Such was our attitude when the war
burst upon the world. Since that time what opportunities
have the American people had to form an intelligent
opinion as to who was wrong and who was right?
What sources of information have been open to us,
what means of getting at the facts? Have we been
drowned in English lies, as several of your professors
have written me is the case? Have we relied on
one corrupt party newspaper, as you intimate is our
habit? Have we been dependent on a press bought
up with English gold, as is continually asserted by
the German press?
In the first place, we have relied
in part upon our previous knowledge of the German
Government and the German people. The hundreds
of Americans who have studied in your universities,
the thousands who have visited your country, and the
millions who have come into close contact with Germans
in this country, all have a pretty good idea of the
German type of mind, German standards of national
morality, German virtues and defects. Americans
have, of course, used this information in reaching
a conclusion as to the truth or falsehood of charges
against Germany. I talked with some of our American
professors just as they landed on the pier in New
York fresh from a summer in Germany which was cut short
by the outbreak of the war. They came direct
from your country and were as fully informed of the
German points of view right up to the declaration
of war as were any of your citizens. Many Americans
who have spent months and even years on German soil,
and who know the country and the people intimately,
have made us well acquainted with German standards
and German methods of thinking.
It is true that since the war began
much of our news has come through cables controlled
by the Allies; but Americans have too much common
sense to accept such reports as final. News from
biassed sources is always accepted with reservation,
and not fully believed unless confirmed from independent
sources. Furthermore, Americans have never lacked
for first-hand information from Germany. Direct
wireless reports from your country to several stations
in America have given us a valuable check on cable
reports. German papers come to us regularly, and
are continually and extensively quoted. Germany
has sent special agents to this country to represent
her side of every issue. The speeches and writings
of these agents have been published repeatedly and
at length in almost every paper in our country from
the Atlantic to the Pacific. American correspondents
in Germany and in the war-zone have told as much as
your censors would permit concerning what they saw
of Germany and Germany’s army. Many Americans
have returned from Germany during the war, and have
published their experiences and impressions. Some
of them have seen your army at work, suffered from
its inhumanity, and been subjected to outrages and
indignities by the civil officials of your Government.
Others were dined and honoured as notable guests and
given unusual opportunities for seeing as much as
your officials wanted them to see. Both have
offered valuable first-hand testimony as to the behaviour
of the German nation at war. Your university professors
and other prominent citizens of your country have
written us circular and private letters without number,
presenting Germany’s arguments in every conceivable
form. Your Ambassador and other officials of your
Government have been most active in keeping first-hand
information before the American public. Thousands
of your reservists, unable to cross the sea in safety,
remain in this country to talk and write in behalf
of their Fatherland.
In addition to all this, Germany’s
cause has been most vigorously championed by many
Germans and German-Americans long resident in America.
Muensterberg and others have published numerous articles
and books in Germany’s favour. Every possible
plea to justify Germany’s position has been
enthusiastically spread abroad by the German-American
press, and with that love of “fair play”
which is a widely-recognised characteristic of Americans,
even those papers which believe Germany responsible
for the war and its worst horrors, have printed volumes
of material from pro-German authors in order that
the whole truth might be known by a full and free
discussion of both sides of every question. I
have read many pro-German articles in the New York
Times, the New York Sun, the Outlook,
and other papers and magazines opposed to German policy articles
by Muensterberg, Kuno Franke, Von Bernstorff, Dernburg,
and other staunch defenders of Germany. The columns
of our papers are freely open to every authoritative
champion of the German cause, no matter what the editorial
policy of the papers may be. Never was fuller
and freer opportunity for defence accorded to anyone
than has been given to the friends of Germany to present
in print to the American public every possible justification
for Germany’s acts. Only the grossest ignorance
of the actual facts could ever lead anyone to make
the charge in good faith that the truth about Germany
has been concealed from Americans. Your letter
did not contain a single statement or argument that
has not been printed over and over again in papers
from one end of America to the other by various defenders
of the German cause. Germany’s official
documents issued in defence of her position at the
beginning of the war, her charges of atrocities against
her enemies and her supposed proofs of the falsity
of atrocity charges against the Germans, have all
been published fully and widely, although you seem
not to be aware of this fact.
Still further, in addition to the
legitimate publicity in favour of Germany related
above, there has been forced upon the American public
the most stupendous propaganda which the world has
ever witnessed. Millions of dollars have been
spent by German agents in a colossal endeavour to
shape public opinion. America has been literally
deluged with leaflets, pamphlets, books, articles,
and advertisements, subsidised by these propagandists.
Money has been lavishly spent in every form of appeal
which might be expected to turn American sentiment
against the Allies and in favour of the Teutons.
Contributions have been widely solicited to finance
this propaganda, and one of my colleagues in Columbia
is among those bearing German names who, in published
letters, have refused to support this moneyed campaign,
engineered by German agents. Strikes have been
organised in our factories, newspapers have been subsidised,
labour orators have been employed to incite trouble,
all with gold supplied from Teutonic sources.
Ambassador Dumba was forced to leave this country
because of the capture of secret letters revealing
plots to organise strikes in our munitions factories,
to buy up orators to incite workmen to discontent,
and to pay newspapers for advancing the German propaganda.
For all of this the Austrian Government was to supply
the necessary funds. German spies now in our prisons
have admitted that they were sent here by high German
officials and provided with ample supplies of money
to engage in secret plots against our neutrality with
the object of stopping munition shipments. German
officials in this country have admitted handling millions
of dollars in illegal operations carried on in defiance
of our laws and in insolent disregard of international
diplomatic courtesy. Our courts have convicted
and sentenced to 18 months’ penal servitude three
high German officials of the Hamburg-American Steamship
Line for a conspiracy to help German warships in defiance
of our laws. These officials admitted spending
nearly two million dollars of German gold in this illegal
work. Our detectives estimate that German authorities
have spent twenty-seven million dollars in America
alone to influence us against the Allies, to stir
up trouble against us in labour circles, and to foment
a revolution in Mexico to our embarrassment.
Our Government asked that the German Military and
Naval Attaches be removed from this country because
of their insolent violations of our neutrality, by
activities in connection with which they handled immense
sums of German gold for the propaganda to influence
us against England and in favour of Germany.
For every pamphlet, paper, or article
sent to me by English, French, Russian, and Italian
organisations I get several dozen from German organisations.
I get but a few circulars a month from Allied countries.
Not a week passes that I do not receive many from German
sources. America has been flooded with German
propagandist literature; very little ever comes from
other countries. Full-page advertisements, paid
by German agents, have appeared repeatedly in American
papers, urging the merits of Germany’s case.
I have never seen one on behalf of the Allies.
All over New York City, before I left for my summer
vacation, were giant posters on the billboards, put
there by a pro-German society, urging the people to
ask President Wilson to stop the exportation of arms
to Germany’s enemies. I have never seen
one poster of any kind put up by friends of the Allies.
Indeed, America has been so deluged with German propaganda
and German-paid advertisements, and requests for money
to carry on the propaganda in favour of Germany, that
the whole nation has become heartily sick of it, and
has urged the Government to expel from the country
some of your agents who have been particularly offensive
in carrying on such a propaganda among our citizens.
German gold, not English gold, has been lavishly used
to influence American opinion. Our Government
has had to employ a special detective force to discover
and destroy the many plots in which German and Austrian
gold has been lavishly used to influence opinion and
action in America; and from other neutral countries
comes abundant evidence that the same stupendous propaganda,
to turn opinion and action in favour of Germany, has
been carried on everywhere, with an audacity and utter
disregard of cost which has astonished the world.
In the face of such facts as these the German outcry
against “English gold” has seemed wholly
insincere, and little less than ridiculous.
Finally, American opinion has been
based more than all else on Germany’s official
communications, directly addressed to our Government,
on certain acts which Germany has admitted, and on
the nature of the defence and excuses offered by the
German Government in palliation of those acts.
You must not forget that the many lengthy notes addressed
by your Government to Americans have been published
in full in American papers. The outcry against
English gold, against cable dispatches altered by
the English, and against corrupt newspaper publishers
cannot be raised in connection with diplomatic correspondence
transmitted direct to your Ambassador here. This
authentic, official correspondence has given us an
excellent measure of the standards of morality and
humanity which actuate the present German Government.
Our opinion of Germany has been profoundly influenced
by these official documents.
Germany has committed certain acts
which are freely admitted by your Government.
A nation, like a man, is judged by its deeds.
After all excuses and explanations are made, the deeds
remain. Americans have read the excuses and the
explanations fully and repeatedly; and with these
excuses and explanations in mind have formed an opinion
of the power responsible for the deeds. No English
gold, no manipulated cable dispatches can have had
anything to do with that opinion. The deeds themselves
have been the supreme force in shaping American opinion
of Germany. Germany has defended the many acts
which have brought down upon her the contempt and
opprobrium of the entire civilised world. As you
well know, one of the best tests of a man’s morals
is the kind of a defence he offers for his acts.
Americans have read most carefully the many defences
offered by your Chancellor, your Minister of Foreign
Affairs, your Under-Secretary of Foreign Affairs, your
official spokesmen sent to this country, and your
Ambassador here; and in the notes sent officially
and directly to our Government by your Government.
We have formed an opinion of the moral standards of
the Government which makes and approves of such defences.
I believe you must, in sincerity and
frankness, admit that the American public has had
many sources of information open to it in forming its
opinions about Germany. Indeed, with a free press,
a large German population absolutely free from censorship
or restrictions of any kind, and a Government which
does not need to suppress facts for military or political
reasons, we are in a far better position to learn the
whole truth about Germany than are the German people
themselves.