Fort Chipewyan To Fort McMurray.
Chipewyan, it may be remarked, is
not a Dene word. It is the name which was given
by the Crees to that branch of the race when they
first came in contact with them, owing to their wearing
a peculiar coat, or tunic, which was pointed both
before and behind; now disused by them, but still
worn by the Esquimaux, and, until recent years, by
the Yukon Indians. Though somewhat similar in
sound, it has no connection, it is asserted, with the
word Chippeway, or Ojibway. For all that, the
words are perhaps closely akin. The writer for
the accurate use in this narrative of words in the
Cree tongue is under obligation to experts. When
preparing his notes to his drama of “Tecumseh”
he was indebted to his friend, Mr. Thomas McKay, of
Prince Albert, Sask., a master of the Cree language,
for the exact origin and derivation of the words Chippeway
and Ojibway. Both are corruptions of O-cheepo-way,
cheepo meaning “tapering,” and
way “sound,” or “voice.”
The name was begot of the Ojibway’s peculiar
manner of lowering the voice at the end of a sentence.
As “wyan” means a skin, it is not
improbable that the word Chipewyan means tapering
or “pointed” skin, referring, of course,
to the peculiar garb of the Athapuskow Indians when
the Crees first met with them.
The sites of old posts are to be found
all over this region; but Chipewyan in the beginning
of the last century was the great supply and trading-post
of the North-West Company. From Sir John Franklin’s
Journal (1820) it would appear that the Hudson’s
Bay Company had begun, and, for some reason not given,
had ceased trading on Lake Athabasca, as he says “Fort
Wedderburne was a small post built on Coal Island now
called Potato Island-about A.D. 1815, when the Hudson’s
Bay Company recommenced trading in this part of the
country.” He often visited this island post,
then in charge of a Mr. Robertson, and, in June, engaged
there for his memorable journey his bowmen, steersmen
and middlemen, and an interpreter, his other men being
furnished by the rival company. Fort Chipewyan
was in charge at that time of Messrs. Keith and Black,
of the North-West Company, a noticeable feature of
the post being a tower built, Franklin says, about
the year 1812, “to watch Indians who had evil
designs.”
The site was well chosen, being sheltered
from storms from the lake side by a great bulwark
of wooded and rocky islands. The largest is Potato
Island, just opposite, its outliers being the Calf
and English Islands the Lapeta, Echeranaway
and Theyaodene of the Chipewyans; the Petac, Moostoos
and Akayasoo of the Crees.
Fort Chipewyan stands upon a rising
ground fronting a sort of bay formed by these islands,
and at the time of our visit consisted of a trading-store,
several large warehouses and the master’s residence,
etc., all of solid timber, erected in the days
of Chief-factor MacFarlane, who ruled here for many
years.
[Mr. MacFarlane’s career in
the service of the Hudson’s Bay Company is typical
of the varied life and movements of its old-time adventurous
traders. He entered the service in 1852, his first
winter being spent as a clerk at Pembina (now Emerson),
and also as trader in charge at the Long Creek outpost.
From here he was transferred to Fort Rae, and afterwards
to Fort Good Hope, Mackenzie River, where he remained
six years. His next post was Fort Anderson, on
the Begh-ula, or Anderson River, in the Barren Grounds,
which he held for five years, much of his scientific
work being done during excursions from this point.
Afterwards he became trader and accountant at Fort
Simpson, and was for two years in charge of the Mackenzie
River district. This was succeeded by a six months’
residence at Fort Chipewyan, where, subsequently, for
fifteen years he had charge of the district.
For two years he had control of the Caledonia district,
in British Columbia, but removed to Fort Cumberland,
Sask., where he remained for five years. Other
removals followed until he finally retired from the
service, and, returning to Winnipeg, has lived there
ever since.]
But old as the fort is, it has no
relics not even a venerable cabin.
In the store were a couple of not very ancient flint-locks,
and, upstairs, rummaging through some dusty shelves,
I came across one volume of the Edinburgh, or second,
edition of Burns in gray paper boards a
terrible temptation, which was nobly resisted.
Though there was once a valuable library here, with
many books now rare and costly, yet all had disappeared.
East of the fort are shelving masses
of red granite, completely covered by a dark orange
lichen, which gives them an added warmth and richness;
and on the highest part stood a square lead sun-dial,
which, at first sight, I thought had surely been set
up by Franklin or Richardson, but which I was told
was very modern indeed, and put up, if I am not mistaken,
by Mr. Ogilvie, D.L.S. To the west of the fort
is the Church of England Mission, and, farther up,
the Roman Catholic establishment, the headquarters
of our esteemed fellow-voyager, Bishop Grouard. [The
first Roman Catholic Mission in Athabasca was formed
by Bishop Farrand the year after Bishop Tache’s
visit to Fort Chipewyan, about A.D. 1849, he being
then a missionary priest. Bishop Farrand established
other missions on Peace River, and went as far north
as Fort Resolution, on Great Slave Lake. He died
in 1890, and was succeeded by our guest, Bishop Grouard,
O.M.I., Évêque d’Ibora, the present occupant
of the See of Athabasca and Mackenzie River.
This prelate was born at Le Mans, in France, and was
educated there, but finished his education in Quebec.
He was ordained by Bishop Tache, near Montreal,
in 1862, and was sent at once to Chipewyan, where
he learnt the difficult language of the natives in
a year. He has worked at many points, and perhaps
no man in all the North, with the exception of Archdeacon
Macdonald, or the late Anglican Bishop Bompas, has
or had as accurate a knowledge of the great Dene race,
with its numerous subdivisions of Chipewyans, Beavers,
Yellow Knives, Dog Ribs, Slaves, Nahanies, Rabbit Skins,
Loucheaux, or Squint Eyes (so named from the prevalence
of strabismus amongst them), and of other tribes.
All these were at one time not only at war with the
Crees, but with each other, with the exception of
the Slaves, who were always a tame and meek-spirited
race, and were often subjected to and treated like
dogs by the others. Indeed they were called by
the Crees, Awughkanuk, meaning “cattle.”]
In line with the fort buildings, and facing the lake,
stood a row of whitewashed cottages, all giving the
place, with its environs, deeply indented shore and
rugged spits of red granite, the quaint appearance
of some secluded fishing village on the Gulf of St.
Lawrence.
In sight, but above the bay, was the
trading-post of Colin Fraser, whose father, the McCrimmon
of the North-West, was Sir George Simpson’s
piper. The late Chief-factor Camsell, of Fort
Simpson, and myself paddled up to it, and were most
hospitably entertained by Mr. Fraser and his agreeable
family. His father’s bagpipes, still in
excellent order, were speedily brought out, and it
was interesting to handle them, for they had heralded
the approach of the autocratic little Governor to
many an inland post from Hudson’s Bay to Fraser
River, over seventy years before.
Several days were spent at the fort
taking declarations, but, unlike Vermilion or Dunvegan,
there were few large families here, the applicants
being mainly young people. The agricultural resources
of this region of rocks are certainly meagre compared
with those of Peace River. Potatoes, where there
is any available soil, grow to a good size; barley
was nearly ripe when we were there, and wheat ripens,
too. But, of course, it is not a farming region,
nor are fish plentiful at the west end of the lake,
the Athabasca River, which enters there, giving for
over twenty miles eastward a muddy hue to the water.
The rest of the lake is crystal clear, and whitefish
are plentiful, also lake trout, which are caught up
to thirty, and even forty, pounds’ weight.
The distance from Fort Chipewyan to
Fond du Lac is about 185 miles, but the lake extends
over 75 miles farther eastward in a narrow arm, giving
a total length of about 300 miles, the greatest width
being about 50 miles. The whole eastern portion
of the lake is a desolate scene of primitive rock
and scrub pine, with many quartz exposures, which
are probably mineralized, but with no land, not even
for a garden. The scenery, however, from Black
Bay to Fond du Lac is very beautiful, consisting largely
of islands as diversified and as numerous as the Thousand
Islands in the St. Lawrence. These extremely
solitary spots should be, one would think, the breeding-grounds
of the pelican, though it is said this bird really
breeds on islands in the Great Slave River. If
disturbed by man it is reputed to destroy its young
and desert the place at once.
The Barren Ground reindeer migrate
to the east end of this lake in October, and return
in March or April, but this is not certain. Sometimes
they unaccountably forsake their old migratory routes,
causing great suffering, in consequence, to the Indians.
Moose frequent the region, too, but are not numerous,
whilst land game, such as prairie chickens, ptarmigan,
and a grouse resembling the “fool-hen,”
is rather plentiful.
The Indians of Fond du Lac are healthy,
though somewhat uncleanly in their habits, and fond
of dress, which is that of the white man, their women
being particularly well dressed.
As an agricultural country the region
has no value whatever; but its mineral resources,
when developed, may prove to be rich and profitable.
Mining projects were already afoot in the country,
but far to the north on Great Slave Lake.
What was known as the “Helpman
Party” was formed in England by Captain Alene,
who died of pneumonia in December, 1898, three days
after his arrival at Edmonton. The party consisted
of a number of retired army officers, including Viscount
Avonmore, with a considerable capital, $50,000 of
which was expended. They brought some of their
outfit from England, but completed it at Edmonton,
and thence went overland late in the spring. But
sleighing being about over, they got to Lesser Slave
Lake with great difficulty, and there the party broke
up, Mr. Helpman and others returning to England, whilst
Messrs. Jeffries and Hall Wright, Captain Hall, and
Mr. Simpson went on to Peace River Crossing.
From there they descended to Smith’s Portage,
on the Great Slave River, and wintered at Fort Resolution,
on Great Slave Lake.
In the following spring they were
joined by Mr. McKinlay, the Hudson’s Bay Company’s
agent at the Portage, and he, accompanied by Messrs.
Holroyd and Holt, who had joined the party at Smith’s
Landing, and by Mr. Simpson, went off on a prospecting
tour through the north-east portion of Great Slave
Lake, staking, en route, a number of claims,
some of which were valuable, others worthless.
The untruthful statements, however, of one of the
party, who represented even the worst of the claims
as of fabulous value, brought the whole enterprise
into disrepute. The members of the party mentioned
returned to England ostensibly to raise capital to
develop their claims, but nothing came of it, not
because minerals of great value do not exist there,
but on account of remoteness and the difficulties
of transport.
In 1898 another party was formed in
Chicago, called “The Yukon Valley Prospecting
and Mining Company,” its chief promoters being
a Mr. Willis and a Mr. Wollums of that city. The
capital stock was put at a quarter of a million dollars,
twenty-five thousand dollars being paid up. These
organizers interested thirty-three other men in the
enterprise, the agreement being that these should go
to Dawson at the expense of the stockholders, and
locate mining claims there, a half-interest in all
of which was to be transferred to the company.
These men proceeded to Calgary, and outfitted for Dawson,
which they wished to reach by ascending the Peace River.
At Calgary they were fortunate in procuring as leader
a gentleman of large experience in the North, W. J.
McLean, Esq., a retired Chief-factor of the Hudson’s
Bay Company, who pointed out the difficulties of such
a route, and recommended, instead, a possible one via
Great Slave Lake and the Mackenzie River to Fort Simpson,
and thence up the Liard River to the height of land
at or near Francis Lake, and so down the Pelly River
and on to Dawson.
In February the party, led by him,
left Edmonton with 160 ponies, sleds and sleighs,
loaded with supplies, and proceeded, by an extremely
difficult forest trail, to Lesser Slave Lake.
They had no feed for the horses, save what they drew,
and, of course, they reached the lake completely exhausted.
Here, by Mr. McLean’s advice, they sold the
horses, and with the proceeds hired local freighters
to carry them and their supplies to Peace River Crossing,
where boats were built in which the party, with the
exception of one of the organizers, Mr. Willis, who
had returned in high dudgeon to Chicago, set out for
Great Slave Lake. Before getting to Fort Resolution,
Mr. McLean got private information from a former servant
of his at that post, which led to an expedition to
the north-east end of the lake, where he made valuable
finds of copper and other minerals. Another trip
was made, and additional claims were taken, and on
Mr. McLean’s return with a lot of samples of
ore, he with another prospector, came out, and proceeded
to Chicago. His samples were tested there and
in Winnipeg, and yielded in copper from 11 to 32 per
cent.; and the galena 60 ozs. of silver to the ton.
Other minerals, such as sulphur, coal, asphalt, petroleum,
iron and salt were discovered, all of great promise,
and his opinion is that when transport is extended
to that region, it will prove to be a great storehouse
of mineral wealth.
The other members of the party had
at various times and places separated, some going
here and some there; but all eventually left the country,
and the company died a natural death. But Mr.
McLean is not only a firm believer in the mineral wealth
of the North, but in its resources otherwise.
There are extensive areas of large timber, and the
lakes swarm with fish. The soil on the Liard
River is excellent, and he tells me that not only wheat
but Indian corn will ripen there, as he himself grew
both successfully when in charge of that district.
The mining enterprises referred to
fell through, but I have described them at some length
since they are very interesting as being the first
attempts at prospecting with a view to development
in those remote regions. Failure, of course,
at such a distance from transport and supplies, was
inevitable. But some of the prospectors, Captain
Hall and others who came out with ourselves, seemed
to have no doubt that much of the country they explored
is rich in minerals. Indeed, should the ancient
repute of the Coppermine River be justified by exploration,
perhaps the most extensive lodes on the continent
will yet be discovered there.
If the Hudson’s Bay route were
developed, a short line of rail from the western end
of Chesterfield Inlet would tap the mining regions
prospected, and develop many great resources at present
dormant. The very moss of the Barren Lands may
yet prove to be of value, and be shipped to England
as a fertilizer. I have been told by a gentleman
who has travelled in Alaska that an enterprising American
there is preparing to collect and ship moss to Oregon,
where it will be fermented and used as a fertilizer
in the dairy industry.
To return to Lake Athabasca.
It seemed at one time to have been the rallying-place
of the great Tine or Dene race, to which, with the
exception of the Crees, the Loucheaux, perhaps, and
the Esquimaux, all the Indians of the entire country
belong. It is said to have been a traditional
and central point, such as Onondaga Lake was to the
Iroquois.
It is noticeable that, in the nomenclature
of the various Indians of the continent, the names
by which they were known amongst themselves generally
meant men, “original men,” or people; e.g.,
the Lenni Lenape of the Delawares, with its equivalent,
the Anishinape of the Saulteaux, and the Naheowuk
of the Crees. It is also the meaning of the word
Dene, the generic name of a race as widely sundered,
if not as widely spread, as the Algonquin itself.
The Chipewyan of Lake Athabasca speaks
the same tongue as the Apache of Arizona, the Navajo
of Sonora, the Hoopa of Oregon, and the Sarcee of
Alberta. The word Apache has the same root-meaning
as the word Dene though that fierce race was also
called locally the Shisindins, namely, “The
Forest People,” doubtless from its original
habitat in this region.
Owing to the agglutinative character
of the aboriginal languages, numbering over four hundred,
some philologists are inclined to attribute them all
to a common origin, the Basque tongue being one of
the two or three in Europe which have a like peculiarity.
In the languages of the American Indians one syllable
is piled upon another, each with a distinct root-significance,
so that a single word will often contain the meaning
of an ordinary English sentence. This polysynthetic
character undoubtedly does point to a common origin,
just as the Indo-European tongues trace back to Sanskrit.
But whether this is indicative of the ancient unity
of the American races, whose languages differed in
so many other respects, and whose characteristics were
so divergent, is another question.
One interesting impression, begot
of our environment, was that we were now emphatically
in what might be called “Mackenzie’s country.”
In his “General History of the Fur-Trade,”
published in London in 1801, Sir Alexander tells us
that, after spending five years in Mr. Gregory’s
office in Montreal, he went to Detroit to trade, and
afterwards, in 1785, to the Grand Portage (Fort William).
The first traders, he tells us, had
penetrated to the Athabasca, via Methy Portage, as
early as 1791, and in 1783-4 the merchants of Lower
Canada united under the name of The North-West Company,
the two Frobishers Joseph Frobisher had
traded on the Churchill River as early as 1775 and
Simon McTavish being managers. The Company, he
says, “was consolidated in July, 1787,”
and became very powerful in more ways than one, employing,
at the time he wrote, over 1,400 men, including 1,120
canoemen. “It took four years from the
time the good, were ordered until the furs were sold;”
but, of course, the profits, compared with the capital
invested, were very great, until the strife deepened
between the Montrealers. and the Hudson’s Bay
Company, whose first inland post was only established
at Sturgeon River, Cumberland Lake, in 1774, by the
adventurous, if not over-valiant, Samuel Hearne.
The rivalries of these two companies nearly ruined
both, until they got rid of them by uniting in 1821,
when the Nor’-Westers became as vigorous defenders
of King Charles’s Charter as they had before
been its defiers and defamers.
Fort Chipewyan was established, Mackenzie
says, by Mr. Pond, in 1788, the year after his own
arrival at the Athabasca, where, by the way, in the
fall of 1787, he describes Mr. Pond’s garden
at his post on that river as being “as fine
a kitchen garden as he ever saw in Canada.”
Fort Chipewyan, however, though not established by
Mackenzie, was his headquarters for eight years.
From here he set out in June, 1789, on his canoe voyage
to the Arctic Ocean, and from here in October, 1792,
he started on his voyage up the Peace River on his
way to the Pacific coast, which he reached the following
year.
In his history he states: “When
the white traders first ventured into this country
both tribes were numerous, but smallpox destroyed
them.” And, speaking of the region at large,
he, perhaps, throws an incidental side-light upon
the Blackfoot question. “Who the original
people were,” he says, “that were driven
from it when conquered by the Kinisteneaux (the Crees)
is not now known, as not a single vestige remains
of them. The latter and the Chipewyans are the
only people that have been known here, and it is evident
that the last mentioned consider themselves as strangers,
and seldom remain longer than three or four years
without visiting their friends and relatives in the
Barren Grounds, which they term their native country.”
[It is a reasonable conjecture that
these “original people,” driven from Athabasca
in remote days, were the Blackfeet Indians and their
kindred, who possibly had their base at that time,
as in subsequent days, at the forks and on both branches
of the Saskatchewan. The tradition was authentic
in Dr. (afterwards Sir John) Richardson’s time.
Writing on the Saskatchewan eighty-eight years ago
he places the Eascabs, “called by the Crees
the Assinipoytuk, or Stone Indians, west of the Crees,
between them and the Blackfeet.” The Assiniboines
are an offshoot of the great Sioux, or Dakota, race
called by their congeners the Hohas, or “Rebels.”
They separated from their nation at a remote period
owing to a quarrel, so the tradition runs, between
children, and which was taken up by their parents.
Migrating northward the Eascabs, as the Assiniboines
called themselves, were gladly received and welcomed
as allies by the Crees, with whom, as Dr. Richardson
says, “they attacked and drove to the westward
the former inhabitants of the banks of the Saskatchewan.”
“The nations,” he continues, “driven
westward by the Easeabs and Crees are termed by the
latter Yatchee-thinyoowuc, translated Slave Indians,
but properly ‘Strangers.’” This word
Yatchee is, of course, the Iyaghchi of the Crees in
their name for Lesser Slave River and Lake. Richardson
describes them as inhabiting the country round Fort
Augustus and the foot of the Rockies, and “so
numerous now as to be a terror to the Assiniboines
themselves.” They are divided, he says,
into five nations, of whom the Fall Indians, so called
from their former residence at Cole’s Falls,
near the Forks of the Saskatchewan, were the most
numerous, consisting of 500 tents, the Piegans of
400, the Blackfeet of 350, the Bloods of 300, and
the Sarcees of 150, the latter tribe being a branch
of the Chipewyans which, having migrated like their
congeners, the Apaches, from the north, joined the
Crees as allies, just as the Assiniboines did from
the south.]
Besides Mackenzie’s, another
name, renowned in the tragic annals of science, is
inseparably connected with this region, viz.,
that of Franklin, who has already been incidentally
referred to. Others recur to one, but these two
great names are engrained, so to speak, in the North,
and cannot be lightly passed over in any descriptive
work. The two explorers were friends, or, at any
rate, acquaintances; and, before leaving England,
Franklin had a long conversation in London with Mackenzie,
who died shortly afterwards. The record of his
“Journey to the Shores of the Polar Ocean,”
accompanied by Doctor Richardson and Midshipmen Back
and Hood, in the years 1819-20-21 and ’22, practically
began at York Factory in August of the former year.
The rival companies were still at war, and in making
the portage at the Grand Rapids of the Saskatchewan,
with a party of Hudson’s Bay Company traders,
“they advanced,” he says, “armed,
and with great caution.” When he returned
on the 14th July, 1822, to York, the warring companies
had united, and he and his friends were met there
by Governor Simpson, Mr. McTavish, and all the united
partners, after a voyage by water and land of over
5,500 miles. Franklin spent part of the winter
at Cumberland post, which had been founded to counteract
the rivalry of Montreal. “Before that time,”
he says, “the natives took their furs to Hudson’s
Bay, or sold to the French Canadian traders, who,”
he adds, “visited this part of the country as
early as 1697.” If so, the credit for the
discovery of the Saskatchewan has been wrongly given
to the Chevalier, as he was called, a son of Varenne,
Sieur de la Varendrye.
Franklin left Cumberland in January,
1820, by dog train for Chipewyan, via Fort Carlton
and Green Lake. Fort Carlton was the great food
supply post, then and long afterwards, of the Hudson’s
Bay Company, buffalo and wapiti being very abundant.
The North-West Company’s fort, called La Montee,
was three miles beyond Carlton, and harbored seventy
French Canadians and sixty women and children, who
consumed seven hundred pounds of meat daily, the ration
being eight pounds. This post was at that time
in charge of Mr. Hallett, a forebear, if I mistake
not, of my old friend, William Hallett, leader of
the English Plain Hunt, and a distinguished loyalist
in the rebellion of 1869.
Franklin and Back left Fort Carlton
on the 8th February, and reached Green Lake on the
17th. The North-West Company’s post at
the lake was managed by Dugald Cameron, and that of
the Hudson’s Bay Company by a Mr. MacFarlane,
and, having been equipped at both posts with carioles,
sledges and provisions, they left “under a fusillade
from the half-breed women.” From the end
of the lake they followed for a short distance a small
river, then “crossed the woods to Beaver River,
and proceeding along it, passed the mouths of two
rivers, the latter of which, they were told, was a
channel by which the Indians go to Lesser Slave Lake.”
On the 11th of March they reached Methy Lake so
called from an unwholesome fish of the burbot species
found there, only the liver of which is fit to eat crossed
the Methy portage on the 13th, and, amidst a chaos
of vast ravines and the wildest of scenery, descended
the next day to the Clearwater River. Thence
they followed the Indian trail on the north bank,
passing a noted scene, “a romantic defile of
limestone rocks like Gothic ruins,” and, crossing
a small stream, found pure sulphur deposited by springs
and smelling very strongly. On the 17th they
got to the junction of the Clearwater with the Athabasca,
where Port McMurray now stands, and next day reached
the Pierre an Calumet post, in charge of a Mr. Stewart,
who had twice crossed the mountains to the Pacific
coast. The place got its name from a soft stone
found there, of which the Indians made their pipes.
Franklin notes the “sulphurous
springs” and “bituminous salt” in
this region, also the statement of Mr. Stewart, who
had a good thermometer, “that the lowest temperature
he had ever witnessed in many years, either at the
Athabasca or Great Slave Lake, was 45 degrees below
zero,” a statement worth recording here.
On the 26th of March the party arrived
at Fort Chipewyan, the distance travelled from Cumberland
House being 857 miles. He notes that at the time
of his arrival the fort was very bare of both buffalo
and moose meat, owing, it was said, to the trade rivalry,
and that where some eight hundred packs of fur used
to be shipped from that point, only one-half of that
number was now sent. Liquor was largely used
by both companies in trade, and scenes of riot and
violence ensued upon the arrival of the Indians at
the fort in spring, and whom he describes otherwise
as “reserved and selfish, unhospitable and beggars,
but honest and affectionate to children.”
They painted round the eyes, the cheek-bones and the
forehead, and all the race, except the Dog Ribs and
the Beavers, believed that their forefathers came
from the East. The Northern Indians, Franklin
says, suppose that they originally sprang from a dog,
and about A.D. 1815 they destroyed all their dogs,
and compelled their women to take their place.
Their chiefs seemed to have no power save over their
own families, and their conjurers were supported by
voluntary contributions of provisions. These
are some of the chief characteristics Franklin notes
of the Indians who frequented Fort Chipewyan, at which
point he spent several months. One extraordinary
circumstance, however, remains to be mentioned.
It is that of a young Chipewyan who lost his wife in
her first pregnancy. He applied the child to his
left breast, from which a flow of milk took place.
“The breast,” he adds, “became of
an unusual size.” Here he and Back, afterwards
Admiral Back, were joined by Dr. Richardson and Mr.
Hood, who had come from Cumberland House by the difficult
Churchill River route, and on July 18th, at noon,
the whole party left the fort on their tragic expedition,
the party, aside from those named, consisting of John
Hepburn, seaman, an interpreter and fifteen voyageurs,
including, unfortunately, an Iroquois Indian, called
Michel Teroahante. At two p.m. they entered Great
Slave River, here three-quarters of a mile wide, and,
passing Red Deer Islands and Dog River, encountered
the rapids, overcome by seven or eight portages,
from the Casette to the Portage of the Drowned,
all varying in length from seventy to eight hundred
yards.
On the 21st they landed at the mouth
of Salt River to lay in a supply of salt for their
journey, the deposits lying twenty-two miles up by
stream. These natural pans, or salt plains, he
describes and the description answers for
to-day as “bounded on the north and
west by a ridge between six and seven hundred feet
high.” Several salt springs issue at its
foot, and spread over the plain, which is of tenacious
clay, and, evaporating in summer, crystallize in the
form of cubes. The poisson inconnu, a species
of salmon which ascends from the Arctic Ocean, is not
found, he says, above this stream. A few miles
below it, however, a buffalo plunged into the river
before them, which they killed, and those animals
still frequent the region.
On the 25th of July they passed through
the channel of the Scaffold to Great Slave Lake, and,
landing at Moose Deer Island, found thereon the rival
forts, of course, within striking distance of each
other, and in charge, as usual, of rival Scotsmen.
At Great Slave Lake I must part company with Franklin’s
Journal, since our own negotiations only extended
to its south shores. But who that has read it
can ever forget the awful return journey of the party
from the Arctic coast, through the Barren Lands, to
their own winter quarters, which they so aptly named
Fort Resolution? In the tales of human suffering
from hunger there are few more terrible than this.
All the gruesome features of prolonged starvation were
present; the murder of Mr. Hood and two of the voyageurs
by the Iroquois; his bringing to the camp a portion
of human flesh, which he declared to be that of a
wolf; his death at the Doctor’s hands; the dog-like
diet of old skins, bones, leather pants, moccasins,
tripe de roche; the death of Peltier and Semandre
from want, and the final relief of the party by Akaitcho’s
Indians, and their admirable conduct. And all
those horrors experienced over five hundred miles beyond
Fort Chipewyan, itself thousands of miles beyond civilization!
Did the noble Franklin’s last sufferings exceed
even these? Perhaps; but they are unrecorded.
To return to our muttons. Some
marked changes had taken place, and for the better,
in Chipewyan characteristics since Franklin’s
day; not surprising, indeed, after eighty years of
contact with educated, or reputable, white men; for
miscreants, like the old American frontiersmen, were
not known in the country, and if they had been, would
soon have been run out. There was now no paint
or “strouds” to be seen, and the blanket
was confined to the bed. In fact, the Indians
and half-breeds of Athabasca Lake did not seem to differ
in any way from those of the Middle and Upper Peace
River, save that the former were all hunters and fishermen,
pure and simple, there being little or no agriculture.
It was impossible to study the manners and customs
of the aborigines, since we had no time to observe
them closely. They have their legends and traditions
and remnants of ceremonies, much of which is upon
record, and they cherish, especially, some very curious
beliefs. One, in particular, we were told, obtained
amongst them, namely, that the mastodon still exists
in the fastnesses of the Upper Mackenzie. They
describe it as a monster many times larger than the
buffalo, and they dread going into the parts it is
supposed to haunt. This singular opinion may
be the survival of a very old tradition regarding that
animal, but is more likely due to the presence of its
remains in the shape of tusks and bones found here
and there throughout the Mackenzie River district
and the Yukon.
[A similar belief, it is said, exists
amongst the Indians of the Yukon. The remains
of the primeval elephant are exceedingly abundant
in the tundras of Siberia, and a considerable
trade in mammoth ivory has been carried on between
that region and England for many years. It is
supposed that the Asian elephant advanced far to the
North during the interglacial period and perished
in the recurrent glacial epoch. Its American
congener, the mastodon, found its way from Asia to
this continent during the Drift period, when, it is
believed, land communication existed in what is now
Bering’s Strait, and perished in a like manner.
It was not a sudden but a gradual extinction in their
native habitats, due to natural causes, such as encroaching
ice and other material changes in the animals’
environment. This, I believe, is the accepted
scientific opinion of to-day. But the fact that
these animals are at times exposed entire by the falling
away of ice-cliffs or ledges, their flesh being quite
fresh and fit food for dogs, and even men, opens up
a very interesting field of inquiry and conjecture.
In the bowels of a mammoth recently revealed in North-Eastern
Siberia vegetable food was found, probably tropical,
at all events unknown to the botany of to-day.
The foregoing facts seem to be at variance with the
doctrine of Uniformity, or with anything like a slow
process. The entombment of these animals must
have been very sudden, and due, one would naturally
think, to a tremendous cataclysm followed by immediate
freezing, else their flesh would have become tainted.
A recent English writer predicts another deluge owing
to the constant accumulation of ice at the Antarctic
Pole, which for untold ages has been attracting and
freezing the waters of the Northern Hemisphere.
A lowering process, he says, has thus been going on
in the ocean levels to the north through immeasurable
time, its record being the ancient water-marks now
high up on the mountain sides of British Columbia
and elsewhere. It is certainly not unthinkable
that, if subject to such a displacement of its centre
of gravity, our planet at some inconceivably remote
period capsized, so that what were before the Tropics
became the Poles, and that such a catastrophe is not
only possible but is certain to happen again.
As a conjecture it may be unscientific; but how many
of the accepted theories of science have ceased to
be! As a matter of fact, she has been very busy
burying her dead, particularly of late years, and her
theory of the extinction of the primeval elephant
may yet prove to be one of them.]
On the 9th the steamer Grahame
arrived from Smith’s Landing, bringing with
her about 120 baffled Klondikers, returning to the
United States, there being still some sixty more, they
said, down the Mackenzie River, who intended to make
their way out, if possible, before winter. They
had a solitary woman with them who had discarded a
duffer husband, and who looked very self-reliant,
indeed, being girt about with bowie-knife and revolver,
but otherwise not alarming.
It was certainly a motley crowd, and
some of its members by no means honest. Chief-factor
Camsell, who had just come from Fort Simpson, told
me they had stolen from every house where they had
a chance, and mentioned, amongst other things, a particularly
ungrateful theft of a whip-saw from a native’s
cabin shortly after an Indian had, with much pains,
overtaken them with a similar one, which they had
lost on the trail. Their departure, therefore,
was not lamented, and the natives were glad to get
rid of them.
We ourselves boarded the steamer for
Fort McMurray on the 11th, but, owing to bad weather,
did not get off till midday, and even then the lake
was so rough that we had to anchor for a while in the
lee of an island. Colin Fraser had started ahead
of us with his big scow and cargo of furs, valued
at $15,000, and kept ahead with his fine crew of ten
expert trackers. When the weather calmed we steamed
across to the entrance of one of the various channels
connecting the Athabasca River with the lake, and
soon found ourselves skirting the most extensive marshes
and feeding-grounds for game in all Canada; a delta
renowned throughout the North for its abundance of
waterfowl, far surpassing the St. Clair flats, or
any other region in the East.
Next morning, upon rounding a point,
three full-grown moose were seen ahead, swimming across
the river. An exciting, and even hazardous, scene
ensued on board, the whole Klondike crowd firing, almost
at random, hundreds of shots without effect.
Two of the noble brutes kept on, and reached the shore,
disappearing in the woods; but the third, a three
year-old bull moose, foolishly turned, and lost its
life in consequence. It was hauled on deck, bled
and flayed, and was a welcome addition to the steamer’s
table.
That night a concert was improvised
on deck, in which the music-hall element came to the
front. But one speedily tired of the “Banks
of the Wabash,” and other ditties; in fact,
we were burning to get to Fort McMurray, where we
expected letters and papers from the outer world and
home, and nothing else could satisfy us. By evening
we had passed Burnt Point, also Poplar Point, where
the body of an unfortunate, called Patterson, who
had been drowned in one of the rapids above, was recovered
in spring by some Indians, the body being completely
enclosed in a transparent coffin of ice. On the
following day we passed Little Red River, and next
morning reached the fort, where, to our infinite joy,
we received the longed-for letters and papers our
first correspondence from the far East.
Fort McMurray consisted of a tumble-down
cabin and trading-store on the top of a high and steep
bank, which had yet been flooded at times, the people
seeking shelter on an immense hill which overlooked
it. Above an island close by is the discharge
of the Clearwater River, the old canoe route by which
the supplies for the district used to come, via Isle
a la Crosse. At McMurray we left the steamer
and took to our own boats, our Commission occupying
one, and Mr. Laird and party the other. The trackers
got into harness at once, and made very good time
for some miles, the current not being too swift just
here for fast traveling.