for passage home.
The ice floes clear, the sails swing rattling to
the breeze, but as Hudson steps on deck, the mutineers
leap upon him like wolves. He is bound and thrown
into the rowboat. With him are thrust his son
and eight others of the crew. The rope
is cut, the rowboat jerks back adrift, and Hudson’s
vessel, manned by mutineers, drives before the wind.
A few miles out, the mutineers lower sails to rummage
for food. The little boat with the castaways
is seen coming in pursuit. Guilt-haunted, the
crew out with all sails and flee as from avenging
ghosts. So passes Henry Hudson from the ken of
all men, though Indian legend on the shores of Hudson
Bay to this day maintains that the castaways landed
north of Rupert and lived among the savages.
Not less disastrous were English efforts
than French to colonize the New World. Up to
1610 Canada’s story is, in the main, a record
of blind heroism, dogged courage, death that refused
to acknowledge defeat.
Four hundred French vessels now yearly
come to reap the harvest of the sea; in and out among
the fantastic rocks of Gaspe, pierced and pillared
and scooped into caves by the wave wash, where fisher
boats reap other kind of harvest, richer than the
silver harvest of the sea, harvest of beaver,
and otter, and marten; up the dim amber waters of the
Saguenay, within the shadow of the somber gorge, trafficking
baubles of bead and red print for furs, precious furs.
Pontgrave, merchant prince, comes out with fifty
men in 1600, and leaves sixteen at Tadoussac, ostensibly
as colonists, really as wood lopers to scatter through
the forests and learn the haunts of the Indians.
Pontgrave comes back for men and furs in 1601, and
comes again in 1603 with two vessels, accompanied by
a soldier of fortune from the French court, who acts
as geographer, Samuel Champlain, now in
his thirty-sixth year, with service in war to his
credit and a journey across Spanish America.
When Champlain returns to France the
King readily grants to Sieur de Monts a
region roughly defined as anywhere between Pennsylvania
and Labrador, designated Acadia. This region
Sieur de Monts is to colonize in return
for a monopoly of the fur trade. When other traders
complain, De Monts quiets them by letting them all
buy shares in the venture. With him are associated
as motley a throng of treasure seekers as ever stampeded
for gold. There is Samuel Champlain, the court
geographer; there is Pontgrave, the merchant prince,
on a separate vessel with stores for the colonists.
Pontgrave is to attend especially to the fur trading.
There are the Baron de Poutrincourt and his young
son, Biencourt, and other noblemen looking for broader
domains in the New World; and there are the usual
riffraff of convicts taken from dungeons. Priests
go to look after the souls of the Catholics, Huguenot
ministers to care for the Protestants, and so valiantly
do these dispute with tongues and fists that the sailors
threaten to bury them in the same grave to see if
they can lie at peace in death.
Before the boats sight Acadia, it
is early summer of 1604. Pontgrave leaves stores
with De Monts and sails on up to Tadoussac. De
Monts enters the little bay of St. Mary’s, off
the northwest corner of Nova Scotia, and sends his
people ashore to explore.
Signs of minerals they seek, rushing
pellmell through the woods, gleeful as boys out of
school. The forest is pathless and dense with
June undergrowth, shutting out the sun and all sign
of direction. The company scatters. Priest
Aubry, more used to the cobble pavement of Paris than
to the tangle of ferns, grows fatigued and drinks at
a fresh-water rill. Going in the direction of
his comrades’ voices, he suddenly realizes that
he has left his sword at the spring. The priest
hurries back for the sword, loses his companions’
voices, and when he would return, finds that he is
hopelessly lost. The last shafts of sunlight
disappear. The chill of night settles on the
darkening woods. The priest shouts till he is
hoarse and fires off his pistol; but the woods muffle
all sound but the scream of the wild cat or the uncanny
hoot of the screech owl. Aubry wanders desperately
on and on in the dark, his cassock torn to tatters
by the brushwood, his way blocked by the undisturbed
windfall of countless ages, . . . on and on, . . .
till gray dawn steals through the forest and midday
wears to a second night.
Back at the boat were wild alarm and
wilder suspicions. Could the Huguenots, with
whom Aubry had battled so violently, have murdered
him? De Monts scouted the notion as unworthy,
but the suspicion clung in spite of fiercest denials.
All night cannon were fired from the vessel and bonfires
kept blazing on shore; but two or three days passed,
and the priest did not come.
De Monts then sails on up the Bay
of Fundy, which he calls French Bay, and by the merest
chance sheers through an opening eight hundred feet
wide to the right and finds himself in the beautiful
lakelike Basin of Annapolis, broad chough to harbor
all the French navy, with a shore line of wooded meadows
like home-land parks. Poutrincourt is so delighted,
he at once asks for an estate here and names the domain
Port Royal.
On up Fundy Bay sails De Monts, Samuel
Champlain ever leaning over decks, making those maps
and drawings which have come down from that early
voyage. The tides carry to a broad river on the
north side. It is St. John’s Day.
They call the river St. John, and wander ashore, looking
vainly for more minerals. Westward is another
river, known to-day as the Ste. Croix, the
boundary between Maine and New Brunswick. Dochet
Island at its mouth seems to offer what to a soldier
is an ideal site. A fort here could command
either Fundy Bay or the upland country, which Indians
say leads back to the St. Lawrence. Thinking
more of fort than farms, De Monts plants his colony
on Ste. Croix River, on an island composed
mainly of sand and rock.
While workmen labor to erect a fort
on the north side, the pilot is sent back to Nova
Scotia to prospect for minerals. As the
vessel coasts near St. Mary’s Bay, a black object
is seen moving weakly along the shore. Sailors
and pilot gaze in amazement. A hat on the end
of a pole is waved weakly from the beach. The
men can scarcely believe their senses. It must
be the priest, though sixteen days have passed since
he disappeared. For two weeks Aubry had wandered,
living on berries and roots, before he found his way
back to the sea.
Here, then, at last, is founded the
first colony in Canada, a little palisaded fort of
seventy-nine men straining longing eyes at the sails
of the vessel gliding out to sea; for Pontgrave has
taken one vessel up the St. Lawrence to trade, and
Poutrincourt has gone back to France with the other
for supplies. A worse beginning could hardly
have been made. The island was little better
than a sand heap. No hills shut out the cold
winds that swept down the river bed from the north,
and the tide carried in ice jam from the south.
As the snow began to fall, padding the stately forests
with a silence as of death, whitening the gaunt spruce
trees somber as funereal mourners, the colonists felt
the icy loneliness of winter in a forest chill their
hearts. Cooped up on the island by the ice,
they did little hunting. Idleness gives time
for repinings. Scurvy came, and before spring
half the colonists had peopled the little cemetery
outside the palisades. De Monts has had enough
of Ste. Croix. When Pontgrave comes
out with forty more men in June, De Monts prepares
to move. Champlain had the preceding autumn sailed
south seeking a better site; and now with De Monts
he sails south again far as Cape Cod, looking for
a place to plant the capital of New France. It
is amusing to speculate that Canada might have included
as far south as Boston, if they had found a harbor
to their liking; but they saw nothing to compare with
Annapolis Basin, narrow of entrance, landlocked, placid
as a lake, with shores wooded like a park; and back
they cruised to Ste. Croix in August, to
move the colony across to Nova Scotia, to Annapolis
Basin of Acadia. While Champlain and Pontgrave
volunteer to winter in the wilderness, De Monts goes
home to look after his monopoly in France.
What had De Monts to show for his
two years’ labor? His company had spent
what would be $20,000 in modern money, and all returns
from fur trade had been swallowed up prolonging the
colony. While Champlain hunted moose in the
woods round Port Royal and Pontgrave bartered furs
during the winter of 1605-1606, De Monts and Poutrincourt
and the gay lawyer Marc Lescarbot fight for the life
of the monopoly in Paris and point out to the clamorous
merchants that the building of a French empire in
the New World is of more importance than paltry profits.
De Monts remains in France to stem the tide rising
against him, while Poutrincourt and Lescarbot sail
on the Jonas with more colonists and supplies
for Port Royal.
Noon, July 27, 1606, the ship slips
into the Basin of Annapolis. To Lescarbot, the
poet lawyer, the scene is a fairyland the
silver flood of the harbor motionless as glass, the
wooded meadows dank with bloom, the air odorous of
woodland smells, the blue hills rimming round the sky,
and against the woods of the north shore the chapel
spire and thatch roofs and slab walls of the little
fort, the one oasis of life in a wilderness.
As the sails rattled down and the anchor dropped, not
a soul appeared from the fort. The gates were
bolted fast. The Jonas runs up the French
ensign. Then a canoe shoots out from the brushwood,
paddled by the old chief Membertou. He signals
back to the watchers behind the gates. Musketry
shots ring out welcome. The ship’s cannon
answer, setting the waters churning. Trumpets
blare. The gates fly wide and out marches the
garrison two lone Frenchmen. The rest,
despairing of a ship that summer, have cruised along
to Cape Breton to obtain supplies from French fishermen,
whence, presently, come Pontgrave and Champlain, overjoyed
to find the ship from France. Poutrincourt has
a hogshead of wine rolled to the courtyard and all
hands fitly celebrate.
When Pontgrave carries the furs to
France, Marc Lescarbot, the lawyer poet, proves the
life of the fort for this, the third winter of the
colonists in Acadia. Poutrincourt and his son attend to trade. Champlain, as usual, commands;
and dull care is chased away by a thousand pranks
of the Paris advocate. First, he sets the whole
fort a-gardening, and Baron Poutrincourt forgets his
noblesse long enough to wield the hoe.
Then Champlain must dam up the brook for a trout pond.
The weather is almost mild as summer until January.
The woods ring to many a merry picnic, fishing excursion,
or moose hunt; and when snow comes, the gay Lescarbot
along with Champlain institutes a New World order of
nobility the Order of Good Times.
Each day one of the number must cater to the messroom
table of the fort. This means keen hunting, keen
rivalry for one to outdo another in the giving of
sumptuous feasts. And all is done with the pomp
and ceremony of a court banquet. When the chapel
bell rings out noon hour and workers file to the long
table, there stands the Master of the Revels, napkin
on shoulder, chain of honor round his neck, truncheon
in his hand. The gavel strikes, and there enter
the Brotherhood, each bearing a steaming dish in his
hand, moose hump, beaver tail, bears’
paws, wild fowl smelling luscious as food smells only
to out-of-doors men. Old Chief Membertou dines
with the whites. Crouching round the wall behind
the benches are the squaws and the children,
to whom are flung many a tasty bit.
At night time, round the hearth fire,
when the roaring logs set the shadows dancing on the
rough-timbered floor, the truncheon and chain of command
are pompously transferred to the new Grand Master.
It is all child’s play, but it keeps the blood
of grown men coursing hopefully.
Or else Lescarbot perpetrates a newspaper, a
handwritten sheet giving the doings of the day, perhaps
in doggerel verse of his own composing. At other
times trumpets and drums and pipes keep time to a dance.
As all the warring clergymen, both Huguenot and Catholic,
have died of scurvy, Lescarbot acts as priest on Sundays,
and winds up the day with cheerful excursions up the
river, or supper spread on the green. The lawyer’s
good spirits proved contagious. The French songs
that rang through the woods of Acadia, keeping time
to the chopper’s labors, were the best
antidote to scurvy; but the wildwood happiness was
too good to last. While L’Escarbot was
writing his history of the new colonies a bolt fell
from the blue. Instead of De Monts’ vessel
there came in spring a fishing smack with word that
the grant of Acadia had been rescinded. No more
money would be advanced. Poutrincourt and his
son, Biencourt, resolved to come back without the
support of a company; but for the present all took
sad leave of the little settlement Poutrincourt,
Champlain, L’Escarbot and sailed with
the Cape Breton fishing fleet for France, where they
landed in October, 1607.
Cartier, Roberval, La Roche,
De Monts all had failed to establish France
in Canada; and as for England, Sir Humphrey’s
colonists lay bleaching skeletons at the bottom of
the sea.