FURTHER CHARGES AGAINST BRITISH TROOPS
Expansive and Explosive Bullets.
When Mr. Stead indulges in vague rhetoric
it is difficult to corner him, but when he commits
himself to a definite statement he is more open to
attack. Thus, in his ‘Methods of Barbarism’
he roundly asserts that ’England sent several
million rounds of expanding bullets to South Africa,
and in the North of the Transvaal and at Mafeking for
the first three months of the war no other bullets
were used.’ Mr. Methuen, on the authority
of a letter of Lieutenant de Montmorency, R.A., states
also that from October 12, 1899, up to January 15,
1900, the British forces north of Mafeking used nothing
but Mark IV. ammunition, which is not a dum-dum
but is an expansive bullet.
Mr. Methuen’s statement differs,
as will be seen, very widely from Mr. Stead’s;
for Mr. Stead says Mafeking, and Mr. Methuen says north
of Mafeking. There was a very great deal of fighting
at Mafeking, and comparatively little north of Mafeking
during that time, so that the difference is an essential
one. To test Mr. Stead’s assertion about
Mafeking, I communicated with General Baden-Powell,
the gentleman who is most qualified to speak as to
what occurred there, and his answer lies before me:
’We had no expanding bullets in our supply at
Mafeking, unless you call the ordinary Martini-Henry
an expanding bullet. I would not have used them
on humane principles, and moreover, an Army order had
been issued against the use of dum-dum bullets
in this campaign. On the other hand, explosive
bullets are expressly forbidden in the Convention,
and these the Boers used freely against us in Mafeking,
especially on May 12.’
I have endeavoured also to test the
statement as it concerns the troops to the north of
Mafeking. The same high authority says: ’With
regard to the northern force, it is just possible
that a few sportsmen in the Rhodesian column may have
had some sporting bullets, but I certainly never heard
of them.’ A friend of mine who was in Lobatsi
during the first week of the war assures me that he
never saw anything but the solid bullet. It must
be remembered that the state of things was very exceptional
with the Rhodesian force. Their communications
to the south were cut on the second day of the war,
and for seven months they were dependent upon the
long and circuitous Beira route for any supplies which
reached them. One could imagine that under such
circumstances uniformity of armament would be more
difficult to maintain than in the case of an army
with an assured base.
The expansive bullet is not, as a
matter of fact, contrary to the Conventions of The
Hague. It was expressly held from being so by
the representatives of the United States and of Great
Britain. In taking this view I cannot but think
that these two enlightened and humanitarian Powers
were ill-advised. Those Conventions were of course
only binding on those who signed them, and therefore
in fighting desperate savages the man-stopping bullet
could still have been used. Whatever our motives
in taking the view that we did, a swift retribution
has come upon us, for it has prevented us from exacting
any retribution, or even complaining, when the Boers
have used these weapons against us. Explosive
bullets are, however, as my distinguished correspondent
points out, upon a different footing, and if the Boers
claim the advantages of the Conventions of The Hague,
then every burgher found with these weapons in his
bandolier is liable to punishment.
Our soldiers have been more merciful
than our Hague diplomatists, for in spite of the reservation
of the right to use this ammunition, every effort
has been made to exclude it from the firing line.
An unfortunate incident early in the campaign gave
our enemies some reason to suspect us. The facts
are these.
At the end of the spring of 1899 some
hundreds of thousands of hollow-headed bullets, made
in England, were condemned as unsatisfactory, not
being true to gauge, &c., and were sent to South Africa
for target practice only. A quantity of this ammunition,
known as ‘Metford Mark IV.,’ was sent
up to Dundee by order of General Symons for practice
in field firing. As Mark IV. was not for use in
a war with white races all these cartridges were called
in as soon as Kruger declared war, and the officers
responsible thought they were every one returned.
By some blundering in the packing at home, however,
some of this Mark IV. must have got mixed up with
the ordinary, or Mark II., ammunition, and was found
on our men by the Boers on October 30. Accordingly
a very careful inspection was ordered, and a few Mark
IV. bullets were found in our men’s pouches,
and at once removed. Their presence was purely
accidental, and undoubtedly caused by a blunder in
the Ordnance Department long before the war, and it
was in consequence of this that some hollow-headed
bullets were fired by the English early in the war
without their knowledge.
What is usually known as the dum-dum
bullet is a ‘soft-nosed’ one: but
the regulation Mark II. is also made at the dum-dum
factory, and the Boers, seeing the dum-dum
label on boxes containing the latter, naturally thought
the contents were the soft-nosed, which they were not.
It must be admitted that there was
some carelessness in permitting sporting ammunition
ever to get to the front at all. When the Derbyshire
Militia were taken by De Wet at Roodeval, a number
of cases of sporting cartridges were captured by the
Boers (the officers had used them for shooting springbok).
My friend, Mr. Langman, who was present, saw the Boers,
in some instances, filling their bandoliers from these
cases on the plausible excuse that they were only
using our own ammunition. Such cartridges should
never have been permitted to go up. But in spite
of instances of bungling, the evidence shows that
every effort has been made to keep the war as humane
as possible. I am inclined to hope that a fuller
knowledge will show that the same holds good for our
enemies, and that in spite of individual exceptions,
they have never systematically used anything except
what one of their number described as a ‘gentlemanly’
bullet.
Conduct to Prisoners on the Field.
On this count, also, the British soldiers
have been exposed to attacks, both at home and abroad,
which are as unfounded and as shameful as most of
those which have been already treated.
The first occasion upon which Boer
prisoners fell into our hands was at the Battle of
Elandslaagte, on October 21, 1899. That night
was spent by the victorious troops in a pouring rain,
round such fires as they were able to light.
It has been recorded by several witnesses that the
warmest corner by the fire was reserved for the Boer
prisoners. It has been asserted, and is again
asserted, that when the Lancers charged a small body
of the enemy after the action, they gave no quarter ’too
well substantiated and too familiar,’ says one
critic of this assertion. I believe, as a matter
of fact, that the myth arose from a sensational picture
in an illustrated paper. The charge was delivered
late in the evening, in uncertain light. Under
such circumstances it is always possible, amid so
wild and confused a scene, that a man who would have
surrendered has been cut down or ridden over.
But the cavalry brought back twenty prisoners, and
the number whom they killed or wounded has not been
placed higher than that, so that it is certain there
was no indiscriminate slaying. I have read a
letter from the officer who commanded the cavalry
and who directed the charge, in which he tells the
whole story confidentially to a brother officer.
He speaks of his prisoners, but there is no reference
to any brutality upon the part of the troopers.
Mr. Stead makes a great deal of some
extracts from the letters of private soldiers at the
front who talk of bayonetting their enemies.
Such expressions should be accepted with considerable
caution, for it may amuse the soldier to depict himself
as rather a terrible fellow to his home-staying friends.
Even if isolated instances could be corroborated,
it would merely show that men of fiery temperament
in the flush of battle are occasionally not to be
restrained, either by the power of discipline or by
the example and exhortations of their officers.
Such instances, I do not doubt, could be found among
all troops in all wars. But to found upon it
a general charge of brutality or cruelty is unjust
in the case of a foreigner, and unnatural in the case
of our own people.
There is one final and complete answer
to all such charges. It is that we have now in
our hands 42,000 males of the Boer nations. They
assert, and we cannot deny, that their losses in killed
have been extraordinarily light during two years of
warfare. How are these admitted and certain facts
compatible with any general refusal of quarter?
To anyone who, like myself, has seen the British soldiers
jesting and smoking cigarettes with their captives
within five minutes of their being taken, such a charge
is ludicrous, but surely even to the most biassed
mind the fact stated above must be conclusive.
In some ways I fear that the Conventions
of The Hague will prove, when tested on a large scale,
to be a counsel of perfection. It will certainly
be the extreme test of self-restraint and discipline a
test successfully endured by the British troops at
Elandslaagte, Bergendal, and many other places to
carry a position by assault and then to give quarter
to those defenders who only surrender at the last instant.
It seems almost too much to ask. The assailants
have been terribly punished: they have lost their
friends and their officers, in the frenzy of battle
they storm the position, and then at the last instant
the men who have done all the mischief stand up unscathed
from behind their rocks and claim their own personal
safety. Only at that moment has the soldier seen
his antagonist or been on equal terms with him.
He must give quarter, but it must be confessed that
this is trying human nature rather high.
But if this holds good of an organised
force defending a position, how about the solitary
sniper? The position of such a man has never been
defined by the Conventions of The Hague, and no rules
are laid down for his treatment. It is not wonderful
if the troops who have been annoyed by him should
on occasion take the law into their own hands and treat
him in a summary fashion.
The very first article of the Conventions
of The Hague states that a belligerent must (1) Be
commanded by some responsible person; (2) Have a distinctive
emblem visible at a distance; (3) Carry arms openly.
Now it is evident that the Boer sniper who draws his
Mauser from its hiding-place in order to have a shot
at the Rooineks from a safe kopje does not comply
with any one of these conditions. In the letter
of the law, then, he is undoubtedly outside the rules
of warfare.
In the spirit he is even more so.
Prowling among the rocks and shooting those who cannot
tell whence the bullet comes, there is no wide gap
between him and the assassin. His victims never
see him, and in the ordinary course he incurs no personal
danger. I believe such cases to have been very
rare, but if the soldiers have occasionally shot such
a man without reference to the officers, can it be
said that it was an inexcusable action, or even that
it was outside the strict rules of warfare?
I find in the ‘Gazette de Lausanne’
a returned Swiss soldier named Pache, who had fought
for the Boers, expresses his amazement at the way
in which the British troops after their losses in the
storming of a position gave quarter to those who had
inflicted those losses upon them.
‘Only once,’ he says,
’at the fight at Tabaksberg, have I seen the
Boers hold on to their position to the very end.
At the last rush of the enemy they opened a fruitless
magazine fire, and then threw down their rifles and
lifted their hands, imploring quarter from those whom
they had been firing at at short range. I was
astounded at the clemency of the soldiers, who allowed
them to live. For my part I should have put them
to death.’
Of prisoners after capture there is
hardly need to speak. There is a universal consensus
of opinion from all, British or foreign, who have
had an opportunity of forming an opinion, that the
prisoners have been treated with humanity and generosity.
The same report has come from Green Point, St. Helena,
Bermuda, Ceylon, Ahmednager, and all other camps.
An outcry was raised when Ahmednager in India was chosen
for a prison station, and it was asserted, with that
recklessness with which so many other charges have
been hurled against the authorities, that it was a
hot-bed of disease. Experience has shown that
there was no grain of truth in these statements, and
the camp has been a very healthy one. As it remains
the only one which has ever been subjected to harsh
criticism, it may be of use to append the conclusions
of Mr. Jesse Collings during a visit to it last month:
’The Boer officers said, speaking
for ourselves and men, we have nothing at all to complain
of. As prisoners of war we could not be better
treated, and Major Dickenson’ (this they wished
specially to be inserted), ‘is as kind and considerate
as it is possible to be.’
Some sensational statements were also
made in America as to the condition of the Bermuda
Camps, but a newspaper investigation has shown that
there is no charge to be brought against them.
Mr. John J. O’Rorke writes to
the ‘New York Times,’ saying, ’That
in view of the many misrepresentations regarding the
treatment of the Boer prisoners in Bermuda, he recently
obtained a trustworthy opinion from one of his correspondents
there.’... The correspondent’s name
is Musson Wainwright, and Mr. O’Rorke describes
him ’as one of the influential residents in
the island.’ He says, ’That the Boers
in Bermuda are better off than many residents in New
York. They have plenty of beef, plenty of bread,
plenty of everything except liberty. There are
good hospitals and good doctors. It is true that
some of the Boers are short of clothing, but these
are very few, and the Government is issuing clothing
to them. On the whole,’ says Mr. Wainwright,
’Great Britain is treating the Boers far better
than most people would.’
Compare this record with the undoubted
privations, many of them unnecessary, which our soldiers
endured at Waterval near Pretoria, the callous neglect
of the enteric patients there, and the really barbarous
treatment of British Colonial prisoners who were confined
in cells on the absurd plea that in fighting for their
flag they were traitors to the Africander cause.
Executions.
The number of executions of Boers,
as distinguished from the execution of Cape rebels,
has been remarkably few in a war which has already
lasted twenty-six months. So far as I have been
able to follow them, they have been limited to the
execution of Cordua for broken parole and conspiracy
upon August 24, 1900, at Pretoria, the shooting of
one or two horse-poisoners in Natal, and the shooting
of three men after the action of October 27, 1900,
near Fredericstad. These men, after throwing down
their arms and receiving quarter, picked them up again
and fired at the soldiers from behind. No doubt
there have been other cases, scattered up and down
the vast scene of warfare, but I can find no record
of them, and if they exist at all they must be few
in number. Since the beginning of 1901 four men
have been shot in the Transvaal, three in Pretoria
as spies and breakers of parole, one in Johannesburg
as an aggravated case of breaking neutrality by inciting
Boers to resist.
At the beginning of the war 90 per
cent. of the farmers in the northern district of Cape
Colony joined the invaders. Upon the expulsion
of the Boers these men for the most part surrendered.
The British Government, recognising that pressure
had been put upon them and that their position had
been a difficult one, inflicted no penalty upon the
rank-and-file beyond depriving them of the franchise
for a few years. A few who, like the Douglas
rebels, were taken red-handed upon the field of battle,
were condemned to periods of imprisonment which varied
from one to five years.
This was in the year 1900. In
1901 there was an invasion of the Colony by Boers
which differed very much from the former one.
In the first case the country had actually been occupied
by the Boer forces, who were able to exert real pressure
upon the inhabitants. In the second the invaders
were merely raiding bands who traversed many places
but occupied none. A British subject who joined
on the first occasion might plead compulsion, on the
second it was undoubtedly of his own free will.
These Boer bands being very mobile,
and never fighting save when they were at an overwhelming
advantage, penetrated all parts of the Colony and
seduced a number of British subjects from their allegiance.
The attacking of small posts and the derailing of
trains, military or civilian, were their chief employment.
To cover their tracks they continually murdered natives
whose information might betray them. Their presence
kept the Colony in confusion and threatened the communications
of the Army.
The situation may be brought home
to a continental reader by a fairly exact parallel.
Suppose that an Austrian army had invaded Germany,
and that while it was deep in German territory bands
of Austrian subjects who were of German extraction
began to tear up the railway lines and harass the
communications. That was our situation in South
Africa. Would the Austrians under these circumstances
show much mercy to those rebel bands, especially if
they added cold-blooded murder to their treason?
Is it likely that they would?
The British, however, were very long-suffering.
Many hundreds of these rebels passed into their hands,
and most of them escaped with fine and imprisonment.
The ringleaders, and those who were convicted of capital
penal offences, were put to death. I have been
at some pains to make a list of the executions in
1901, including those already mentioned. It is
at least approximately correct:
Allowing 3 for the ‘several’
at Tarkastad on October 12, that makes a total of
34. Many will undoubtedly be added in the future,
for the continual murder of inoffensive natives, some
of them children, calls for stern justice. In
this list 4 were train-wreckers (aggravated cases
by rebels), 1 was a spy, 4 were murderers of natives,
1 a deserter who took twenty horses from the Cape
Police, and the remaining 23 were British subjects
taken fighting and bearing arms against their own
country.
Hostages upon Railway Trains.
Here the military authorities are
open, as it seems to me, to a serious charge, not
of inhumanity to the enemy but of neglecting those
steps which it was their duty to take in order to
safeguard their own troops. If all the victims
of derailings and railway cuttings were added together
it is not an exaggeration to say that it would furnish
as many killed and wounded as a considerable battle.
On at least five occasions between twenty and thirty
men were incapacitated, and there are very numerous
cases where smaller numbers were badly hurt.
Let it be said at once that we have
no grievance in this. To derail a train is legitimate
warfare, with many precedents to support it. But
to checkmate it by putting hostages upon the trains
is likewise legitimate warfare, with many precedents
to support it also. The Germans habitually did
it in France, and the result justified them as the
result has justified us. From the time (October
1901) that it was adopted in South Africa we have
not heard of a single case of derailing, and there
can be no doubt that the lives of many soldiers, and
possibly of some civilians, have been saved by the
measure.
I will conclude this chapter by two
extracts chosen out of many from the diary of the
Austrian, Count Sternberg. In the first he describes
his capture:
’Three hours passed thus without
our succeeding in finding our object. The sergeant
then ordered that we should take a rest. We sat
down on the ground, and chatted good-humouredly with
the soldiers. They were fine fellows, without
the least sign of brutality in fact, full
of sympathy. They had every right to be angry
with us, for we had spoiled their sleep after they
had gone through a trying day; yet they did not visit
it on us in any way, and were most kind. They
even shared their drinking-water with us. I cannot
describe what my feelings were that night. A
prisoner!’
He adds: ’I can only repeat
that the English officers and the English soldiers
have shown in this war that the profession of arms
does not debase, but rather ennobles man.’