What the Stage is now, I presume,
all know. I am not myself a playgoer, but I
am informed that, in Europe at least, it is not in
a state to arouse any deep interest or respect in
any cultivated or virtuous person. Meanwhile,
keeping fast to my intention of talking to you only
about things worthy of your interest and respect,
because they are good, true, and beautiful, I wish
to tell you what the Stage was once, in a republic
of the past what it may be again, I sometimes
dream, in some republic of the future.
Let me take you back in fancy some
2314 years 440 years before the Christian
era, and try to sketch for you alas! how
clumsily a great, though tiny people, in
one of their greatest moments in one of
the greatest moments, it may be, of the human race.
For surely it is a great and a rare moment for humanity,
when all that is loftiest in it when reverence
for the Unseen powers, reverence for the heroic dead,
reverence for the father-land; and that reverence,
too, for self, which is expressed in stateliness and
self-restraint, in grace and courtesy; when all these,
I say, can lend themselves, even for a day, to the
richest enjoyment of life to the enjoyment
of beauty in form and sound, and of relaxation, not
brutalizing, but ennobling.
Rare, alas! have such seasons been
in the history of poor humanity. But when they
have come, they have lifted it up one stage higher
thenceforth. Men, having been such once, may
become such again; and the work which such times have
left behind them becomes immortal.
A thing of beauty is a joy
for ever.
Let me take you to the then still
unfinished theatre of Athens, hewn out of the limestone
rock on the south-east slope of the Acropolis.
Above are the new marble buildings
of the Parthenon, rich with the statues and bas-reliefs
of Phidias and his scholars, gleaming white against
the blue sky, with the huge bronze statue of Athene
Promachos, fifty feet in height, towering up among
the temples and colonnades. In front, and far
below, gleams the blue sea, and Salamis beyond.
And there are gathered the people
of Athens 50,000 of them, possibly, when
the theatre was complete and full. If it be fine,
they all wear garlands on their heads. If the
sun be too hot, they wear wide-brimmed straw hats.
And if a storm comes on, they will take refuge in
the pórticos beneath; not without wine and cakes,
for what they have come to see will last for many
an hour, and they intend to feast their eyes and ears
from sunrise to sunset. On the highest seats
are slaves and freedmen, below them the free citizens;
and on the lowest seats of all are the dignitaries
of the republic the priests, the magistrates,
and the other [Greek text] the fair and
good men as the citizens of the highest
rank were called, and with them foreign ambassadors
and distinguished strangers. What an audience the
rapidest, subtlest, wittiest, down to the very cobblers
and tinkers, the world has ever seen. And what
noble figures on those front seats; Pericles, with
Aspasia beside him, and all his friends Anaxagoras
the sage, Phidias the sculptor, and many another immortal
artist; and somewhere among the free citizens, perhaps
beside his father Sophroniscus the sculptor, a short,
square, pugnosed boy of ten years old, looking at it
all with strange eyes ’who will be
one day,’ so said the Pythoness at Delphi, ’the
wisest man in Greece’ sage, metaphysician,
humourist, warrior, patriot, martyr for
his name is Socrates.
All are in their dresses of office;
for this is not merely a day of amusement, but of
religious ceremony; sacred to Dionysos Bacchus,
the inspiring god, who raises men above themselves,
for good or for evil.
The evil, or at least the mere animal
aspect of that inspiration, was to be seen in forms
grotesque and sensuous enough in those very festivals,
when the gayer and coarser part of the population,
in town and country, broke out into frantic masquerade,
of which that silly carnival of Rome is perhaps the
last paltry and unmeaning relic. ‘When,’
as the learned O. Muller says, ’the desire of
escaping from self into something new and strange,
of living in an imaginary world, broke forth in a thousand
ways; not merely in revelry and solemn, though fantastic
songs, but in a hundred disguises, imitating the subordinate
beings satyrs, pans, and nymphs, by whom
the god was surrounded, and through whom life seemed
to pass from him into vegetation, and branch off into
a variety of beautiful or grotesque forms beings
who were ever present to the fancy of the Greeks,
as a convenient step by which they could approach more
nearly to the presence of the Divinity.’
But even out of that seemingly bare chaos, Athenian
genius was learning how to construct, under Eupolis,
Cratinus and Aristophanes, that elder school of comedy,
which remains not only unsurpassed, but unapproachable,
save by Rabelais alone, as the ideal cloudland of
masquerading wisdom, in which the whole universe goes
mad but with a subtle method in its madness.
Yes, so it has been, under some form
or other, in every race and clime ever
since Eve ate of the magic fruit, that she might be
as a god, knowing good and evil, and found, poor thing,
as most have since, that it was far easier and more
pleasant to know the evil than to know the good.
But that theatre was built that men might know therein
the good as well as the evil. To learn the evil,
indeed, according to their light, and the sure vengeance
of Ate and the Furies which tracks up the evil-doer.
But to learn also the good lessons of piety,
patriotism, heroism, justice, mercy, self-sacrifice,
and all that comes out of the hearts of men and women
not dragged below, but raised above themselves;
and behind all at least in the nobler and
earlier tragedies of AEschylus and Sophocles, before
Euripides had introduced the tragedy of mere human
passion; that sensation tragedy, which is the only
one the world knows now, and of which the world is
growing rapidly tired behind all, I say,
lessons of the awful and unfathomable mystery of human
existence, of unseen destiny; of that seemingly capricious
distribution of weal and woe, to which we can find
no solution on this side the grave, for which the
old Greek could find no solution whatsoever.
Therefore there was a central object
in the old Greek theatre, most important to it, but
which does not exist in our theatres, and did not in
the old Roman; because our tragedies, like the Roman,
are mere plays concerning love, murder, and so forth,
while the Greek were concerning the deepest relations
of man to the Unseen.
The almost circular orchestra, or
pit, between the benches and the stage, was empty
of what we call spectators because it was
destined for the true and ideal spectators the
representatives of humanity; in its centre was a round
platform, the [Greek text] originally the
altar of Bacchus from which the leader
of these representatives, the leader of the Chorus,
could converse with the actors on the stage and take
his part in the drama; and round this thymele the
Chorus ranged, with measured dance and song, chanting,
to the sound of a simple flute, odes such as the world
had never heard before or since, save perhaps in the
temple-worship at Jerusalem. A chorus now, as
you know, means merely any number of persons singing
in full harmony on any subject. The Chorus was
then in tragedy, and indeed in the higher comedy, what
Schlegel well calls ’the ideal spectator,’ a
personified reflection on the action going on, the
incorporation into the representation itself of the
sentiments of the poet, as the spokesman of the whole
human race. He goes on to say (and I think truly),
’that the Chorus always retained among the Greeks
a peculiar national signification, publicity being,
according to their republican notions, essential to
the completeness of every important transaction.’
Thus the Chorus represented idealised public opinion:
not of course, the shifting, hasty public opinion of
the moment to that it was a conservative
check, and it calmed to soberness and charity for
it was the matured public opinion of centuries; the
experience, and usually the sad experience, of many
generations; the very spirit of the Greek race.
The Chorus might be composed of what
the poet would. Of ancient citizens, waiting
for their sons to come back from the war, as in the
Agamemnon of AEschylus; of sea-nymphs, as in
his Prometheus Bound; even of the very Furies
who hunt the matricide, as in his Eumenides;
of Senators as in the Antigone of Sophocles;
or of village farmers as in his OEdipus at Colonos and
now I have named five of the greatest poems, as I
hold, written by mortal man till Dante rose.
Or it may be the Chorus was composed as
in the comedies of Aristophanes, the greatest humourist
the world has ever seen of birds, or of
frogs, or even of clouds. It may rise to the
level of Don Quixote, or sink to that of Sancho Panza;
for it is always the incarnation of such wisdom, heavenly
or earthly, as the poet wishes the people to bring
to bear on the subject-matter!
But let the poets themselves, rather
than me, speak awhile. Allow me to give you
a few specimens of these choruses the first
as an example of that practical, and yet surely not
un-divine wisdom, by which they supplied the place
of our modern preacher, or essayist, or didactic poet.
Listen to this of the old men’s
chorus in the Agamemnon, in the spirited translation
of my friend Professor Blackie:
’Twas
said of old, and ’tis said to-day,
That wealth
to prosperous stature grown
Begets
a birth of its own:
That a surfeit
of evil by good is prepared,
And sons
must bear what allotment of woe
Their
sires were spared.
But this
I refuse to believe: I know
That
impious deeds conspire
To beget
an offspring of impious deeds
Too
like their ugly sire.
But whoso is just, though
his wealth like a river
Flow down, shall be scathless:
his house shall rejoice
In an offspring
of beauty for ever.
The heart
of the haughty delights to beget
A haughty
heart. From time to time
In children’s
children recurrent appears
The
ancestral crime.
When the dark hour comes that
the gods have decreed
And the Fury burns with wrathful
fires,
A demon
unholy, with ire unabated,
Lies like
black night on the halls of the fated;
And the
recreant Son plunges guiltily on
To
perfect the guilt of his Sires.
But Justice shines in a lowly
cell;
In the homes of poverty, smoke-begrimed,
With the sober-minded she
loves to dwell.
But she
turns aside
From the rich man’s
house with averted eye,
The golden-fretted halls of
pride
Where hands with lucre are
foul, and the praise
Of counterfeit goodness smoothly
sways;
And wisely she guides in the
strong man’s despite
All things
to an issue of RIGHT.
Let me now give you another passage
from the Eumenides or Furies,
of AEschylus.
Orestes, prince of Argos, you must
remember, has avenged on his mother Clytemnestra the
murder of his father, king Agamemnon, on his return
from Troy. Pursued by the Furies, he takes refuge
in the temple of Apollo at Delphi, and then, still
Fury-haunted, goes to Athens, where Pallas Athene
the warrior-maiden, the tutelary goddess of Athens,
bids him refer his cause to the Areopagus, the highest
court of Athens, Apollo acting as his advocate, and
she sitting as umpire in the midst. The white
and black balls are thrown into the urn, and are equal;
and Orestes is only delivered by the decision of Athene as
the representative of the nearer race of gods, the
Olympians, the friends of man, in whose likeness man
is made. The Furies are the representatives
of the older and darker creed which yet
has a depth of truth in it of the irreversible
dooms which underlie all nature; and which represent
the Law, and not the Gospel, the consequence
of the mere act, independent of the spirit which has
prompted it.
They break out in fury against the
overbearing arrogance of these younger gods.
Athene bears their rage with equanimity, addresses
them in the language of kindness, even of veneration,
till these so indomitable beings are unable to withstand
the charm of her mild eloquence. They are to
have a sanctuary in the Athenian land, and to be called
no more Furies (Erinnys), but Eumenides the
well-conditioned the kindly goddesses.
And all ends with a solemn procession round the orchestra,
with hymns of blessing, while the terrible Chorus
of the Furies, clothed in black, with blood-stained
girdles, and serpents in their hair, in masks having
perhaps somewhat of the terrific beauty of Medusa-masks,
are convoyed to their new sanctuary by a procession
of children, women, and old men in purple robes and
torches in their hands, after Athene and the Furies
have sung, in response to each other, a chorus from
which I must beg leave to give you an extract or two.
Eldest Fury
(Leader of the Chorus).
Far from thy dwelling, and far from
thy border,
By the grace of my godhead benignant I order
The blight which may blacken the bloom of the
trees.
Far from thy border, and far from thy dwelling,
Be the hot blast which shrivels the bud in its
swelling,
The seed-rotting taint, and the creeping disease.
Thy flocks be still doubled, thy seasons be steady,
And when Hermes is near thee, thy hand be still
ready
The Heaven-dropt
bounty to seize.
Athene.
Hear her words, my city’s warders
Fraught with blessings, she prevaileth
With Olympians and Infernals,
Dread Erinnys much revered.
Mortal faith she guideth plainly
To what goal she pleaseth, sending
Songs to some, to others days
With tearful sorrows dulled.
Furies.
Far from thy border
The lawless disorder
That sateless of evil shall reign;
Far from thy dwelling,
The dear blood welling,
That taints thine own hearth with the slain.
When slaughter from slaughter
Shall flow like the water,
And rancour from rancour shall grow.
But joy with joy blending,
Live, each to all lending;
And hating one-hearted the foe.
When bliss hath departed;
From love single-hearted,
A fountain of healing shall flow.
Athene.
Wisely now the tongue of kindness
Thou hast found, the way of love.
And these terror-speaking faces
Now look wealth to me and mine.
Her so willing, ye more willing,
Now receive. This land and city,
On ancient right securely throned,
Shall shine for evermore.
Furies.
Hail, and all hail, mighty people, be
greeted,
On the sons of Athena shines sunshine the clearest.
Blest people, near Jove the Olympian seated.
And dear to the maiden his daughter the dearest.
Timely wise ’neath the wings of the daughter
ye gather,
And mildly looks down on her children the Father.
Those of you here who love your country
as well as the old Athenians loved theirs, will feel
at once the grand political significance of such a
scene, in which patriotism and religion become one and
feel, too, the exquisite dramatic effect of the innocent,
the weak, the unwarlike, welcoming among them, without
fear, because without guilt, those ancient snaky-haired
sisters, emblems of all that is most terrible and most
inscrutable, in the destiny of nations, of families,
and of men:
To their hallowed habitations
’Neath Ogygian earth’s
foundations
In that darksome hall
Sacrifice and supplication
Shall not fail. In adoration
Silent worship all.
Listen again, to the gentler patriotism
of a gentler poet, Sophocles himself. The village
of Colonos, a mile from Athens, was his birthplace;
and in his OEdipus Coloneus, he makes his Chorus
of village officials sing thus of their consecrated
olive grove:
In good
hap, stranger, to these rural seats
Thou comest,
to this region’s blest retreats,
Where white
Colonos lifts his head,
And glories
in the bounding steed.
Where sadly sweet the frequent
nightingale
Impassioned
pours his evening song,
And charms with varied notes
each verdant vale,
The ivy’s
dark-green boughs among,
Or sheltered
’neath the clustering vine
Which, high
above him form a bower,
Safe from
the sun or stormy shower,
Where frolic
Bacchus often roves,
And visits with his fostering
nymphs the groves.
Bathed in
the dew of heaven each morn,
Fresh is
the fair Narcissus born,
Of those
great gods the crown of old;
The crocus
glitters, robed in gold.
Here restless fountains ever
murmuring glide,
And as their
crisped streamlets play,
To feed, Cephisus, thine unfailing
tide,
Fresh verdure
marks their winding way.
Here oft
to raise the tuneful song
The virgin
band of Muses deigns,
And car-borne Aphrodite guides
her golden reins.
Then they go on, this band of village
elders, to praise the gods for their special gifts
to that small Athenian land. They praise Pallas
Athene, who gave their forefathers the olive;
then Poseidon Neptune, as the Romans call
him who gave their forefathers the horse;
and something more the ship, the
horse of the sea, as they, like the old Norse Vikings
after them, delighted to call it.
Our highest vaunt is this Thy
grace,
Poseidon,
we behold.
The ruling curb, embossed
with gold,
Controls the courser’s
managed pace.
Though loud, oh king, thy
billows roar,
Our strong hands grasp the
labouring oar,
And while the Nereids round
it play,
Light cuts our bounding bark
its way.
What a combination of fine humanities!
Dance and song, patriotism and religion, so often
parted among us, have flowed together into one in
these stately villagers; each a small farmer; each
a trained soldier, and probably a trained seaman also;
each a self-governed citizen; and each a cultured
gentleman, if ever there were gentlemen on earth.
But what drama, doing, or action for
such is the meaning of the word is going
on upon the stage, to be commented on by the sympathizing
Chorus?
One drama, at least, was acted in
Athens in that year 440 B.C. which
you, I doubt not, know well that Antigone
of Sophocles, which Mendelssohn has resuscitated,
in our own generation, by setting it to music, divine
indeed, though very different from the music to which
it was set, probably by Sophocles himself, at its
first, and for ought we know, its only representation.
For pieces had not then, as now, a run of a hundred
nights and more. The Athenian genius was so fertile,
and the Athenian audience so eager for novelty, that
new pieces were demanded, and were forthcoming, for
each of the great festivals, and if a piece was represented
a second time it was usually after an interval of some
years. They did not, moreover, like the moderns,
run every night to some theatre or other, as a part
of the day’s amusement. Tragedy, and even
comedy, were serious subjects, calling out, not a
passing sigh, or passing laugh, but all the higher
faculties and emotions. And as serious subjects
were to be expressed in verse and music, which gave
stateliness, doubtless, even to the richest burlesques
of Aristophanes, and lifted them out of mere street-buffoonery
into an ideal fairy land of the grotesque, how much
more stateliness must verse and music have added to
their tragedy! And how much have we lost, toward
a true appreciation of their dramatic art, by losing
almost utterly not only the laws of their melody and
harmony, but even the true metric time of their odes!
music and metre, which must have surely been as noble
as their poetry, their sculpture, their architecture,
possessed by the same exquisite sense of form and of
proportion. One thing we can understand how
this musical form of the drama, which still remains
to us in lower shapes, in the oratorio, in the opera,
must have helped to raise their tragedies into that
ideal sphere in which they all, like the Antigone,
live and move. So ideal and yet so human; nay
rather, truly ideal, because truly human. The
gods, the heroes, the kings, the princesses of Greek
tragedy were dear to the hearts of Greek republicans,
not merely as the founders of their states, not merely
as the tutelary deities, many of them, of their country:
but as men and women like themselves, only more vast;
with mightier wills, mightier virtues, mightier sorrows,
and often mightier crimes; their inward free-will
battling, as Schlegel has well seen, against outward
circumstance and overruling fate, as every man should
battle, unless he sink to be a brute. ‘In
tragedy,’ says Schlegel uttering thus
a deep and momentous truth ’the gods
themselves either come forward as the servants of
destiny and mediate executors of its decrees, or approve
themselves godlike only by asserting their liberty
of action and entering upon the same struggles with
fate which man himself has to encounter.’
And I believe this, that this Greek tragedy, with its
godlike men and manlike gods, and heroes who had become
gods by the very vastness of their humanity, was a
preparation, and it may be a necessary preparation,
for the true Christian faith in a Son of man, who is
at once utterly human and utterly divine. Man
is made in the likeness of God is the root-idea,
only half-conscious, only half-expressed, but instinctive,
without which neither the Greek Tragedies, nor the
Homeric Poems, six hundred years before them, could
have been composed. Doubtless the idea that
man was like a god degenerated too often into the idea
that the gods were like men, and as wicked.
But that travestie of a great truth is not confined
to those old Greeks. Some so-called Christian
theories as I hold have sinned
in that direction as deeply as the Athenians of old.
Meanwhile, I say, that this long acquiescence
in the conception of godlike struggle, godlike daring,
godlike suffering, godlike martyrdom; the very conception
which was so foreign to the mythologies of any other
race save that of the Jews, and perhaps
of our own Teutonic forefathers did prepare,
must have prepared, men to receive as most rational
and probable, as the satisfaction of their highest
instincts, the idea of a Being in whom all those partial
rays culminated in clear, pure light; of a Being at
once utterly human and utterly divine; who by struggle,
suffering, self-sacrifice, without a parallel, achieved
a victory over circumstance and all the dark powers
which beleaguer man without a parallel likewise.
Take, as an example, the figure which
you know best the figure of Antigone herself devoting
herself to be entombed alone, for the sake of love
and duty. Love of a brother, which she can only
prove, alas! by burying his corpse. Duty to
the dead, an instinct depending on no written law,
but springing out of the very depths of those blind
and yet sacred monitions which prove that the true
man is not an animal, but a spirit; fulfilling her
holy purpose, unchecked by fear, unswayed by her sisters’
entreaties. Hardening her heart magnificently
till her fate is sealed; and then after proving her
godlike courage, proving the tenderness of her womanhood
by that melodious wail over her own untimely death
and the loss of marriage joys, which some of you must
know from the music of Mendelssohn, and which the
late Dean Milman has put into English thus
Come, fellow-citizens, and
see
The desolate Antigone.
On the last path her steps
shall tread,
Set forth, the journey of
the dead,
Watching, with vainly lingering
gaze,
Her last, last sun’s
expiring rays,
Never to see it, never more,
For down to Acheron’s
dread shore,
A living victim am I led
To Hades’ universal
bed.
To my dark lot no bridal joys
Belong, nor e’er the
jocund noise
Of hymeneal chant shall sound
for me,
But death, cold death, my
only spouse shall be.
Oh tomb! Oh bridal chamber!
Oh deep-delved
And strongly-guarded mansion!
I descend
To meet in your dread chambers
all my kindred,
Who in dark multitudes have
crowded down
Where Proserpine received
the dead. But I,
The last, and oh how few more
miserable,
Go down, or ere my sands of
life are run.
And let me ask you whether the contemplation
of such a self-sacrifice should draw you, should have
drawn those who heard the tale nearer to, or further
from, a certain cross which stood on Calvary some 1800
years ago? May not the tale of Antigone heard
from mother or from nurse have nerved ere now some
martyr-maiden to dare and suffer in an even holier
cause?
But to return. This set purpose
of the Athenian dramatists of the best school to set
before men a magnified humanity, explains much in their
dramas which seem to us at first not only strange but
faulty. The masks which gave one grand but unvarying
type of countenance to each well-known historic personage,
and thus excluded the play of feature, animated gesture,
and almost all which we now consider as ‘acting’
proper; the thicksoled cothurni which gave the
actor a more than human stature; the poverty (according
to our notions) of the scenery, which usually represented
merely the front of a palace or other public place,
and was often though not always unchanged during the
whole performance; the total absence in fact, of anything
like that scenic illusion which most managers of theatres
seem now to consider as their highest achievement;
the small number of the actors, two, or at most three
only, being present on the stage at once, the
simplicity of the action, in which intrigue (in the
play-house sense) and any complication of plot are
utterly absent; all this must have concentrated not
the eye of the spectator on the scene, but his ear
upon the voice, and his emotions on the personages
who stood out before him without a background, sharp-cut
and clear as a group of statuary which is the same,
place it where you will, complete in itself a
world of beauty, independent of all other things and
beings save on the ground on which it needs must stand.
It was the personage rather than his surroundings,
which was to be impressed by every word on the spectator’s
heart and intellect; and the very essence of Greek
tragedy is expressed in the still famous words of Medea
Che resta?
Io.
Contrast this with the European drama especially
with the highest form of it our own Elizabethan.
It resembles, as has been often said in better words
than mine, not statuary but painting. These dramas
affect colour, light, and shadow, background whether
of town or country, description of scenery where scenic
machinery is inadequate, all in fact, which can blend
the action and the actors with the surrounding circumstances,
without letting them altogether melt into the circumstances;
which can show them a part of the great whole, by harmony
or discord with the whole universe, down to the flowers
beneath their feet. This, too, had to be done:
how it became possible for even the genius of a Shakespeare
to get it done, I may with your leave hint to you
hereafter. Why it was not given to the Greeks
to do it, I know not.
Let us at least thank them for what
they did. One work was given them, and that
one they fulfilled as it had never been fulfilled before;
as it will never need to be fulfilled again; for the
Greeks’ work was done not for themselves alone
but for all races in all times; and Greek Art is the
heirloom of the whole human race; and that work was
to assert in drama, lyric, sculpture, music, gymnastic,
the dignity of man the dignity of man which
they perceived for the most part with their intense
aesthetic sense, through the beautiful in man.
Man with them was divine, inasmuch as he could perceive
beauty and be beautiful himself. Beauty might
be physical, aesthetic, intellectual, moral.
But in proportion as a thing was perfect it revealed
its own perfection by its beauty. Goodness itself
was a form though the highest form of
beauty. [Greek text] meant both the physically beautiful
and the morally good; [Greek text] both the ugly and
the bad.
Out of this root-idea sprang the whole
of that Greek sculpture, which is still, and perhaps
ever will be, one of the unrivalled wonders of the
world.
Their first statues, remember, were
statues of the gods. This is an historic fact.
Before B.C. 580 there were probably no statues in
Greece save those of deities. But of what form?
We all know that the usual tendency of man has been
to represent his gods as more or less monstrous.
Their monstrosity may have been meant, as it was certainly
with the Mexican idols, and probably those of the
Semitic races of Syria and Palestine, to symbolise
the ferocious passions which they attributed to those
objects of their dread, appeasable alone by human sacrifice.
Or the monstrosity, as with the hawk-headed or cat-headed
Egyptian idols, the winged bulls of Nineveh and Babylon,
the many-handed deities of Hindostan merely
symbolised powers which could not, so the priest and
the sculptor held, belong to mere humanity. Now,
of such monstrous forms of idols, the records in Greece
are very few and very ancient relics of
an older worship, and most probably of an older race.
From the earliest historic period, the Greek was
discerning more and more that the divine could be
best represented by the human; the tendency of his
statuary was more and more to honour that divine,
by embodying it in the highest human beauty.
In lonely mountain shrines there still
might linger, feared and honoured, dolls like those
black virgins, of unknown antiquity, which still work
wonders on the European continent. In the mysterious
cavern of Phigalia, for instance, on the Eleatic shore
of Peloponnese, there may have been in remote times so
the legend ran an old black wooden image,
a woman with a horse’s head and mane, and serpents
growing round her head, who held a dolphin in one
hand and a dove in the other. And this image
may have been connected with old nature-myths about
the marriage of Demeter and Poseidon that
is, of encroachments of the sea upon the land; and
the other myths of Demeter, the earth-mother, may
have clustered round the place, till the Phigalians
were glad for it was profitable as well
as honourable to believe that in their
cavern Demeter sat mourning for the loss of Proserpine,
whom Pluto had carried down to Hades, and all the
earth was barren till Zeus sent the Fates, or Iris,
to call her forth, and restore fertility to the world.
And it may be true the legend as Pausanias
tells it 600 years after that the old wooden
idol having been burnt, and the worship of Demeter
neglected till a famine ensued, the Phigalians, warned
by the Oracle of Delphi, hired Onatas, a contemporary
of Polygnotus and Phidias, to make them a bronze replica
of the old idol, from some old copy and from a dream
of his own. The story may be true. When
Pausanias went thither, in the second century after
Christ, the cave and the fountain, and the sacred
grove of oaks, and the altar outside, which was to
be polluted with the blood of no victim the
only offerings being fruits and honey, and undressed
wool were still there. The statue
was gone. Some said it had been destroyed by
the fall of the cliff; some were not sure that it
had ever been there at all. And meanwhile Praxiteles
had already brought to perfection (Pau, 2, se the ideal of Demeter, mother-like, as Here whom
we still call Juno now but softer-featured,
and her eyes more closed.
And so for mother earth, as for the
rest, the best representation of the divine was the
human. Now, conceive such an idea taking hold,
however slowly, of a people of rare physical beauty,
of acutest eye for proportion and grace, with opportunities
of studying the human figure such as exist nowhere
now, save among tropic savages, and gifted, moreover,
in that as in all other matters, with that innate diligence,
of which Mr. Carlyle has said, ’that genius
is only an infinite capacity of taking pains,’
and we can understand somewhat of the causes which
produced those statues, human and divine, which awe
and shame the artificiality and degeneracy of our
modern so-called civilisation we can understand
somewhat of the reverence for the human form, of the
careful study of every line, the storing up for use
each scattered fragment of beauty of which the artist
caught sight, even in his daily walks, and consecrating
it in his memory to the service of him or her whom
he was trying to embody in marble or in bronze.
And when the fashion came in of making statues of
victors in the games, and other distinguished persons,
a new element was introduced, which had large social
as well as artistic results. The sculptor carried
his usual reverence into his careful delineation of
the victor’s form, while he obtained in him a
model, usually of the very highest type, for perfecting
his idea of some divinity. The possibility of
gaining the right to a statue gave a fresh impulse
to all competitors in the public games, and through
them to the gymnastic training throughout all the
states of Greece, which made the Greeks the most physically
able and graceful, as well as the most beautiful people
known to the history of the human race. A people
who, reverencing beauty, reverenced likewise grace
or acted beauty, so utterly and honestly, that nothing
was too humble for a free man to do, if it were not
done awkwardly and ill. As an instance, Sophocles
himself over and above his poetic genius,
one of the most cultivated gentlemen, as well as one
of the most exquisite musicians, dancers, and gymnasts,
and one of the most just, pious, and gentle of all
Greece could not, by reason of the weakness
of his voice, act in his own plays, as poets were
wont to do, and had to perform only the office of stage-manager.
Twice he took part in the action, once as the blind
old Thamyris playing on the harp, and once in his
own lost tragedy, the ‘Nausicaa.’
There in the scene in which the Princess, as she
does in Homer’s ‘Odyssey,’ comes
down to the sea-shore with her maidens to wash the
household clothes, and then to play at ball Sophocles
himself, a man then of middle age, did the one thing
he could do better than any there and, dressed
in women’s clothes, among the lads who represented
the maidens, played at ball before the Athenian people.
Yes: just 60 years after the
representation of the Antigone, 10,000 Greeks,
far on the plains of Babylon, cut through the whole
Persian army, as the railway train cuts through a
herd of buffalo, and then losing all their generals
by treacherous warfare, fought their way north from
Babylon to Trebizond on the Black Sea, under the guidance
of a young Athenian, a pupil of Socrates, who had
never served in the army before. The retreat
of Xenophon and his 10,000 will remain for ever as
one of the grandest triumphs of civilisation over
brute force: but what made it possible?
That these men, and their ancestors before them, had
been for at least 100 years in training, physical,
intellectual, and moral, which made their bodies and
their minds able to dare and suffer like those old
heroes of whom their tragedy had taught them, and whose
spirits they still believed would help the valiant
Greek. And yet that feat, which looks to us
so splendid, attracted, as far as I am aware, no special
admiration at the time. So was the cultivated
Greek expected to behave whenever he came in contact
with the uncultivated barbarian.
But from what had sprung in that little
state, this exuberance of splendid life, physical,
aesthetic, intellectual, which made, and will make
the name of Athens and of the whole cluster of Greek
republics for ever admirable to civilised man?
Had it sprung from long years of peaceful prosperity?
From infinite making of money and comfort, according
to the laws of so-called political economy, and the
dictates of enlightened selfishness? Not so.
But rather out of terror and agony, and all but utter
ruin and out of a magnificent want of economy and
the divine daring and folly of self-sacrifice.
In Salamis across the strait a trophy
stood, and round that trophy, forty years before,
Sophocles the author of Antigone, then sixteen
years of age, the loveliest and most cultivated lad
in Athens, undraped like a faun, with lyre in hand,
was leading the Chorus of Athenian youths, and singing
to Athene, the tutelary goddess, a hymn of triumph
for a glorious victory, the very symbol
of Greece and Athens, springing up into a joyous second
youth after invasion and desolation, as the grass springs
up after the prairie fire has passed. But the
fire had been terrible. It had burnt Athens at
least, down to the very roots. True, while Sophocles
was dancing, Xerxes, the great king of the East, foiled
at Salamis, as his father Darius had been foiled at
Marathon ten years before, was fleeing back to Persia,
leaving his innumerable hosts of slaves and mercenaries
to be destroyed piecemeal, by land at Platea, by sea
at Mycale. The bold hope was over, in which the
Persian, ever since the days of Cyrus, had indulged that
he, the despot of the East, should be the despot of
the West likewise. It seemed to them as possible,
though not as easy, to subdue the Aryan Greek, as it
had been to subdue the Semite and the Turanian, the
Babylonian, and the Syrian; to rifle his temples,
to destroy his idols, carry off his women and children
as colonists into distant lands, as they had been
doing with all the nations of the East. And
they had succeeded with isolated colonies, isolated
islands of Greeks, and the shores of Asia Minor.
But when they dared, at last, to attack the Greek
in his own sacred land of Hellas, they found they
had bearded a lion in his den. Nay rather as
those old Greeks would have said they had
dared to attack Pallas Athene, the eldest daughter
of Zeus emblem of that serene and pure divine
wisdom, of whom Solomon sang of old: ’The
Lord possessed me in the beginning of His way, before
His works of old. When He prepared the heavens,
I was there, when He appointed the foundation of the
earth, then was I by Him, as one brought up with Him,
and I was daily His delight, rejoicing always before
him: rejoicing in the habitable part of His earth;
and my delight was with the sons of men,’ to
attack her and her brother Apollo, Lord of light,
and beauty, and culture, and grace, and inspiration, to
attack them, not in the name of Ormuzd, nor of any
other deity, but in the name of mere brute force and
lust of conquest. The old Persian spirit was
gone out of them. They were the symbols now of
nothing save despotism and self-will, wealth and self-indulgence.
They, once the children of Ormuzd or light, had become
the children of Ahriman or darkness; and therefore
it was, as I believe, that Xerxes’ 1,000 ships,
and the two million (or, as some have it, five million)
human beings availed naught against the little fleets
and little battalions of men who believed with a living
belief in Athene and Apollo, and therefore ponder
it well, for it is true with a living belief,
under whatsoever confusions and divisions of personality,
in a God who loved, taught, inspired men, a just God
who befriended the righteous cause, the cause of freedom
and patriotism, a Deity, the echo of whose mind and
will to man was the song of Athene on Olympus,
when she
Chanted of order and right, and of foresight,
and order of peoples; Chanted of labour and craft,
wealth in the port and the garner; Chanted of
valour and fame, and the man who can fall with the
foremost, Fighting for children and wife,
and the field which his father bequeathed him.
Sweetly and cunningly sang she, and planned new
lessons for mortals. Happy who hearing obey
her, the wise unsullied Athene.
Ah, that they had always obeyed her,
those old Greeks. But meanwhile, as I said,
the agony had been extreme. If Athens had sinned,
she had been purged as by fire; and the fire surely
of God had been terrible. Northern
Greece had either been laid waste with fire and sword,
or had gone over to the Persian, traitors in their
despair. Attica, almost the only loyal state,
had been overrun; the old men, women, and children
had fled to the neighbouring islands, or to the Peloponnese.
Athens itself had been destroyed; and while young
Sophocles was dancing round the trophy at Salamis,
the Acropolis was still a heap of blackened ruins.
But over and above their valour, over
and above their loyalty, over and above their exquisite
aesthetic faculty, these Athenians had a resilience
of self-reliant energy, like that of the French like
that, to do you but justice, of your Americans after
your Chicago fire; and Athens rose from her ashes
to be awhile, not only, as she had nobly earned by
suffering and endurance, the leading state in Greece,
but a mighty fortress, a rich commercial port, a living
centre of art, poetry, philosophy, such as this earth
has never seen before or since.
On the plateau of that little crag
of the Acropolis some 800 feet in length, by 400 in
breadth about the size and shape of the
Castle Rock at Edinburgh was gathered,
within forty years of the battle of Salamis, more
and more noble beauty than ever stood together on any
other spot of like size.
The sudden relief from crushing pressure,
and the joyous consciousness of well-earned honours,
made the whole spirit-nature of the people blossom
out, as it were, into manifold forms of activity, beauty,
research, and raised, in raising Greece, the whole
human race thenceforth.
What might they not have done looking
at what they actually did for the whole
race of man?
But no they fell, even
more rapidly than they rose, till their grace and
their cultivation, for them they could not lose, made
them the willing ministers to the luxury, the frivolity,
the sentimentality, the vice of the whole old world the
Scapia or Figaro of the old world infinitely
able, but with all his ability consecrated to the service
of his own base self. The Greekling as
Juvenal has it in want of a dinner, would
climb somehow to heaven itself, at the bidding of
his Roman master.
Ah, what a fall! And what was
the inherent weakness which caused that fall?
I say at once want of honesty.
The Greek was not to be depended on; if it suited
him, he would lie, betray, overreach, change sides,
and think it no sin. He was the sharpest of
men. Sharp practice, in our modern sense of
the word, was the very element in which he floated.
Any scholar knows it. In the grand times of
Marathon and Salamis, down to the disastrous times
of the Peloponnesian war and the thirty tyrants, no
public man’s hands were clean, with the exception,
perhaps, of that Aristides, who was banished because
men were tired of hearing him called the Just.
The exciting cause of the Peloponnesian war, and the
consequent downfall of Athens, was not merely the tyranny
she exercised over the states allied to her, it was
the sharp practice of the Athenians, in misappropriating
the tribute paid by the allies to the decoration of
Athens. And in laying the foundations of the
Parthenon was sown, by a just judgment, the seed of
ruin for the state which gloried in it. And
if the rulers were such, what were the people?
If the free were such, what were the slaves?
Hence, weakness at home and abroad,
mistrust of generals and admirals, paralysing all
bold and clear action, peculations and corruptions
at home, internecine wars between factions inside
states, and between states or groups of states, revolutions
followed by despotism, and final exhaustion and slavery,
slavery to a people who were coming across the western
sea, hard-headed, hard-hearted, caring nothing for
art, or science, whose pleasures were coarse and cruel,
but with a certain rough honesty, reverence for country,
for law, and for the ties of a family men
of a somewhat old English type, who had over and above,
like the English, the inspiring belief that they could
conquer the whole world, and who very nearly succeeded
in that as we have, to our great blessing,
not succeeded I mean, of course, the Romans.