Few readers of this magazine probably
know anything about “Mystics;” know even
what the term means: but as it is plainly connected
with the adjective “mystical” they probably
suppose it to denote some sort of vague, dreamy, sentimental,
and therefore useless and undesirable personage.
Nor can we blame them if they do so; for mysticism
is a form of thought and feeling now all but extinct
in England. There are probably not ten thorough
mystics among all our millions; the mystic philosophers
are very little read by our scholars, and read not
for, but in spite of, their mysticism; and our popular
theology has so completely rid itself of any mystic
elements, that our divines look with utter disfavour
upon it, use the word always as a term of opprobrium,
and interpret the mystic expressions in our liturgy
which mostly occur in the Collects according
to the philosophy of Locke, really ignorant, it would
seem, that they were written by Platonist mystics.
We do not blame them either, save
in as far as teachers of men are blameworthy for being
ignorant of any form of thought which has ever had
a living hold upon good and earnest men, and may therefore
take hold of them again. But the English are
not now a mystic people, any more than the old Romans
were; their habit of mind, their destiny in the world,
are like those of the Romans, altogether practical;
and who can be surprised if they do not think about
what they are not called upon to think about?
Nevertheless, it is quite a mistake
to suppose that mysticism is by its own nature unpractical.
The greatest and most prosperous races of antiquity the
Egyptians, Babylonians, Hindoos, Greeks had
the mystic element as strong and living in them as
the Germans have now; and certainly we cannot call
them unpractical peoples. They fell and came
to ruin as the Germans may do when
their mysticism became unpractical: but their
thought remained, to be translated into practice by
sounder-hearted races than themselves. Rome learnt
from Greece, and did in some confused imperfect way
that which Greece only dreamed; just as future nations
may act hereafter, nobly and usefully, on the truths
which Germans discover, only to put in a book and
smoke over. For they are terribly practical people,
these mystics, quiet students and devotees as they
may seem. They go, or seem to go, down to the
roots of things, after a way of their own; and lay
foundations on which be they sound or unsound those
who come after them cannot choose but build; as we
are building now. For our forefathers were mystics
for generations; they were mystics in the forests
of Germany and in the dales of Norway; they were mystics
in the convents and the universities of the Middle
Ages; they were mystics, all the deepest and noblest
minds of them, during the Elizabethan era.
Even now the few mystic writers of
this island are exercising more influence on thought
than any other men, for good or for evil. Coleridge
and Alexander Knox have changed the minds, and with
them the acts, of thousands; and when they are accused
of having originated, unknowingly, the whole “Tractarian”
movement, those who have watched English thought carefully
can only answer, that on the confession of the elder
Tractarians themselves, the allegation is true:
but that they originated a dozen other “movements”
beside in the most opposite directions, and that free-thinking
Emersonians will be as ready as Romish perverts and
good plain English churchmen to confess that the critical
point of their life was determined by the writings
of the fakeer of Highgate. At this very time
too, the only real mystic of any genius who is writing
and teaching is exercising more practical influence,
infusing more vigorous life into the minds of thousands
of men and women, than all the other teachers of England
put together; and has set rolling a ball which may
in the next half century gather into an avalanche,
perhaps utterly different in form, material, and direction,
from all which he expects.
So much for mystics being unpractical.
If we look faithfully into the meaning of their name,
we shall see why, for good or for evil, they cannot
be unpractical; why they, let them be the most self-absorbed
of recluses, are the very men who sow the seeds of
great schools, great national and political movements,
even great religions.
A mystic according to the
Greek etymology should signify one who is
initiated into mysteries, one whose eyes are opened
to see things which other people cannot see.
And the true mystic in all ages and countries, has
believed that this was the case with him. He
believes that there is an invisible world as well
as a visible one so do most men:
but the mystic believes also that this same invisible
world is not merely a supernumerary one world more,
over and above the earth on which he lives, and the
stars over his head, but that it is the cause of them
and the ground of them; that it was the cause of them
at first, and is the cause of them now, even to the
budding of every flower, and the falling of every
pebble to the ground; and therefore, that having been
before this visible world, it will be after it, and
endure just as real, living, and eternal, though matter
were annihilated to-morrow.
“But, on this showing, every
Christian, nay, every religious man, is a mystic;
for he believes in an invisible world?” The
answer is found in the plain fact, that good Christians
here in England do not think so themselves; that they
dislike and dread mysticism; would not understand
it if it were preached to them; are more puzzled by
those utterances of St. John, which mystics have always
claimed as justifying their theories, than by any
part of their bibles. There is a positive and
conscious difference between popular metaphysics and
mysticism; and it seems to lie in this: the invisible
world in which Englishmen in general believe, is one
which happens to be invisible now, but which will
not be so hereafter. When they speak of the
other world they mean a place which their bodily eyes
will see some day, and could see now if they were
allowed; when they speak of spirits they mean ghosts
who could, and perhaps do, make themselves visible
to men’s bodily eyes. We are not inquiring
here whether they be right or wrong; we are only specifying
a common form of human thought.
The mystic, on the other hand, believes
that the invisible world is so by its very nature,
and must be so for ever. He lives therein now,
he holds, and will live in it through eternity:
but he will see it never with any bodily eyes, not
even with the eyes of any future “glorified”
body. It is ipso facto not to be seen, only to
be believed in; never for him will “faith be
changed for sight,” as the popular theologians
say that it will; for this invisible world is only
to be “spiritually discerned.”
This is the mystic idea, pure and
simple; of course there are various grades of it,
as there are of the popular one; for no man holds his
own creed and nothing more; and it is good for him,
in this piecemeal and shortsighted world, that he
should not. Were he over-true to his own idea,
he would become a fanatic, perhaps a madman.
And so the modern evangelical of the Venn and Newton
school, to whom mysticism is neology and nehushtan,
when he speaks of “spiritual experiences,”
uses the adjective in its purely mystic sense; while
Bernard of Cluny, in his once famous hymn, “Hic
breve vivitur,” mingles the two conceptions
of the unseen world in inextricable confusion.
Between these two extreme poles, in fact, we have
every variety of thought; and it is good for us that
we should have them; for no one man or school of men
can grasp the whole truth, and every intermediate
modification supplies some link in the great cycle
of facts which its neighbours have overlooked.
In the minds who have held this belief,
that the unseen world is the only real and eternal
one, there has generally existed a belief, more or
less confused, that the visible world is in some mysterious
way a pattern or symbol of the invisible one; that
its physical laws are the analogues of the spiritual
laws of the eternal world: a belief of which
Mr. Vaughan seems to think lightly; though if it be
untrue we can hardly see how that metaphoric illustration
in which he indulges so freely, and which he often
uses in a masterly and graceful way, can be anything
but useless trifling. For what is a metaphor
or a simile but a mere paralogism having
nothing to do with the matter in hand, and not to
be allowed for a moment to influence the reader’s
judgment, unless there be some real and objective
analogy homology we should call it between
the physical phenomenon from which the symbol is taken,
and the spiritual truth which it is meant to illustrate?
What divineness, what logical weight, in our Lord’s
parables, unless He was by them trying to show his
hearers that the laws which they saw at work in the
lilies of the field, in the most common occupations
of men, were but lower manifestations of the laws
by which are governed the inmost workings of the human
spirit? What triflers, on any other ground, were
Socrates and Plato. What triflers, too, Shakespeare
and Spenser. Indeed, we should say that it is
the belief, conscious or unconscious, of the eternal
correlation of the physical and spiritual worlds, which
alone constitutes the essence of a poet.
Of course this idea led, and would
necessarily lead, to follies and fancies enough, as
long as the phenomena of nature were not carefully
studied, and her laws scientifically investigated;
and all the dreams of Paracelsus or Van Helmont, Cardan
or Crollius, Baptista Porta or Behmen, are but the
natural and pardonable errors of minds which, while
they felt deeply the sanctity and mystery of Nature,
had no Baconian philosophy to tell them what Nature
actually was, and what she actually said. But
their idea lives still, and will live as long as the
belief in a one God lives. The physical and spiritual
worlds cannot be separated by an impassable gulf.
They must, in some way or other, reflect each other,
even in their minutest phenomena, for so only can
they both reflect that absolute primeval unity, in
whom they both live and move and have their being.
Mr. Vaughan’s object, however, has not been
to work out in his book such problems as these.
Had he done so, he would have made his readers understand
better what Mysticism is; he would have avoided several
hasty epithets, by the use of which he has, we think,
deceived himself into the notion that he has settled
a matter by calling it a hard name; he would have
explained, perhaps, to himself and to us, many strange
and seemingly contradictory facts in the annals of
Mysticism. But he would also not have written
so readable a book. On the whole he has taken
the right course, though one wishes that he had carried
it out more methodically.
A few friends, literate and comfortable
men, and right-hearted Christians withal, meet together
to talk over these same mystics, and to read papers
and extracts which will give a general notion of the
subject from the earliest historic times. The
gentlemen talk about and about a little too much;
they are a little too fond of illustrations of the
popular pulpit style; they are often apt to say each
his say, with very little care of what the previous
speaker has uttered; in fact these conversations are,
as conversations, not good, but as centres of thought
they are excellent. There is not a page nor
a paragraph in which there is not something well worth
recollecting, and often reflections very wise and weighty
indeed, which show that whether or not Mr. Vaughan
has thoroughly grasped the subject of Mysticism, he
has grasped and made part of his own mind and heart
many things far more practically important than Mysticism,
or any other form of thought; and no one ought to rise
up from the perusal of his book without finding himself
if not a better, at least a more thoughtful man, and
perhaps a humble one also, as he learns how many more
struggles and doubts, discoveries, sorrows and joys,
the human race has passed through, than are contained
in his own private experience.
The true value of the book is, that
though not exhaustive of the subject, it is suggestive.
It affords the best, indeed the only general, sketch
of the subject which we have in England, and gives
therein boundless food for future thought and reading;
and the country parson, or the thoughtful professional
man, who has no time to follow out the question for
himself, much less to hunt out and examine original
documents, may learn from these pages a thousand curious
and interesting hints about men of like passions with
himself, and about old times, the history of which as
of all times was not the history of their
kings and queens, but of the creeds and deeds of the
“masses” who worked, and failed, and sorrowed,
and rejoiced again, unknown to fame. Whatsoever,
meanwhile, their own conclusions may be on the subject-matter
of the book, they will hardly fail to admire the extraordinary
variety and fulness of Mr. Vaughan’s reading,
and wonder when they hear unless we are
wrongly informed that he is quite a young
man
How one small head could compass all he knew.
He begins with the mysticism of the
Hindoo Yogis. And to this, as we shall
hereafter show, he hardly does justice; but we wish
now to point out in detail the extended range of subjects,
of each of which the book gives some general notion.
From the Hindoos he passes to Philo and the neo-Platonists;
from them to the pseudo-Dionysius, and the Mysticism
of the early Eastern Church. He then traces,
shrewdly enough, the influence of the pseudo-Areopagite
and the Easterns on the bolder and more practical
minds of the Western Latins, and gives a sketch of
Bernard and his Abbey of Clairvaux, which brings pleasantly
enough before us the ways and works of a long-dead
world, which was all but inconceivable to us till
Mr, Carlyle disinterred it in his picture of Abbot
Sampson, the hero of “Past and Present.”
We are next introduced to the mystic
schoolmen Hugo and Richard of St. Victor;
and then to a far more interesting class of men, and
one with which Mr. Vaughan has more sympathy than
with any of his characters, perhaps because he knows
more about them. His chapters on the German
Mysticism of the fourteenth century; his imaginary,
yet fruitful chronicle of Adolf of Arnstein, with
its glimpses of Meister Eckart, Suso, the “Nameless
Wild,” Ruysbroek, and Tauler himself, are admirable,
if merely as historic studies, and should be, and we
doubt not will be, read by many as practical commentaries
on the “Theologia Germanica,” and
on the selection from Tauler’s “Sermons,”
now in course of publication. Had all the book
been written as these chapters are, we should not
have had a word of complaint to make, save when we
find the author passing over without a word of comment,
utterances which, right or wrong, contain the very
keynote and central idea of the men whom he is holding
up to admiration, and as we think, of Mysticism itself.
There is, for instance, a paragraph attributed to
Ruysbroek, in , vol. i., which, whether
true or false and we believe it to be essentially
true is so inexpressibly important, both
in the subject which it treats, and in the way in
which it treats it, that twenty pages of comment on
it would not have been misdevoted. Yet it is
passed by without a word.
Going forward to the age of the Reformation,
the book then gives us a spirited glimpse of John
Bokelson and the Munster Anabaptists, of Carlstadt
and the Zurichian prophets, and then dwells at some
length on the attempt of that day to combine physical
and spiritual science in occult philosophy.
We have enough to make us wish to hear more of Cornelius
Agrippa, Paracelsus, and Behmen, with their alchemy,
“true magic,” doctrines of sympathies,
signatures of things, Cabbala, and Gamahea,
and the rest of that (now fallen) inverted pyramid
of pseudo-science. His estimate of Behmen and
his writings, we may observe in passing, is both sound
and charitable, and speaks as much for Mr. Vaughan’s
heart as for his head. Then we have a little
about the Rosicrucians and the Comte de Gabalis, and
the theory of the Rabbis, from whom the Rosicrucians
borrowed so much, all told in the same lively manner,
all utterly new to ninety-nine readers out of a hundred,
all indicating, we are bound to say, a much more extensive
reading than appears on the page itself.
From these he passes to the Mysticism
of the counter-Reformation, especially to the two
great Spanish mystics, St. Theresa and St. John of
the Cross. Here again he is new and interesting;
but we must regret that he has not been as merciful
to Theresa as he has to poor little John.
He then devotes some eighty pages and
very well employed they are in detailing
the strange and sad story of Madame Guyon and the
“Quietist” movement at Louis Quatorze’s
Court. Much of this he has taken, with all due
acknowledgment, from Upham; but he has told the story
most pleasantly, in his own way, and these pages will
give a better notion of Fenelon, and of the “Eagle”
(for eagle read vulture) “of Meaux,” old
Bossuet, than they are likely to find elsewhere in
the same compass.
Following chronological order as nearly
as he can, he next passes to George Fox and the early
Quakers, introducing a curious and in our
own case quite novel little episode concerning
“The History of Hai Ebn Yokhdan,” a medieval
Arabian romance, which old Barclay seems to have got
hold of and pressed into the service of his sect, taking
it for literal truth.
The twelfth book is devoted to Swedenborg,
and a very valuable little sketch it is, and one which
goes far to clear up the moral character, and the
reputation for sanity also, of that much-calumniated
philosopher, whom the world knows only as a dreaming
false prophet, forgetting that even if he was that,
he was also a sound and severe scientific labourer,
to whom our modern physical science is most deeply
indebted.
This is a short sketch of the contents
of a book which is a really valuable addition to English
literature, and which is as interesting as it is instructive.
But Mr. Vaughan must forgive us if we tell him frankly
that he has not exhausted the subject; that he has
hardly defined Mysticism at all at least,
has defined it by its outward results, and that without
classifying them; and that he has not grasped the
central idea of the subject. There were more
things in these same mystics than are dreamt of in
his philosophy; and he has missed seeing them, because
he has put himself rather in the attitude of a judge
than of an inquirer.
He has not had respect and trust enough
for the men and women of whom he writes; and is too
much inclined to laugh at them, and treat them de
haut en bas. He has trusted too
much to his own great power of logical analysis, and
his equally great power of illustration, and is therefore
apt to mistake the being able to put a man’s
thoughts into words for him, for the being really
able to understand him. To understand any man
we must have sympathy for him, even affection.
No intellectual acuteness, no amount even of mere
pity for his errors, will enable us to see the man
from within, and put our own souls into the place
of his soul. To do that, one must feel and confess
within oneself the seed of the same errors which one
reproves in him; one must have passed more or less
through his temptations, doubts, hunger of heart and
brain; and one cannot help questioning, as one reads
Mr. Vaughan’s book, whether he has really done
this in the case of those of whom he writes.
He should have remembered too how little any young
man can have experienced of the terrible sorrows which
branded into the hearts of these old devotees the
truths to which they clung more than to life, while
they too often warped their hearts into morbidity,
and caused alike their folly and their wisdom.
Gently indeed should we speak even of the dreams
of some self-imagined “Bride of Christ,”
when we picture to ourselves the bitter agonies which
must have been endured ere a human soul could develop
so fantastically diseased a growth. “She
was only a hysterical nun.” Well, and what
more tragical object, to those who will look patiently
and lovingly at human nature, than a hysterical nun?
She may have been driven into a convent by some disappointment
in love. And has not disappointed affection
been confessed, in all climes and ages, to enshroud
its victim ever after in a sanctuary of reverent pity?
If sorrow “broke her brains,” as well
as broke her heart, shall we do aught but love her
the more for her capacity of love? Or she may
have entered the convent, as thousands did, in girlish
simplicity, to escape from a world she had not tried,
before she had discovered that the world could give
her something which the convent could not. What
more tragical than her discovery in herself of a capacity
for love which could never be satisfied within that
prison? And when that capacity began to vindicate
itself in strange forms of disease, seemingly to her
supernatural, often agonising, often degrading, and
at the same time (strange contradiction) mixed itself
up with her noblest thoughts, to ennoble them still
more, and inspire her not only with a desire of physical
self-torture, which would seem holy both in her own
eyes and her priest’s, but with a love for all
that is fair and lofty, for self-devotion and self-sacrifice shall
we blame her shall we even smile at her
if, after the dreadful question: “Is this
the possession of a demon?” had alternated with,
“Is this the inspiration of a god?” she
settled down, as the only escape from madness and
suicide, into the latter thought and believed that
she found in the ideal and perfect manhood of One whom
she was told to revere and love as a God, and who
had sacrificed His own life for her, a substitute
for that merely human affection from which she was
for ever debarred? Why blame her for not numbering
that which was wanting, or making straight that which
was crooked? Let God judge her, not we:
and the fit critics of her conduct are not the easy
gentlemanlike scholars, like Mr. Vaughan’s Athertons
and Gowers, discussing the “aberrations of fanaticism”
over wine and walnuts; or the gay girl, Kate; hardly
even the happy mother, Mrs. Atherton; but those whose
hairs are gray with sorrow; who have been softened
at once and hardened in the fire of God; who have
cried out of the bottomless deep like David, while
lover and friend were hid away from them, and laid
amid the corpses of their dead hopes, dead health,
dead joy, as on a ghastly battle-field, “stript
among the dead, like those who are wounded, and cut
away from God’s hands;” who have struggled
drowning in the horrible mire of doubt, and have felt
all God’s billows and waves sweep over them,
till they were weary of crying, and their sight failed
for waiting so long upon God; and all the faith and
prayer which was left was “Thou wilt not leave
my soul in hell, nor suffer thy Holy One to see corruption.”
Be it understood, however, for fear of any mistake,
that we hold Mr. Vaughan to be simply and altogether
right in his main idea. His one test for all
these people, and all which they said or did, is Were
they made practically better men and women thereby?
He sees clearly that the “spiritual”
is none other than the “moral” that
which has to do with right and wrong; and he has a
righteous contempt for everything and anything, however
graceful and reverent, and artistic and devout, and
celestial and super-celestial, except in as far as
he finds it making better men and women do better
work at every-day life.
But even on this ground we must protest
against such a sketch as this; even of one of the
least honourable of the Middle-age saints:
ATHERTON. Angela de Foligni,
who made herself miserable I must say something
the converse of flourished about the beginning
of the fourteenth century, was a fine model pupil
of this sort, a genuine daughter of St. Francis.
Her mother, her husband, her children dead, she is
alone and sorrowful. She betakes herself to violent
devotion--falls ill suffers incessant
anguish from a complication of disorders has
rapturous consolations and terrific temptations is
dashed in a moment from a seat of glory above the empyrean
. . .
Very amusing, is it not? To
have one’s mother, husband, children die the
most commonplace sort of things what (over
one’s wine and walnuts) one describes as being
“alone and sorrowful.” Men who having
tasted the blessings conveyed in those few words, have
also found the horror conveyed in them, have no epithets
for the state of mind in which such a fate would leave
them. They simply pray that if that hour came,
they might just have faith enough left not to curse
God and die. Amusing, too, her falling ill, and
suffering under a complication of disorders, especially
if those disorders were the fruit of combined grief
and widowhood. Amusing also her betaking herself
to violent devotion! In the first place, if devotion
be a good thing, could she have too much of it?
If it be the way to make people good (as is commonly
held by all Christian sects), could she become too
good? The more important question which springs
out of the fact we will ask presently. “She
has rapturous consolations and terrific temptations.”
Did the consolations come first, and were the temptations
a revulsion from “spiritual” exaltation
into “spiritual” collapse and melancholy?
or did the temptations come first, and the consolations
come after, to save her from madness and despair?
Either may be the case; perhaps both were: but
somewhat more of care should have been taken in expressing
so important a spiritual sequence as either case exhibits.
It is twelve years and more since
we studied the history of the “B. Angela
de Foligni,” and many another kindred saint;
and we cannot recollect what were the terrific temptations,
what was the floor of hell which the poor thing saw
yawning beneath her feet. But we must ask Mr.
Vaughan, has he ever read Boccaccio, or any of the
Italian novelists up to the seventeenth century?
And if so, can he not understand how Angela de Foligni,
the lovely Italian widow of the fourteenth century,
had her terrific temptations, to which, if she had
yielded, she might have fallen to the lowest pit of
hell, let that word mean what it may; and temptations
all the more terrific because she saw every widow
round her considering them no temptations at all,
but yielding to them, going out to invite them in the
most business-like, nay, duty-like, way? What
if she had “rapturous consolations”?
What if she did pour out to One who was worthy not
of less but of more affection than she offered in
her passionate southern heart, in language which in
our colder northerns would be mere hypocrisy, yet
which she had been taught to believe lawful by that
interpretation of the Canticles which (be it always
remembered) is common to Evangelicals and to Romanists?
What if even, in reward for her righteous belief,
that what she saw all widows round her doing was abominable
and to be avoided at all risks, she were permitted
to enjoy a passionate affection, which after all was
not misplaced? There are mysteries in religion
as in all things, where it is better not to intrude
behind the veil. Wisdom is justified of all
her children: and folly may be justified of some
of her children also.
Equally unfair it seems to us is the
notice of St. Brigitta in our eyes a beautiful
and noble figure. A widow she, too and
what worlds of sorrow are there in that word, especially
when applied to the pure deep-hearted Northern woman,
as she was she leaves her Scandinavian
pine-forests to worship and to give wherever she can,
till she arrives at Rome, the centre of the universe,
the seat of Christ’s vicegerent, the city of
God, the gate of Paradise. Thousands of weary
miles she travels, through danger and sorrow and
when she finds it, behold it is a lie and a sham!
not the gate of Paradise, but the gate of Sodom and
of hell. Was not that enough to madden her,
if mad she became? What matter after that her
“angel dictated discourses on the Blessed Virgin,”
“bombastic invocations to the Saviour’s
eyes, ears, hair?” they were at least
the best objects of worship which the age gave her.
In one thing she was right, and kept her first love.
“What was not quite so bad, she gives to the
world a series of revelations, in which the vices
of popes and prelates are lashed unsparingly and threatened
with speedy judgment.” Not quite so bad?
To us the whole phenomenon wears an utterly different
aspect. At the risk of her life, at the risk
of being burned alive did anyone ever
consider what that means? the noble Norse-woman,
like an Alruna maid of old, hurls out her divine hereditary
hatred of sin and filth and lies. At last she
falls back on Christ Himself, as the only home for
a homeless soul in such an evil time. And she
is not burnt alive. The hand of One mightier
than she is over her, and she is safe under the shadow
of His wings till her weary work is done and she goes
home, her righteousness accepted for His sake:
her folly, hysterics, dreams call them
by what base name we will forgiven and
forgotten for the sake of her many sorrows and her
faithfulness to the end.
But whatever fault we can find with
these sketches, we can find none with Mr. Vaughan’s
reflections on them:
What a condemning comment on the pretended
tender mercies of the Church are those narratives
which Rome delights to parade of the sufferings, mental
and bodily, which her devotees were instructed to
inflict upon themselves! I am reminded of the
thirsting mule, which has, in some countries, to strike
with his hoof among the spines of the cactus, and
drink, with lamed foot and bleeding lips, the few
drops of milk which ooze from the broken thorns.
Affectionate, suffering natures came to Rome for
comfort; but her scanty kindness is only to be drawn
with anguish from the cruel sharpness of asceticism.
The worldly, the audacious, escape easily; but these
pliant excitable temperaments, so anxiously in earnest,
may be made useful. The more dangerous, frightful,
or unnatural their performances, the more profit for
their keepers. Men and women are trained by
torturing processes to deny their nature, and then
they are exhibited to bring grist to the mill like
birds and beasts forced to postures and services against
the laws of their being like those who
must perform perilous feats on ropes or with lions,
nightly hazarding their lives to fill the pockets
of a manager. The self-devotedness of which
Rome boasts so much is a self-devotion she has always
thus made the most of for herself. Calculating
men who have thought only of the interest of the priesthood,
have known well how best to stimulate and to display
the spasmodic movements of a brainsick disinterestedness.
I have not the shadow of a doubt that, once and again,
some priest might have been seen, with cold gray eye,
endeavouring to do a stroke of diplomacy by means of
the enthusiastic Catherine, making the fancied ambassadress
of Heaven in reality the tool of a schemer.
Such unquestionable virtues as these visionaries may
some of them have possessed cannot be fairly set down
to the credit of the Church, which has used them all
for mercenary or ambitious purposes, and infected
them everywhere with a morbid character. Some
of these mystics, floating down the great ecclesiastical
current of the Middle Age, appear to me like the trees
carried away by the inundation of some mighty tropical
river. They drift along the stream, passive,
lifeless, broken; yet they are covered with gay verdure,
the aquatic plants hang and twine about the sodden
timber and the draggled leaves, the trunk is a sailing
garden of flowers. But the adornment is that
of Nature it is the decoration of another
and a strange element: the roots are in the
air; the boughs which should be full of birds, are
in the flood, covered by its alien products, swimming
side by side with the alligator. So has this
priestcraft swept its victims from their natural place
and independent growth, to clothe them in their helplessness
with a false spiritual adornment, neither scriptural
nor human, but ecclesiastical the native
product of that overwhelming superstition which has
subverted and enslaved their nature. The Church
of Rome takes care that while simple souls think they
are cultivating Christian graces they shall be forging
their own chains; that their attempts to honour God
shall always dishonour, because they disenfranchise
themselves. To be humble, to be obedient, to
be charitable, under such direction, is to be contentedly
ignorant, pitiably abject, and notoriously swindled.
Mr. Vaughan cannot be too severe upon
the Romish priesthood. But it is one thing to
dismiss with summary contempt men, who, as they do,
keep the keys of knowledge, and neither enter in themselves
nor suffer others to enter, and quite another thing
to apply the same summary jurisdiction to men who,
under whatsoever confusions, are feeling earnestly
and honestly after truth. And therefore we regret
exceedingly the mock trial which he has introduced
into his Introduction. We regret it for his
own sake; for it will drive away from the book indeed
it has driven thoughtful and reverent people
who, having a strong though vague inclination toward
the Mystics, might be very profitably taught by the
after pages to separate the evil from the good in
the Bernards and Guyons whom they admire, they scarce
know why; and will shock, too, scholars, to whom Hindoo
and Persian thoughts on these subjects are matters
not of ridicule but of solemn and earnest investigation.
Besides, the question is not so easily
settled. Putting aside the flippancy of the
passage, it involves something very like a petitio
principii to ask offhand: “Does the
man mean a living union of heart to Christ, a spiritual
fellowship or converse with the Father, when he talks
of the union of the believer with God participation
in the Divine nature?” For first, what we want
to know is, the meaning of the words what
means “living”? what “union”?
what “heart”? They are terms common
to the Mystic and to the popular religionist, only
differently interpreted; and in the meanings attributed
to them lies nothing less than the whole world-old
dispute between Nominalist and Realist not yet to
be settled in two lines by two gentlemen over their
wine, much less ignored as a thing settled beyond all
dispute already. If by “living union of
heart with” Mr. Vaughan meant “identity
of morals with” he should have said
so: but he should have borne in mind that all
the great evangelicals have meant much more than this
by those words; that on the whole, instead of considering as
he seems to do, and we do the moral and
the spiritual as identical, they have put them in
antithesis to each other, and looked down upon “mere
morality” just because it did not seem to them
to involve that supernatural, transcendental, “mystic”
element which they considered that they found in Scripture.
From Luther to Owen and Baxter, from them to Wesley,
Cecil, and Venn, Newton, Bridges, the great evangelical
authorities would (not very clearly or consistently,
for they were but poor metaphysicians, but honestly
and earnestly) have accepted some modified form of
the Mystic’s theory, even to the “discerning
in particular thoughts, frames, impulses, and inward
witnessings, immediate communications from heaven.”
Surely Mr. Vaughan must be aware that the majority
of “vital Christians” on this ground are
among his mystic offenders; and that those who deny
such possibilities are but too liable to be stigmatised
as “Pelagians,” and “Rationalists.”
His friend Atherton is bound to show cause why those
names are not to be applied to him, as he is bound
to show what he means by “living union with Christ,”
and why he complains of the Mystic for desiring “participation
in the Divine nature.” If he does so,
he only desires what the New Testament formally, and
word for word, promises him; whatsoever be the meaning
of the term, he is not to be blamed for using it.
Mr. Vaughan cannot have forgotten the many expressions,
both of St. Paul and St. John, which do at first sight
go far to justify the Mystic, though they are but
seldom heard, and more seldom boldly commented on,
in modern pulpits of Christ being formed
in men, dwelling in men; of God dwelling in man and
man in God; of Christ being the life of men; of men
living, and moving, and having their being in God;
and many another passage. If these be mere metaphors
let the fact be stated, with due reason for it.
But there is no sin or shame in interpreting them
in that literal and realist sense in which they seem
at first sight to have been written. The first
duty of a scholar who sets before himself to investigate
the phenomena of “Mysticism” so called,
should be to answer these questions: Can there
be a direct communication, above and beyond sense or
consciousness, between the human spirit and God the
Spirit? And if so, what are its conditions,
where its limits, to transcend which is to fall into
“mysticism”?
And it is just this which Mr. Vaughan
fails in doing. In his sketch, for instance,
of the Mysticism of India, he gives us a very clear
and (save in two points) sound summary of that “round
of notions, occurring to minds of similar make under
similar circumstances,” which is “common
to Mystics in ancient India and in modern Christendom.”
Summarily, I would say this Hindoo mysticism
(1) Lays claim to disinterested love
as opposed to a mercenary religion;
(2) Reacts against the ceremonial
prescription and pedantic literalism of the Védas;
(3) Identifies, in its pantheism,
subject and object, worshipper and worshipped;
(4) Aims at ultimate absorption in the Infinite;
(5) Inculcates, as the way to this
dissolution, absolute passivity, withdrawal into the
inmost self, cessation of all the powers: giving
recipes for procuring this beatific torpor or trance;
(6) Believes that eternity may thus
be realised in time;
(7) Has its mythical miraculous pretensions,
i.e. its theurgic department;
(8) And, finally, advises the learner
in this kind of religion to submit himself implicitly
to a spiritual guide his Guru.
Against the two latter articles we
except. The theurgic department of Mysticism unfortunately
but too common seems to us always to have
been (as it certainly was in neo-Platonism) the despairing
return to that ceremonialism which it had begun by
shaking off, when it was disappointed in reaching
its high aim by its proper method. The use of
the Guru, or Father Confessor (which Mr. Vaughan confesses
to be inconsistent with Mysticism), is to be explained
in the same way he is a last refuge after
disappointment.
But as for the first six counts.
Is the Hindoo mystic a worse or a better man for
holding them? Are they on the whole right or
wrong? Is not disinterested love nobler than
a mercenary religion? Is it not right to protest
against ceremonial prescriptions, and to say, with
the later prophets and psalmists of the Jews:
“Thinkest thou that He will eat bull’s
flesh, and drink the blood of goats. Sacrifice
and burnt-offering Thou wouldst not . . . I come
to do thy will, O God!” What is, even, if he
will look calmly into it, the “pantheistic identification
of subject and object, worshipper and worshipped,”
but the clumsy yet honest effort of the human mind
to say to itself: “Doing God’s will
is the real end and aim of man?” The Yogi looks
round upon his fellow-men, and sees that all their
misery and shame come from self-will; he looks within,
and finds that all which makes him miserable, angry,
lustful, greedy after this and that, comes from the
same self-will. And he asks himself: How
shall I escape from this torment of self? how
shall I tame my wayward will, till it shall become
one with the harmonious, beautiful, and absolute Will
which made all things? At least I will try to
do it, whatever it shall cost me. I will give
up all for which men live wife and child,
the sights, scents, sounds of this fair earth, all
things, whatever they be, which men call enjoyment;
I will make this life one long torture, if need be;
but this rebel will of mine I will conquer.
I ask for no reward. That may come in some future
life. But what care I? I am now miserable
by reason of the lusts which war in my members; the
peace which I shall gain in being freed from them
will be its own reward. After all I give up little.
All those things round me the primeval
forest, and the sacred stream of Ganga, the mighty
Himalaya, mount of God, ay, the illimitable vault of
heaven above me, sun and stars what are
they but “such stuff as dreams are made of”?
Brahm thought, and they became something and somewhere.
He may think again, and they will become nothing and
nowhere. Are these eternal, greater than I, worth
troubling my mind about? Nothing is eternal,
but the Thought which made them, and will unmake them.
They are only venerable in my eyes, because each of
them is a thought of Brahm’s. And I too
have thought; I alone of all the kinds of living things.
Am I not, then, akin to God? what better for me than
to sit down and think, as Brahm thinks, and so enjoy
my eternal heritage, leaving for those who cannot
think the passions and pleasures which they share
in common with the beasts of the field? So I
shall become more and more like Brahm will
his will, think his thoughts, till I lose utterly
this house-fiend of self, and become one with God.
Is this a man to be despised?
Is he a sickly dreamer, or a too valiant hero? and
if any one be shocked at this last utterance, let
him consider carefully the words which he may hear
on Sunday: “Then we dwell in Christ, and
Christ in us; we are one with Christ, and Christ with
us.” That belief is surely not a false
one. Shall we abhor the Yogi because he has
seen, sitting alone there amid idolatry and licentiousness,
despotism and priestcraft, that the ideal goal of
man is what we confess it to be in the communion service?
Shall we not rather wonder and rejoice over the magnificent
utterance in that Bhagavat-Gita which Mr. Vaughan
takes for the text-book of Hindoo Mysticism, where
Krishna, the teacher human, and yet God himself, speaks
thus:
There may be confused words scattered
up and down here; there are still more confused words not
immoral ones round them, which we have
omitted; but we ask, once and for all, is this true,
or is it not? Is there a being who answers to
this description, or is there not? And if there
be, was it not a light price to pay for the discovery
of Him “to sit upon the sacred grass called koos,
with his mind fixed on one object alone; keeping his
head, neck, and body steady, without motion; his eyes
fixed upon the point of his nose, looking at no other
place around” or any other simple,
even childish, practical means of getting rid of the
disturbing bustle and noise of the outward time-world,
that he might see the eternal world which underlies
it? What if the discovery be imperfect, the figure
in many features erroneous? Is not the wonder
to us, the honour to him, that the figure should be
there at all? Inexplicable to us on any ground,
save that one common to the Bhagavat-Gita, to the gospel.
“He who seeks me shall find me.”
What if he knew but in part, and saw through a glass
darkly? Was there not an inspired apostle, who
could but say the very same thing of himself, and look
forward to a future life in which he would “know
even as he was known”?
It is well worth observing too, that
so far from the moral of this Bhagavat-Gita issuing
in mere contemplative Quietism, its purpose is essentially
practical. It arises out of Arjoun’s doubt
whether he shall join in the battle which he sees
raging below him; it results in his being commanded
to join in it, and fight like a man. We cannot
see, as Mr. Vaughan does, an “unholy indifference”
in the moral. Arjoun shrinks from fighting because
friends and relatives are engaged on both sides, and
he dreads hell if he kills one of them. The
answer to his doubt is, after all, the only one which
makes war permissible to a Christian, who looks on
all men as his brothers:
“You are a Ksahtree, a soldier;
your duty is to fight. Do your duty, and leave
the consequences of it to him who commanded the duty.
You cannot kill these men’s souls any more
than they can yours. You can only kill their
mortal bodies; the fate of their souls and yours depends
on their moral state. Kill their bodies, then,
if it be your duty, instead of tormenting yourself
with scruples, which are not really scruples of conscience,
only selfish fears of harm to yourself, and leave
their souls to the care of Him who made them, and
knows them, and cares more for them than you do.”
This seems to be the plain outcome
of the teaching. What is it, mutatis mutandis,
but the sermon “cold-blooded” or not, which
every righteous soldier has to preach to himself,
day by day, as long as his duty commands him to kill
his human brothers?
Yet the fact is undeniable that Hindoo
Mysticism has failed of practical result that
it has died down into brutal fakeerism. We look
in vain, however, in Mr. Vaughan’s chapter for
an explanation of this fact, save his assertion, which
we deny, that Hindoo Mysticism was in essence and
at its root wrong and rotten. Mr. Maurice ("Moral
and Metaphysical Philosophy,” seems to
point to a more charitable solution. “The
Hindoo,” he says, “whatsoever vast discovery
he may have made at an early period of a mysterious
Teacher near him, working on his spirit, who is at
the same time Lord over nature, began the search from
himself he had no other point from whence
to begin and therefore it ended in himself.
The purification of his individual soul became practically
his highest conceivable end; to carry out that he
must separate from society. Yet the more he
tries to escape self the more he finds self; for what
are his thoughts about Brahm, his thoughts about Krishna,
save his own thoughts? Is Brahm a projection
of his own soul? To sink in him, does it mean
to be nothing? Am I, after all, my own law?
And hence the downward career into stupid indifferentism,
even into Antinomian profligacy.”
The Hebrew, on the other hand, begins
from the belief of an objective external God, but
One who cares for more than his individual soul; as
One who is the ever-present guide, and teacher, and
ruler of his whole nation; who regards that nation
as a whole, a one person, and that not merely one
present generation, but all, past or future, as a
one “Israel” lawgivers, prophets,
priests, warriors. All classes are His ministers.
He is essentially a political deity, who cares infinitely
for the polity of a nation, and therefore bestows one
upon them “a law of Jéhovah.”
Gradually, under this teaching, the Hebrew rises
to the very idea of an inward teacher, which the Yogi
had, and to a far purer and clearer form of that idea;
but he is not tempted by it to selfish individualism,
or contemplative isolation, as long as he is true
to the old Mosaic belief, that this being is the Political
Deity, “the King of Kings.” The Pharisee
becomes a selfish individualist just because he has
forgotten this; the Essene, a selfish “mystic”
for the same reason; Philo and the Jewish mystics of
Alexandria lose in like manner all notion that Jéhovah
is the lawgiver, and ruler, and archetype of family
and of national life. Christianity retained the
idea; it brought out the meaning of the old Jewish
polity in its highest form; for that very reason it
was able to bring out the meaning of the “mystic”
idea in its highest form also, without injury to men’s
work as members of families, as citizens, as practical
men of the world; and so to conquer at last that Manichaean
hatred of marriage and parentage, which from the first
to the sixteenth century shed its Upas shade over the
Church.
And here let us say boldly to Mr.
Vaughan and to our readers: As long as “the
salvation of a man’s own soul” is set forth
in all pulpits as the first and last end and aim of
mortal existence; as long as Christianity is dwelt
on merely as influencing individuals each apart as
“brands plucked, one here and another there,
from the general burning” so long
will Mysticism, in its highest form be the refuge
of the strongest spirits, and in its more base and
diseased forms the refuge of the weak and sentimental
spirits. They will say, each in his own way:
“You confess that there can be a direct relation,
communion, inspiration, from God to my soul, as I sit
alone in my chamber. You do not think that there
is such between God and what you call the world; between
Him and nations as wholes families, churches,
schools of thought, as wholes; that He does not take
a special interest, or exercise a special influence,
over the ways and works of men over science,
commerce, civilisation, colonisation, all which affects
the earthly destinies of the race. All these
you call secular; to admit His influence over them
for their own sake (though of course He overrules
them for the sake of His elect) savours of Pantheism.
Is it so? Then we will give up the world.
We will cling to the one fact which you confess to
be certain about us that we can take refuge
in God, each in the loneliness of his chamber, from
all the vain turmoil of a race which is hastening
heedless into endless misery. You may call us
Mystics, or what you will. We will possess our
souls in patience, and turn away our eyes from vanity.
We will commune with our own hearts in solitude,
and be still. We will not even mingle in your
religious world, the world which you have invented
for yourselves, after denying that God’s human
world is sacred; for it seems to us as full of intrigue,
ambition, party-spirit, falsehood, bitterness, and
ignorance, as the political world, or the fashionable
world, or the scientific world; and we will have none
of it. Leave us alone with God.”
This has been the true reason of mystical
isolation in every age and country. So thought
Macarius and the Christian fakeers of the Thebaid.
So thought the medieval monks and nuns. So thought
the German Quietists when they revolted from the fierce
degradation of decaying Lutheranism. So are
hundreds thinking now; so may thousands think ere
long. If the individualising phase of Christianity
which is now dominant shall long retain its ascendancy,
and the creed of Dr. Cumming and Mr. Spurgeon become
that of the British people, our purest and noblest
spirits will act here, with regard to religion, as
the purest and noblest in America have acted with regard
to politics. They will withdraw each into the
sanctuary of his own heart, and leave the battle-field
to rival demagogues. They will do wrong, it
may be. Isolation involves laziness, pride, cowardice;
but if sober England, during the next half-century,
should be astonished by an outburst of Mysticism,
as grand in some respects, as fantastic in others,
as that of the thirteenth or the seventeenth centuries,
the blame, if blame there be, will lie with those
leaders of the public conscience who, after having
debased alike the Church of England and the dissenting
sects with a selfish individualism which was as foreign
to the old Cromwellite Ironside as to the High Church
divine, have tried to debar their disciples from that
peaceful and graceful Mysticism which is the only
excusable or tolerable form, of religion beginning
and ending in self.
Let it be always borne in mind, that
Quakerism was not a protest against, or a revulsion
from, the Church of England, but from Calvinism.
The steeple-houses, against which George Fox testified,
were not served by Henry Mores, Cudworths, or Norrises:
not even by dogmatist High-Churchmen, but by Calvinist
ministers, who had ejected them. George Fox
developed his own scheme, such as it was, because
the popular Protestantism of his day failed to meet
the deepest wants of his heart; because, as he used
to say, it gave him “a dead Christ,” and
he required “a living Christ.” Doctrines
about who Christ is, he held, are not Christ Himself.
Doctrines about what He has done for man, are not
He himself. Fox held, that if Christ be a living
person, He must act (when He acted) directly on the
most inward and central personality of him, George
Fox; and his desire was satisfied by the discovery
of the indwelling Logos, or rather by its re-discovery,
after it had fallen into oblivion for centuries.
Whether he were right or wrong, he is a fresh instance
of a man’s arriving, alone and unassisted, at
the same idea at which Mystics of all ages and countries
have arrived: a fresh corroboration of our belief,
that there must be some reality corresponding to a
notion which has manifested itself so variously, and
among so many thousands of every creed, and has yet
arrived, by whatsoever different paths, at one and
the same result.
That he was more or less right that
there is nothing in the essence of Mysticism contrary
to practical morality, Mr. Vaughan himself fully confesses.
In his fair and liberal chapters on Fox and the Early
Quakers, he does full justice to their intense practical
benevolence; to the important fact that Fox only lived
to do good, of any and every kind, as often as a sorrow
to be soothed, or an evil to be remedied, crossed
his path. We only wish that he had also brought
in the curious and affecting account of Fox’s
interview with Cromwell, in which he tells us (and
we will take Fox’s word against any man) that
the Protector gave him to understand, almost with
tears, that there was that in Fox’s faith which
he was seeking in vain from the “ministers”
around him.
All we ask of Mr. Vaughan is, not
to be afraid of his own evident liking for Fox; of
his own evident liking for Tauler and his school;
not to put aside the question which their doctrines
involve, with such half-utterances as
The Quakers are wrong, I think, in
separating particular movements and monitions as Divine.
But, at the same time, the “witness of the
Spirit,” as regards our state before God, is
something more, I believe, than the mere attestation
to the written word.
As for the former of these two sentences,
he may be quite right, for aught we know. But
it must be said on the other hand, that not merely
Quakers, but decent men of every creed and age, have we
may dare to say, in proportion to their devoutness believed
in such monitions; and that it is hard to see how
any man could have arrived at the belief that a living
person was working on him, and not a mere impersonal
principle, law, or afflatus (spirit of the
universe, or other metaphor for hiding materialism) unless
by believing, rightly or wrongly, in such monitions.
For our only inductive conception of a living person
demands that that person shall make himself felt by
separate acts.
But against the second sentence we
must protest. The question in hand is not whether
this “witness of the Spirit” “is
something more” than, anything else, but whether
it exists at all, and what it is. Why was the
book written, save to help toward the solution of this
very matter? The question all through has been:
Can an immediate influence be exercised by the Spirit
of God on the spirit of man? Mr. Vaughan assents,
and says (we cannot see why) that there is no mysticism
in such a belief. Be that as it may, what that
influence is, and how exercised, is all through the
de quo agitur of Mysticism. Mr. Vaughan, however,
seems here for awhile to be talking realism through
an admirable page, well worth perusal (pp. 264,
265). Yet his grasp is not sure. We soon
find him saying what More and Fox would alike deny,
that “The story of Christ’s life and death
is our soul’s food.” No; Christ
Himself is would the Catholic Church and
the Mystic alike answer. And here again the whole
matter in dispute is (unconsciously to Mr. Vaughan)
opened up in one word. And if this sentence
does not bear directly on that problem, on what does
it bear? It was therefore with extreme disappointment
that on reading this, and saying to ourselves:
“Now we shall hear at last what Mr. Vaughan
himself thinks on the matter,” we found that
he literally turned the subject off, as if not worth
investigation, by making the next speaker answer,
apropos of nothing, that “the traditional ascetism
of the Friends is their fatal defect as a body.”
Why, too, has Mr. Vaughan devoted
a few lines only to the great English Platonists,
More, Norris, Smith of Jesus, Gale, and Cudworth?
He says, indeed, that they are scarcely Mystics, except
in as far as Platonism is always in a measure mystical.
In our sense of the word they were all of them Mystics,
and of a very lofty type; but surely Henry More is
a Mystic in Mr. Vaughan’s sense also. If
the author of “Conjectura Cabbalistica”
be not a mystical writer (he himself uses the term
without shame), who is?
We hope to see much in this book condensed,
much modified, much worked out, instead of being left
fragmentary and embryotic; but whether our hope be
fulfilled or not, a useful and honourable future is
before the man who could write such a book as this
is, in spite of all defects.
Since the above was written, Mr. Vaughan’s
premature death has robbed us of a man who might have
done brave work, by lessening, through his own learning,
the intellectual gulf which now exists between English
Churchmen and Dissenters. Dis aliter
visum. But Mr. Vaughan’s death does
not, I think, render it necessary for me to alter any
of the opinions expressed here; and least of all that
in the last sentence, fulfilled now more perfectly
than I could have foreseen.