The southern states are not densely
populated. Alabama has an average of 35 per square
mile; Georgia, 37; South Carolina, 44. These may
be compared with Iowa, 40; Indiana, 70, taking two
of the typical northern farming states, while Connecticut
has 187. In the prairie section of Alabama the
Negro population ranges from 30 to 50 per square mile,
and this is about the densest outside of the city
counties. There is thus an abundance of land.
As a matter of fact there is not the least difficulty
for the Negro farmer to get plenty of land, and he
has but to show himself a good tenant to have the
whites offering him inducements.
Negroes on the farms may be divided
into four classes: Owners, cash tenants, share
tenants, laborers. Share tenants differ from the
same class in the North in that work animals and tools
are usually provided by the landlord. Among the
laborers must also be included the families living
on the rice and cane plantations, who work for cash
wages but receive houses and such perquisites as do
other tenants and whose permanence is more assured
than an ordinary day hand. They are paid in cash,
usually through a plantation store, that debts for
provisions, etc., may be deducted. Both
owners and tenants find it generally necessary to
arrange for advances of food and clothing until harvest.
The advances begin in the early Spring and continue
until August or sometimes until the cotton is picked.
In the regions east of the alluvial lands advances
usually stop by the first of August, and in the interim
until the cotton is sold odd jobs or some extra labor,
picking blackberries and the like, must furnish the
support for the family. The landlord may do the
advancing or some merchant. Money is seldom furnished
directly, although in recent years banks are beginning
to loan on crop-liens. The food supplied is often
based on the number of working hands, irrespective
of the number of children in the family. This
is occasionally a hardship. The customary ration
is a peck of corn meal and three pounds of pork per
week. Usually a crop-lien together with a bill
of sale of any personal property is given as security,
but in some states landlords have a first lien upon
all crops for rent and advances. In all districts
the tenant is allowed to cut wood for his fire, and
frequently has free pasture for his stock. There
is much complaint that when there are fences about
the house they are sometimes burned, being more accessible
than the timber, which may be at a distance and which
has to be cut. The landlords and the advancers
have found it necessary to spend a large part of their
time personally, or through agents called “riders,”
going about the plantations to see that the crops are
cultivated. The Negro knows how to raise cotton,
but he may forget to plow, chop, or some other such
trifle, unless reminded of the necessity. Thus
a considerable part of the excessive interest charged
the Negro should really be charged as wages of superintendence.
If the instructions of the riders are not followed,
rations are cut off, and thus the recalcitrant brought
to terms.
For a long time rations have been
dealt out on Saturday. So Saturday has come to
be considered a holiday, or half-holiday at least.
Early in the morning the roads are covered with blacks
on foot, horse back, mule back and in various vehicles,
on their way to the store or village, there to spend
the day loafing about in friendly discussion with neighbors.
The condition of the crops has little preventive influence,
and the handicap to successful husbandry formed by
the habit is easily perceived. Many efforts are
being made to break up the custom, but it is up-hill
work. Another habit of the Negro which militates
against his progress is his prowling about in all
sorts of revels by night, thereby unfitting himself
for labor the next day. This trait also shows
forth the general thoughtlessness of the Negro.
His mule works by day, but is expected to carry his
owner any number of miles at night. Sunday is
seldom a day of rest for the work animals. It
is a curious fact that wherever the Negroes are most
numerous there mules usually outnumber horses.
There are several reasons for this. It has often
been supposed that mules endure the heat better than
horses. This is questionable. The mule,
however, will do a certain amount and then quit, all
inducements to the contrary notwithstanding.
The horse will go till he drops; moreover, will not
stand the abuse which the mule endures. The Negro
does not bear a good reputation for care of his animals.
He neglects to feed and provide for them. Their
looks justify the criticism. The mule, valuable
as he is for many purposes, is necessarily more expensive
in the long run than a self-perpetuating animal.
In all parts it is the custom for
the Negroes to save a little garden patch about the
house, which, if properly tended, would supply the
family with vegetables throughout the year. This
is seldom the case. A recent Tuskegee catalog
commenting on this says:
“If they have any garden at all,
it is apt to be choked with weeds and other noxious
growths. With every advantage of soil and climate,
and with a steady market if they live near any city
or large town, few of the colored farmers get
any benefit from this, one of the most profitable
of all industries.”
As a matter of fact they care little
for vegetables and seldom know how to prepare them
for the table. The garden is regularly started
in the Spring, but seldom amounts to much. I
have ridden for a day with but a glimpse of a couple
of attempts. As a result there will be a few
collards, turnips, gourds, sweet potatoes and beans,
but the mass of the people buy the little they need
from the stores. A dealer in a little country
store told me last summer that he would make about
$75 an acre on three acres of watermelons, although
almost every purchaser could raise them if he would.
In many regions wild fruits are abundant, and blackberries
during the season are quite a staple, but they are
seldom canned. Some cattle are kept, but little
butter is made, and milk is seldom on the bill of
fare, the stock being sold when fat (?). Many
families keep chickens, usually of the variety known
as “dunghill fowls,” which forage for
themselves. But the market supplied with chickens
by the small farmers, as it might easily be. Whenever
opportunity offers, hunting and fishing become more
than diversions, and the fondness for coon and ’possum
is proverbial.
In a study of dietaries of Negroes
made under Tuskegee Institute and reported in Bulletin
N, Office of Experimental Stations, U. S. Dept.
of Agriculture, it is stated:
“Comparing these
negro dietaries with other dietaries and dietary
standards, it will be
seen that
“(1) The quantities of protein
are small. Roughly speaking, the food of
these negroes furnished one-third to three-fourths
as much protein as are called for in the current
physiological standards and as are actually found
in the dietaries of well fed whites in the United
States and well fed people in Europe. They were,
indeed, no larger than have been found in the
dietaries of the very poor factory operatives
and laborers in Germany and the laborers and beggars
in Italy.
“(2) In fuel value
the Negro dietaries compare quite favorably with
those of well-to-do
people of the laboring classes in Europe and
the United States.”
This indicates the ignorance of the
Negro regarding the food he needs, so that in a region
of plenty he is underfed as regards the muscle and
bone forming elements and overfed so far as fuel value
is concerned. One cannot help asking what effect
a normal diet would have upon the sexual passions.
It is worthy of notice that in the schools maintained
by the whites there is relatively little trouble on
this account. Possibly the changed life and food
are in no small measure responsible for the difference.
Under diversified farming there would
be steady employment most of the year, with a corresponding
increase of production. As it is there are two
busy seasons. In the Spring, planting and cultivating
cotton, say from March to July, and in the Fall, cotton
picking, September to December. The balance of
the time the average farmer does little work.
The present system entails a great loss of time.
The absence of good pastures and of
meadows is noticeable. This is also too true
of white farmers. Yet the grasses grow luxuriantly
and nothing but custom or something else accounts
for their absence; the something else is cotton.
The adaptability of cotton to the Negro is almost
providential. It has a long tap root and is able
to stand neglect and yet produce a reasonable crop.
The grains, corn and cane, with their surface roots,
will not thrive under careless handling.
The average farmer knows, or at least
utilizes few of the little economies which make agriculture
so profitable elsewhere. The Negro is thus under
a heavy handicap and does not get the most that he
might from present opportunities. I am fully
conscious that there are many farmers who take advantage
of these things and are correspondingly successful,
but they are not the average man of whom I am speaking.
With this general statement I pass to a consideration
of the situation in the various districts before mentioned.
TIDE WATER VIRGINIA.
The Virginia sea shore consists of
a number of peninsulas separated by narrow rivers
(salt water). The country along the shore and
the rivers is flat, with low hills in the interior.
North of Old Point Comfort the district is scarcely
touched by railroads and is accessible only by steamers.
Gloucester County, lying between York
River and Mob Jack Bay, is an interesting region.
The hilly soil of the central part sells at from $5
to $10 per acre, while the flat coast land, which is
richer although harder to drain, is worth from $25
to $50. The immediate water front has risen in
price in recent years and brings fancy prices for residence
purposes. Curiously enough some of the best land
of the county is that beneath the waters of the rivers the
oyster beds. Land for this use may be worth from
nothing to many hundreds of dollars an acre, according
to its nature. The county contains 250 square
miles, 6,224 whites and 6,608 blacks, the latter forming
51 per cent of the population.
This sea coast region offers peculiar
facilities for gaining an easy livelihood. There
are few negro families of which some member does not
spend part of the year fishing or oystering. There
has been a great development of the oyster industry.
The season lasts from September 1 to May 1, and good
workmen not infrequently make $2 a day or more when
they can work on the public beds. This last clause
is significant. It is stated that the men expect
to work most of September, October and November; one-half
of December and January; one-third of February; any
time in March is clear gain and all of April.
According to a careful study of the oyster industry
it was found that the oystermen, i. e., those
who dig the oysters from the rocks, make about $8 a
month, while families occupied in shucking oysters
earn up to $400 a year, three-fourths of them gaining
less than $250. The public beds yield less than
formerly and the business is gradually going into the
hands of firms maintaining their own beds, with a
corresponding reduction in possible earnings for the
oystermen.
The effect of this industry is twofold;
a considerable sum of money is brought into the county
and much of this has been invested in homes and small
farms. This is the bright side; but there is a
dark side. The boys are drawn out of the schools
by the age of 12 to work at shucking oysters, and
during the winter months near the rivers the boys will
attend only on stormy days. The men are also taken
away from the farms too early in the fall to gather
crops, and return too late in the spring to get the
best results from the farm work. The irregular
character of the employment reacts on the men and
they tend to drift to the cities during the summer,
although many find employment in berry picking about
Norfolk. Another result has been to make farm
labor very scarce. This naturally causes some
complaint. I do not say that the bad results
outweigh the good, but believe they must be considered.
The population is scattered over the
county, there being no towns of any size, and is denser
along the rivers than inland. The relations between
the two races are most friendly, although less satisfactory
between the younger generation. The Negroes make
no complaints of ill treatment. In the last ten
years there have been only four Negroes sentenced to
the state prison, while in the twelve months prior
to May 1, 1903, I was told that there was but one
trial for misdemeanor. It may be that the absence
of many of the young men for several months a year
accounts in part for the small amount of crime.
The jail stands empty most of the time. The chief
offenses are against the fish and oyster laws of the
state. Whites and blacks both claim that illegitimate
children are much rarer than formerly. I was
told of a case in which a young white man was fined
for attempting to seduce a colored girl. The races
have kept in touch. White ministers still preach
in negro churches, address Sunday-schools, etc.
In all save a few of the poorer districts
the old one-roomed cabin has given place to a comfortable
house of several rooms. The houses are often
white-washed, although their completion may take a
good many years. Stoves have supplanted fireplaces.
The fences about the yards are often neat and in good
repair. So far as housing conditions are concerned,
I have seen no rural district of the South to compare
with this. The old cabin is decidedly out of
fashion.
Turning to the farm proper, there
are other evidences of change. There are no women
working in the fields, their time being spent about
the house and the garden. The system of crop
liens is unknown. Each farmer raises his own
supplies, smokes his own meat or buys at the store
for cash or on credit. Wheat and corn are ground
in local mills. The heavy interest charges of
other districts are thus avoided. It is stated
that a great number of the Negroes are buying little
places, and this bears out the census figures, which
show that of the Negro farmers 90.9 per cent in this
county are owners or managers; the average for the
negroes as a whole is 27.1 per cent.
Although so many earn money in the
oyster business, there are others who have gotten
ahead by sticking to the farm. T
now owns part of the place on which he was a slave,
and his slave-time cabin is now used as a shed.
He began buying land in 1873, paying from $10 to $11.50
per acre, and by hard work and economy now owns sixty
acres which are worth much more than their first cost.
With the help of his boys, whom he has managed to
keep at home, he derives a comfortable income from
his land. His daughter, now his housekeeper,
teaches school near by during the winter. What
he has done others can do, he says.
Y is another who
has succeeded. His first payments were made from
the sale of wood cut in clearing the land. In
1903 his acres were planted as follows:
Orchard 2 acres.
Woodland 8 acres.
Pasture 10 acres.
Corn 8 acres.
Rye 3/4 acres.
Potato patch
Garden and yard.
His children are being trained at
Hampton, and he laughingly says that one boy is already
telling him how to get more produce from his land.
B is an oysterman
during the winter. He has purchased a small place
of four acres, for which he paid $18 per acre.
This ground he cultivates and has a few apple, plum
and peach trees in his yard. His case is typical.
Wages in the county are not high.
House servants get from $3 to $8 per month. Day
laborers are paid from 50 to 75 cents a day. Farm
hands get about $10 a month and two meals daily (breakfast
and dinner). I have already mentioned that farm
laborers were getting fewer, and those left are naturally
the less reliable. Many white farmers are having
considerable difficulty in carrying on their places.
The result is that many are only partially cultivating
the farms, and many of the younger men are abandoning
agriculture. What the final result will be is
hard to tell.
In summarizing it may be said that
agriculture is being somewhat neglected and that the
opportunity to earn money in the oyster industry acts
as a constant deterrent to agricultural progress, if
it is not directly injurious. Here, as elsewhere,
there is room for improvement in methods of tilling
the soil and in rotation of crops, use of animal manures,
etc.
The general social and moral improvement
has been noted. It is a pleasure to find that
one of the strongest factors in this improvement is
due to the presence in the county of a number of graduates
of Hampton who, in their homes, their schools and
daily life, have stood for better things.
CENTRAL VIRGINIA.
The difficulty of making general statements
true in all districts has elsewhere been mentioned.
The reader will not be surprised, therefore, to find
many things said in the immediately preceding pages
inapplicable to conditions in the tobacco districts.
The little town of Farmville, Va., is the market for
some 12,000,000 pounds of tobacco yearly. The
county Prince Edward contained in 1890 9,924 Negroes
and in 1900 but 9,769, a decrease of 155. The
county does not give one the impression of agricultural
prosperity. The surface is very rolling, the soil
sandy and thin in many places. Along the bottoms
there is good land, of less value than formerly because
of freshets. Practically all of the land has been
under cultivation at some time, and in heavily wooded
fields the corn rows may often be traced. On
every side are worn-out fields on which sassafras
soon gets a hold, followed by pine and other trees.
Labor conditions have been growing
worse, according to common report. It is harder
to get farm hands than formerly, and this difficulty
is most felt by those who exact the most. The
day laborer gets from 40 to 50 cents and his meals,
while for special work, such as cutting wheat, the
wage may rise to $1.50. Women no longer work in
the fields, and about the house get 35 cents per day.
Formerly women worked in the fields, and wages for
both sexes were lower. Hands by the month get
$7 to $8 and board. In this county are many small
white farmers who work in the fields with the men,
and the white housewife not infrequently cooks the
food for the Negroes quite a contrast to
typical southern practice.
The movement from the farm is not
an unmixed evil in that it is compelling the introduction
of improved machinery, such as mowing machines, binders.
On many a farm only scythes and cradles are known.
Another element in the problem is
the fact that many negroes have been getting little
places of their own and therefore do less work for
others. There are many whites who think this development
a step forward and believe that the land owners are
better citizens. There are others who claim that
the net result is a loss, in that they are satisfied
merely to eke out some sort of an existence and are
not spurred on to increased production. It is
quite commonly reported that there were some organizations
among the Negroes whose members agreed not to work
for the whites, but I cannot vouch for their existence.
Although agriculture here is much
more diversified than in the cotton belt, the Negro
finds it necessary to get advances. These are
usually supplied by commission merchants, who furnish
the fertilizers and necessary food, taking crop liens
as security. Advances begin in the spring and
last until the following December, when the tobacco
is marketed. The interest charged is 6 per cent,
but the goods sold on this plan are much enhanced
in price; interest is usually charged for a year,
and the merchant receives a commission of 2-1/2 per
cent for selling the tobacco, so the business appears
fairly profitable.
It is difficult to estimate the average
value of an acre of tobacco, as it varies so much
in quality as well as quantity. It is probably
safe to say that the Negroes do not average over $20
per acre, ranging from $15 to $25, and have perhaps
three or four acres in tobacco. It is generally
expected that the tobacco will about pay for the advances.
This would indicate, and the commission men confirm
it, that the average advance is between $50 and $75
per year. The rations given out are no longer
merely pork and meal, with which it is stated that
the Negroes are not now content, but include a more
varied diet.
The customary rent is one-fourth of
all that is produced, the landlord paying one-fourth
of the fertilizer (universally called guano in this
district). Tobacco makes heavy demands on the
soil and at least 400 pounds, a value of about $4.50
per acre, should be used. When the landlord furnishes
the horse or mule he pays also one-half of the fertilizer
and gets one-half of the produce. The rent on
tobacco land is thus large, but the average cash rental
is between $2 and $3.
The standard rotation of crops is
tobacco, wheat, clover, tobacco. The clover is
not infrequently skipped, the field lying fallow or
uncultivated until exhausted. The average farmer
thus has about as many acres in wheat as in tobacco
and raises perhaps twelve bushels of wheat per acre.
Some corn is also raised, and I have seen fields so
exhausted that the stalk at the ground was scarcely
larger than my middle finger. The corn crop may
possibly average 10 to 15 bushels per acre, or, in
Virginia terminology, 2 to 3 barrels.
The average farmer under present conditions
just about meets his advances with the tobacco raised.
He has about enough wheat to supply him with flour;
perhaps enough corn and hay for his ox or horse; possibly
enough meat for the family. The individual family
may fall short on any of these. The hay crop
is unsatisfactory, largely through neglect. In
May, 1903, on a Saturday, I saw wagon after wagon leaving
Farmville carrying bales of western hay. This
is scarcely an indication of thrift.
The impression one gets from traveling
about is that the extensive cultivation of tobacco,
in spite of the fact that it is the cash crop and
perhaps also the most profitable, is really a drawback
in that other possibilities are obscured. It
may be that the line of progress will not be to abandon
tobacco, but to introduce more intensive cultivation,
for the average man, white or black, does not get
a proper return from an acre. To-day there is
always a likelihood that more tobacco will be planted
than can be properly cultivated, for it is a plant
which demands constant and careful attention until
it is marketed.
B has a big family
of children and lives in a large cabin, one room with
a loft. He owns a pair of oxen and manages to
raise enough to feed them. He also raises about
enough meat for his family. During the season
of 1902 he raised $175 worth of tobacco; corn valued
at $37.50 and 16 bushels of wheat, a total of about
$221. Deducting one-fourth for rent and estimating
his expenses for fertilizer at $25, he had about $140
out of which to pay all other expenses. B
is considered a very good man, who tends carefully
and faithfully to his work. It is evident, however,
that his margin is small.
The farmer has opportunities to supplement
his earnings. Cordwood finds ready sale in the
towns at $2 per cord, and I have seen many loads of
not over one-fourth of a cord hauled to market by a
small steer. Butter, eggs and chickens yield
some returns and the country produces blackberries
in profusion.
There are some Negroes who are making
a comfortable living on the farms and whose houses
and yards are well kept. As has been said, this
is not the general impression made by the district.
Considerable sums of money are sent in by children
working in the northern cities. This is offset,
however, by those who come back in the winter to live
off their parents, having squandered all their own
earnings elsewhere.
The situation in a word is: A
generation or more of reliance on one crop, neglect
of other crops and of stock, resulting in deteriorated
land. The labor force attracted to the towns and
the North by higher wages. Natural result:
Decadence of agricultural conditions, affording at
the same time a chance for many Negroes to become land
owners. When the process will stop or the way
out I know not. Perhaps the German immigrants
who are beginning to buy up some of the farms may lead
the way to a better husbandry.
For an interesting account of conditions
in the town of Farmville see “The Negroes of
Farmville,” by W. E. B. DuBois, Bulletin Department
of Labor, January, 1898.
THE SEA COAST.
The low-lying coast of South Carolina
and Georgia, with its fringe of islands, has long
been the seat of a heavy Negro population. Of
the counties perhaps none is more interesting than
Beaufort, the southernmost of South Carolina.
The eastern half of the county is cut up by many salt
rivers into numerous islands. Broad River separates
these from the mainland. The Plant System has
a line on the western edge of the county, while the
Georgia Railroad runs east to Port Royal. According
to the census, the county contains 943 square miles
of land and a population of 32,137 blacks and 3,349
whites, the Negroes thus forming 90 per cent of the
total. There are 37 persons to the square mile.
With the exception of Beaufort and Port Royal, the
whites are found on the western side of the county.
The islands are almost solid black. Just after
the war many of the plantations were sold for taxes
and fell into the hands of the Negroes, the funds realized
being set apart for the education of the blacks, the
interest now amounting to some $2,000 a year.
In the seventies there was a great development of
the phosphate industry, which at its height employed
hundreds of Negroes, taken from the farms. Enormous
fertilizer plants were erected. Most of this
is now a thing of the past and the dredges lie rotting
at the wharves. It is the general opinion that
the influence of this industry was not entirely beneficial,
although it set much money in circulation. It
drew the men from the farms, and now they tend to drift
to the cities rather than return.
A livelihood is easily gained.
The creeks abound with fish, crabs and oysters.
There is plenty of work on the farms for those who
prefer more steady labor. Land valued at about
$10 per acre may be rented for $1. More than
ten acres to the tenant is not usual, and I was told
that it is very common for a family to rent all the
land it wants for $10 per year, the presumption being
that not over ten acres would be utilized. The
staple crop for the small farmer is the sea island
cotton. Under the present culture land devoted
to this lies fallow every other year. The islands
are low and flat, subject to severe storms, that of
1893 having destroyed many lives and much property.
The county was originally heavily wooded and there
is still an abundance for local purposes, though the
supply is low in places. On the islands the blacks
have been almost alone for a generation and by many
it is claimed that there has been a decided retrogression.
By common consent St. Helena Island, which lies near
Beaufort, is considered the most prosperous of the
Negro districts. On this island are over 8,000
blacks and some 200 whites. The cabins usually
have two rooms, many having been partitioned to make
the second. They are of rough lumber, sometimes
whitewashed, but seldom painted. There are few
fences and some damage is done by stock. Outbuildings
are few; privies are almost unknown even
at the schools there are no closets of any kind.
The wells are shallow, six feet or so in depth with
a few driven to 12 or 17 feet. A few have pumps,
the rest are open. At present there is no dispensary
on the island but there are a number of “blind
tigers.” The nearest physician is at Beaufort
and the cost of a single visit is from five to ten
dollars. The distance from the doctors is said
not to be an unmixed evil as it saves much foolish
expenditure of money in fancied ills.
In slavery times there were 61 plantations
on the island and their names, as Fripps Corner, Oaks,
still survive to designate localities. There
was in olden times little contact with the whites as
Negro drivers were common. Each plantation still
has its “prayer house” at which religious
services are held. Meetings occur on different
nights on the various plantations to enable the people
to get all the religion they need. These meetings
are often what are known as “shouts,” when
with much shouting and wild rhythmic dancing the participants
keep on till exhausted. The suggestion of Africa
is not vague. The Virginia Negro views these
gatherings with as much astonishment as does any white.
Many of the blacks speak a strange dialect hard to
understand. “Shum,” for instance,
being the equivalent for “see them.”
The land is sandy and should have
skillful handling to get the best results. Yet
the farming is very unscientific. The first plowing
is shallow and subsequent cultivation is done almost
entirely with hoes. When a Hampton graduate began
some new methods last year the people came for miles
to see his big plow. It is said that there was
more plowing than usual as a result. The daily
life of the farmer is about as follows: Rising
between four and five he goes directly to the field,
eating nothing until eight or nine, when he has some
“grits,” a sort of fine hominy cooked
like oat meal. Many eat nothing until they leave
the field at eleven for dinner, which also consists
of grits with some crabs in summer and fish in winter.
Some have only these two meals a day. Corn bread
and molasses are almost unknown and when they have
molasses it is eaten with a spoon. Knives and
forks are seldom used. One girl of eighteen did
not know how to handle a knife. There are numbers
of cows on the island, but milk is seldom served,
the cattle being sold for beef. The draft animals
are usually small oxen or ponies, called “salt
marsh tackies,” as they are left to pick their
living from the marshes. Some chickens and turkeys
are raised, but no great dependence is placed on them.
There are no geese and few ducks. Little commercial
fertilizer is used, the marsh grass, which grows in
great abundance, being an excellent substitute of
which the more progressive take advantage. The
following statement will illustrate the situation of
three typical families, an unusual, a good, and an
average farmer. The figures are for 1902:
The rice is grown without flooding
and known as “Providence Rice.”
With the great ease of getting a livelihood
the advances necessarily are small. From January
1, 1902, to July 15 (which is near the close of the
advancing season) several average families had gotten
advances averaging $15.00. The firm which does
most of the advancing on the island writes: “We
have some that get more. A few get $50.00 or about
that amount, but we make it a point not to let the
colored people or our customers get too much in debt.
We have to determine about what they need and we have
always given them what was necessary to help them make
a crop according to their conditions and circumstances
as they present themselves to us.” The
firm reports that they collect each year about 90 per
cent of their outstanding accounts.
This is then recorded in the County
Court as is an ordinary mortgage.
On this island considerable money
has been saved and is now deposited with a firm of
merchants in whom the people have confidence.
In July, 1902, there were about 100 individual depositors
having some $4,000 to their credit. The money
can be withdrawn at any time, all debts to the firm
being first settled. Interest at five per cent.
is allowed. Some of this money comes from pensions.
There are round about Beaufort a considerable number
of U. S. pensioners, as the city was headquarters
for Union soldiers for a long time. The effect
of the pensions is claimed both by whites and blacks
to be bad.
A great deal of the credit for the
good conditions, relatively speaking, which prevail
on St. Helena is given to the Penn School which for
years has come into close touch with the lives of
the people. The Negroes have also been in touch
with a good class of whites, who have encouraged all
efforts at improvement. Wherever the credit lies,
the visitor is struck by the difference between conditions
here and on some other islands, for instance, Lady’s
Island, which lies between St. Helena and Beaufort.
Even here it is claimed that the older generation is
more industrious.
In the trucking industry, which is
very profitable along the coast, the Negroes have
only been engaged as ordinary laborers. On the
main land, wherever fresh water can be obtained, is
the seat of a considerable rice industry. In
recent years, owing to the cutting of the forests in
the hills, the planters are troubled by freshets in
the spring and droughts in the summer. The work
is done by Negroes under direction of white foremen.
The men work harder on contract jobs, but work by the
day is better done. Women are in better repute
as laborers than the men and it is stated that more
women support their husbands than formerly was the
case. Wages range from $.35 to $.50 per day, varying
somewhat according to the work done. They are
paid in cash and the planters have given up the plantation
store in many cases. All work must be constantly
supervised and it is said to be harder and harder to
get work done. A planter found it almost impossible
in the winter of 1901 to get fifty cords of wood cut,
the work being considered too heavy. When I left
the train at Beaufort and found twelve hacks waiting
for about three passengers it was evident where some
of the labor force had gone.
In this county there is a great development
of burial and sick benefit societies. The “Morning
Star”, “Star of Hope”, “Star
of Bethlehem” are typical names. The dues
are from five to ten cents a week. Many of the
societies have good sized halls, rivaling ofttimes
the churches, on the various islands, which are used
for lodge and social purposes.
Beaufort and the other towns offer
the country people an opportunity to dispose of fish
and any garden produce they may raise, while it is
not uncommon to see a little ox dragging a two-wheeled
cart and perhaps a quarter of a cord of wood to be
hawked about town. During part of the summer
a good many gather a species of plant which is used
in adulterating cigarettes and cigars.
This little account indicates that,
so far as the farmers are concerned, there are few
evidences of any decided progress save in the district
which has been under the influence of one school.
The ease of getting a livelihood acts as a deterrent
to ambition. Yet the old families say that they
have the “best niggers of the South” and
certain it is that race troubles are unknown.
CENTRAL DISTRICT.
In the central district life is a
little more strenuous than on the sea coast.
The cabins are about the same. The average tenant
has a “one mule farm,” some thirty or
thirty-five acres. Occasionally the tenant has
more land, but only about this amount is cultivated
and no rent is paid for the balance. The area
of the land is usually estimated and only rarely is
it surveyed. This land ranges in value from $5.00
to $15.00 per acre on the average. The customary
rental for a “one mule farm” is about
two bales of cotton, whose value in recent years would
be in the neighborhood of $75.00, thus making the
rental about $3.00 per acre. On this farm from
four to six bales of cotton are raised. The soil
has been injured by improper tillage and requires
an expenditure of $1.75 to $2.00 per acre for fertilizers
if the best results are to be obtained. As yet
the Negroes do not fully appreciate this. The
farmer secures advances based on 1 peck of meal and
3 pounds of “side meat,” fat salt pork,
per week for each working hand. About six dollars
a month is the limit for advances and as these are
continued for only seven months or so the average
advance received is probably not far from $50.00 per
year. An advance of $10.00 per month is allowed
for a two horse farm. The advancer obligates
himself to furnish only necessities and any incidentals
must be supplied from sale of poultry, berries and
the like. Clothing may often be reckoned as an
incidental. The luxuries are bought with cash
or on the installment plan and are seldom indicated
by the books of the merchant. The cost of the
average weekly advances for a family in 1902 was:
Conditions throughout this district
are believed to be fairly uniform, but the following
information was gathered in Lowndes County, Alabama,
so has closest connection with the prairie region of
that state:
Lowndes County lies just southwest
of Montgomery and there are 47 persons to the square
mile. The Negroes form 86 per cent. of the population.
East and West throughout the county runs the Chennenugga
Ridge, a narrow belt of hills which separate the prairie
from the pine hills to the South. The ridge is
quite broken and in places can not be tilled profitably.
The county is of average fertility, however.
There are not an unusual number of
one-room cabins. Out of 74 families, comprising
416 people, the average was 7 to the room, the greatest
number living in one room was 11. The families
were housed as follows:
The cabins are built of both boards
and logs as indicated by cuts on pages 43 and 44 while
the interior economy is well shown by the photograph
on page 29.
Field work is from sun to sun with
two hours or so rest at noon. The man usually
eats breakfast in the field, the wife staying behind
to prepare it. It consists of pork and corn bread.
The family come from the field about noon and have
dinner consisting of pork and corn bread, with collards,
turnip greens, roasting ears, etc. At sundown
work stops and supper is eaten, the menu being as
at breakfast. The pork eaten by the Negroes,
it may be said, is almost solid fat, two or three inches
thick, lean meat not being liked. The housewife
has few dishes, the food being cooked in pots or in
small ovens set among the ashes. Stoves are a
rarity. Lamps are occasionally used, but if the
chimney be broken it is rarely replaced, the remainder
being quite good enough for ordinary purposes.
The cabins seldom have glass windows, but instead wooden
shutters, which swing outward on hinges. These
are shut at night and even during the hottest summer
weather there is practically no ventilation.
How it is endured I know not, but the custom prevails
even in Porto Rico I am told. In winter the cabins
are cold. To meet this the thrifty housewife
makes bed quilts and as many as 25 or 30 of these are
not infrequently found in a small cabin. The floors
are rough and not always of matched lumber, while
the cabins are poorly built. The usual means
of heating, and cooking, is the big fireplace.
Sometimes the chimney is built of sticks daubed over
with mud, the top of the chimney often failing to
reach the ridge of the roof. Fires sometimes result.
Tables and chairs are rough and rude. Sheets are
few, the mattresses are of cotton, corn shucks or
pine straw, and the pillows of home grown feathers.
The following regarding the cooking
of the Alabama Negro is taken from a letter published
in Bulletin N, U. S. Department of Agriculture,
Office of the Experiment Stations:
“The daily fare is prepared in
very simple ways. Corn meal is mixed with
water and baked on the flat surface of a hoe or griddle.
The salt pork is sliced thin and fried until
very brown and much of the grease tried out.
Molasses from cane or sorghum is added to the fat,
making what is known as ‘sap,’ which is
eaten with the corn bread. Hot water sweetened
with molasses is used as a beverage. This
is the hill of fare of most of the cabins on the plantations
of the ‘black belt’ three times a
day during the year. It is, however, varied
at times; thus collards and turnips are boiled with
the bacon, the latter being used with the vegetables
to supply fat ‘to make it rich.’
The corn meal bread is sometimes made into so-called
‘cracklin bread,’ and is prepared as follows:
A piece of fat bacon is fried until it is brittle;
it is then crushed and mixed with corn meal,
water, soda and salt, and baked in an oven over
the fireplace.... One characteristic of the cooking
is that all meats are fried or otherwise cooked
until they are crisp. Observation among
these people reveals the fact that very many of them
suffer from indigestion in some form.”
As elsewhere the advances are supplied
by the planter or some merchant. The legal rate
of interest is 8 per cent, but no Negro ever borrows
money at this rate. Ten per cent. per year is
considered cheap, while on short terms the rate is
often 10 per cent. per week. The average tenant
pays from 12.5 per cent. to 15 per cent. for his advances,
which are sold at an average of 25 per cent. higher
than cash prices on the average. To avoid any
possible trouble it is quite customary to reckon the
interest and then figure this into the face of the
note so that none can tell either the principal or
the rate. Below is an actual copy of such a note,
the names being changed:
$22.00.
Calhoun, Alabama, June 2, 1900.
Value received.
And so far as this debt is concerned,
and as part of the consideration thereof, I do
hereby waive all right which I or either of us
have under the Constitution and Laws of this or any
other State to claim or hold any personal property
exempt to me from levy and sale under execution.
And should it become necessary to employ an attorney
in the collection of this debt I promise to pay
all reasonable attorney’s fees charged therefor.
Attest: C. W. James.
his
A. T. Jones. John
X. Smith.
mark.
The possibility of extortion which
this method makes possible is evident.
It is worth while also to reproduce
a copy, actual with the exception of the names, of
one of the blanket mortgages often given. The
italics are mine.
The state of Alabama,
Lowndes county.
On or before the first day of October
next I promise to pay Jones and Co., or order,
the sum of $77.00 at their office in Fort Deposit,
Alabama. And I hereby waive all right of exemption
secured to me under and by the Laws and Constitution
of the State of Alabama as to the collection
of this debt. And I agree to pay all the
costs of making, recording, probating or acknowledging
this instrument, together with a reasonable attorney’s
fee, and all other expenses incident to the collection
of this debt, whether by suit or otherwise.
And to secure the payment of the above note, as well
as all other indebtedness I may now owe the said Jones
and Co., and all future advances I may purchase
from the said Jones and Co. during the year 1900,
whether due and payable during the year 1900 or
not, and for the further consideration of one Dollar
to me in hand paid by Jones and Co., the receipt
whereof I do hereby acknowledge, I do hereby
grant, bargain, sell and convey unto said Jones
and Co. the entire crops of corn, cotton, cotton
seed, fodder, potatoes, sugar cane and its products
and all other crops of every kind and description
which may be made and grown during the year 1900
on lands owned, leased, rented or farmed on shares
for or by the undersigned in Lowndes County, Alabama,
or elsewhere. Also any crops to or in which
the undersigned has or may have any interest,
right, claim or title in Lowndes County or elsewhere
during and for each succeeding year until the
indebtedness secured by this instrument is fully
paid. Also all the corn, cotton, cotton
seed, fodder, peas, and all other farm produce now
in the possession of the undersigned. Also
all the live stock, vehicles and farming implements
now owned by or furnished to the undersigned by
Jones and Co. during the year 1900. Also one red
horse “Lee,” one red neck cow “Priest,”
and her calf, one red bull yearling. Said
property is situated in Lowndes County, Alabama.
If, after maturity, any part of the unpaid indebtedness
remains unpaid, Jones and Co., or their agents
or assigns, are authorized and empowered to seize
and sell all or any of the above described property,
at private sale or public auction, as they may
elect, for cash. If at public auction, before
their store door or elsewhere, in Fort Deposit,
Alabama, after posting for five days written notice
of said sale on post office door in said town,
and to apply the proceeds of said sale to the
payment, first of all costs and expenses provided
for in the above note and expense of seizing and selling
said property; second, to payment in full of debt or
debts secured by said mortgage, and the surplus,
if any, pay to the undersigned. And the
said mortgagee or assigns is hereby authorized to
purchase at his own sale under this mortgage.
I agree that no member of my family, nor anyone
living with me, nor any person under my control,
shall have an extra patch on the above described lands,
unless covered by this mortgage; and I also agree that
this mortgage shall cover all such patches.
It is further agreed and understood that any
securities held by Jones and Co. as owner or assignee
on any of the above described property executed by
me prior to executing this mortgage shall be
retained by them, and shall remain in full force
and effect until the above note and future advances
are paid in full, and shall be additional security
for this debt. There is no lien or encumbrance
upon any property conveyed by this instrument
except that held by Jones and Co. and the above
specified rents. If, before the demands hereby
secured are payable, any of the property conveyed
herein shall be in danger of (or from) waste,
destruction or removal, said demands shall be
then payable and all the terms, rights and powers of
this instrument operative and enforceable, as
if and under a past due mortgage.
Witness my hand and seal this
10th day of January, 1900.
Attest: B. C. Cook.
Sam small. L. S.
R. J. Bennett.
It may be granted that experience
has shown all this verbiage to be necessary.
In the hands of an honest landlord it is as meaningless
as that in the ordinary contract we sign in renting
a house. In the hands of a dishonest landlord
or merchant it practically enables him to make a serf
of the Negro. The mortgage is supposed to be filed
at once, but it is sometimes held to see if there
is any other security which might be included.
The rascally creditor watches the crop and if the Negro
may have a surplus he easily tempts him to buy more,
or more simply still, he charges to his account imaginary
purchases, so that at the end of the year the Negro
is still in debt. The Negro has no redress.
He can not prove that he has not purchased the goods
and his word will not stand against the merchant’s.
Practically he is tied down to the land, for no one
else will advance him under these conditions.
Sometimes he escapes by getting another merchant to
settle his account and by becoming the tenant of the
new man. When it is remembered that land is abundant
and good labor rare, the temptation to hold a man
on the land by fair means or foul is apparent.
Moreover, the merchant by specious reasoning often
justifies his own conduct. He says that the Negro
will spend his money at the first opportunity and
that he might just as well have it as some other merchant.
I would not be understood as saying that this action
is anything but the great exception but there are
dishonest men everywhere who are ready to take advantage
of their weaker fellows and the Negro suffers as a
result, just as the ignorant foreigner does in the
cities of the North.
The interest may also be reckoned
into the face of the mortgage. In any case it
begins the day the paper is signed, although the money
or its equivalent is only received at intervals and
a full year’s interest is paid, often on the
face of the mortgage, even if only two-thirds of it
has actually been advanced to the Negro, no matter
when the account is settled. The helplessness
of the Negro who finds himself in the hands of a sharper
is obvious when that sharper has practical control
of the situation. In many and curious ways the
landlord seeks to hold his tenants. He is expected
to stand by them in time of trouble, to protect them
against the aggressions of other blacks and of whites
as well. This paternalism is often carried to
surprising lengths.
The size of a man’s family is
known and the riders see to it that he keeps all the
working hands in the field. If the riders have
any trouble with a Negro they are apt to take it out
in physical punishment, to “wear him out,”
as the phrase goes. Thus resentment is seldom
harbored against a Negro and there are many who claim
that this physical discipline is far better than any
prison regime in its effects upon the Negro.
In spite of all that is done it is claimed that the
Negroes are getting less reliable and that the chief
dependence is now in the older men, the women and
the children. One remark, made by a planter’s
wife, which impressed me as having a good deal of
significance, was, “the Negroes do not sing
as much now as formerly.”
An examination of the accounts reveals
that there is a charge for extra labor, which for
the third family was very heavy. This results
from the fact that the average family could,
but does not pick all the cotton it makes,
so when it is seen that enough is on hand to pay all
the bills and leave a balance it is very careless
about the remainder. Planters have great difficulty
in getting all the cotton picked and a considerable
portion is often lost. Extra labor must be imported.
This is hard to get and forms, when obtained, a serious
burden on the income of the tenant.
On the plantation from whose books
the above records were taken the system of bookkeeping
is more than usually careful and the gin account thus
forms a separate item so that although all planters
charge for the ginning the charge does not always
appear on the books.
These three families are believed
to be average and indicate what it is possible for
the typical family to do under ordinary conditions.
It is but fair to state that the owners of this plantation
make many efforts to get their tenants to improve
their condition and will not long keep those whose
accounts do not show a credit balance at the end of
the year. A copy of the lease in use will be
of interest and its stipulations form quite a contrast
to the one quoted from Alabama. The cash and
share leases are identical save for necessary changes
in form. The names are fictitious.
“This Contract, made this date
and terminating December 31, 1902, between Smith
and Brown, and John Doe, hereinafter called tenant,
Witnesses: That Smith and Brown have this
day rented and set apart to John Doe for the
year 1902 certain twenty acres of land on James Plantation,
Washington County, Mississippi, at a rental price per
acre of seven dollars and fifty cents. Smith
and Brown hereby agree to furnish, with said
land, a comfortable house and good pump, and to
grant to the said tenant the free use of such wood
as may be necessary for his domestic purposes
and to advance such supplies, in such quantity
and manner as may be mutually agreed upon as being
necessary to maintain him in the cultivation of
said land; it being now mutually understood that
by the term “supplies” is meant meat,
meal, molasses, tobacco, snuff, medicine and medical
attention, good working shoes and clothes, farming
implements and corn. It is also hereby mutually
agreed and understood that anything other than the
articles herein enumerated is to be advanced to the
said tenant only as the condition of his crops
and account and the manner of his work shall,
in the judgment of Smith and Brown, be deemed to entitle
him. They also agree to keep said house and pump
in good repair and to keep said land well ditched
and drained.
Being desirous of having said tenant
raise sufficient corn to supply his needs during
the ensuing year, in consideration of his planting
such land in corn as they may designate, they hereby
agree to purchase from said tenant all corn over
and above such as may be necessary for his needs,
and to pay therefor the market price; and to
purchase all corn raised by him in the event be wishes
to remove from James plantation at the termination
of this contract. In consideration of the
above undertaking on Smith and Brown’s part,
the said tenant hereby agrees to sell to them
all surplus corn raised by him and in the event
of his leaving James’ plantation at the
termination of this contract to sell to them all corn
he may have on hand: in each case at the
market price.
The said Smith and Brown hereby reserve
to themselves all liens for rent and supplies
on all cotton, cotton seed, corn and other agricultural
products, grown upon said land during the year 1902,
granted under Sections 2495 and 2496 of the Code
of 1892. They hereby agree to handle and
sell for the said tenant all cotton and other
crops raised by him for sale, to the best of their
ability, and to account to him for the proceeds
of the same when sold. They also reserve
to themselves the right to at all times exercise such
supervision as they may deem necessary over the
planting and cultivating of all crops to be raised
by him during the year 1902.
The said John Doe hereby rents from
Smith and Brown the above mentioned land for
the year 1902 and promises to pay therefor seven dollars
and a half per acre on or before November the first,
1902, and hereby agrees to all the terms and
stipulations herein mentioned.
He furthermore represents to Smith
and Brown that he has sufficient force to properly
plant and cultivate same, and agrees that if at any
time in their judgment his crops may be in need of
cultivation, they may have the necessary work
done and charge same to his account.
He furthermore agrees to at all times
properly control his family and hands, both as
to work and conduct, and obligates himself to prevent
any one of them from causing any trouble whatsoever,
either to his neighbors or to Smith and Brown.
He also agrees to plant and cultivate
all land allotted to him, including the edges
of the roads, turn rows, and ditch banks, and to
keep the latter at all times clean and to plant no
garden or truck patches in his field.
He also agrees to gather
and deliver all agricultural products
which he may raise for
sale to said Smith and Brown, as they may
designate to be handled
and sold by them, for his account.
He also agrees not to
abandon, neglect, turn back or leave his
crops or any part of
them, nor to allow his family or hands to do
so, until entirely gathered
and delivered.
In order that Smith and Brown may be
advised of the number of tenants which they may
have to secure for the ensuing year, in ample
time to enable them to provide for the same, the said
tenant hereby agrees to notify them positively
by December 10, 1902, whether or not he desires
to remain on James’ Plantation for the ensuing
year. Should he not desire to remain, then he
agrees to deliver to Smith and Brown possession
of the house now allotted to him by January 1st,
1903. In order that said tenant may have ample
time in which to provide for himself a place for
the ensuing year, Smith and Brown hereby agree
to notify him by December 10, 1902, should they
not want him as a tenant during the ensuing year.
Witness our signatures, this the
15th day of December, 1901.
Smithand brown.
John
Doe.
Witness: J. W. James.
The owners have been unable to carry
out their efforts in full, but the result has been
very creditable. The lease is much preferable
to the one given on page 46.
If, as I believe, the families above
reported are average and are living under ordinary
conditions, it seems evident that a considerable surplus
results from their labors each year. I wish I
could add that the money were being either wisely
spent or saved and invested. This does not seem
to be the case and it is generally stated that the
amount of money wasted in the fall of the year by
the blacks of the Delta is enormous. In the cabins
the great catalogs of the mail order houses of Montgomery
Ward & Co., and Sears, Roebuck & Co., of Chicago are
often found, and the express agents say that large
shipments of goods are made to the Negroes. Patent
medicines form no inconsiderable proportion of these
purchases, while “Stutson” hats, as the
Negro says, are required by the young bloods.
The general improvidence of the people is well illustrated
by the following story related by a friend of the writer.
At the close of one season an old Negro woman came
to his wife for advice as to the use to be made of
her savings, some $125. She was advised to buy
some household necessities and to put the remainder
in a bank, above all she was cautioned to beware of
any who sought to get her to squander the money.
The woman left but in about two weeks’ time returned
to borrow some money. It developed that as she
went down the street a Jewess invited her to come
in and have a cup of coffee. The invitation was
accepted and during the conversation she was advised
to spend the money. This she did, and when the
transactions were over the woman had one barrel of
flour, one hundred pounds of meat, ten dollars or so
worth of cheap jewelry, some candy and other incidentals
and no money. Foolish expenditures alone, according
to the belief of the planters, prevent the Negroes
from owning the entire land in a generation. I
would not give the impression that there are no Negro
land owners in this region. Thousands of acres
have been purchased and are held by them, but we are
speaking of average families.
Some curious customs prevail.
The planters generally pay the Negroes in cash for
their cotton seed and this money the blacks consider
as something peculiarly theirs, not to be used for
any debts they may have. Although the prices
for goods advanced are higher than cash prices, the
Negroes will often, when spring comes, insist that
they be advanced, so have the goods charged even at
the higher prices, even though they have the cash
on hand. This great over-appreciation of present
goods is a drawback to their progress.
In this district I found little dissatisfaction
among the Negro farmers. They felt that their
opportunities were good. Those who come from the
hills can scarce believe their eyes at the crops produced
and constantly ask when the cotton plants are going
to turn yellow and droop. That there is little
migration back to the hills is good evidence of the
relative standing of the two districts in their eyes.
Wages for day labor range from 60
to 75 cents, but the extra labor imported for cotton
picking makes over double this.
THE SUGAR REGION.
South of Baton Rouge, Louisiana, the
alluvial district is largely given over to the growing
of sugar cane with occasional fields of rice.
The district under cultivation stretches back from
the river a couple of miles or so to the edge of the
woods beyond which at present there is no tillable
ground, though drainage will gradually push back the
line of the forest. These sugar lands are valued
highly, $100 or so an acre, and the capital invested
in the great sugar houses is enormous. Probably
nowhere in agricultural pursuits is there a more thorough
system of bookkeeping than on these plantations.
This land is cultivated by hired hands, who work immediately
under the eye of overseers. Nowhere is the land
let out in small lots to tenants. Conditions are
radically different from those prevailing in the cotton
regions. The work season, it is claimed, begins
on the first day of January and ends on the 31st of
December, and every day between when the weather permits
work in the fields there is work to be done.