When, upon the approach of the Germans
to Brussels, the Government and the members of the
Diplomatic Corps fled to Antwerp, the American Minister,
Mr. Brand Whitlock, did not accompany them. In
view of the peculiar position occupied by the United
States as the only Great Power not involved in hostilities,
he felt, and, as it proved, quite rightly, that he
could be of more service to Belgium and to Brussels
and to the cause of humanity in general by remaining
behind. There remained with him the secretary
of legation, Mr. Hugh S. Gibson. Mr. Whitlock’s
reasons for remaining in Brussels were twofold.
In the first place, there were a large number of English
and Americans, both residents and tourists, who had
been either unable or unwilling to leave the city,
and who, he felt, were entitled to diplomatic protection.
Secondly, the behaviour of the German troops in other
Belgian cities had aroused grave fears of what would
happen when they entered Brussels, and it was generally
felt that the presence of the American Minister might
deter them from committing the excesses and outrages
which up to that time had characterized their advance.
It was no secret that Germany was desperately anxious
to curry favour with the United States, and it was
scarcely likely, therefore, that houses would be sacked
and burnt, civilians executed and women violated under
the disapproving eyes of the American representative.
This surmise proved to be well founded. The Germans
did not want Mr. Whitlock in Brussels, and nothing
would have pleased them better than to have had him
depart and leave them to their own devices, but, so
long as he blandly ignored their hints that his room
was preferable to his company and persisted in sitting
tight, they submitted to his surveillance with the
best grace possible and behaved themselves as punctiliously
as a dog that has been permitted to come into a parlour.
After the civil administration had been established,
however, and Belgium had become, in theory at least,
a German province, Mr. Whitlock was told quite plainly
that the kingdom to which he was accredited had ceased
to exist as an independent nation, and that Anglo-American
affairs in Belgium could henceforward be entrusted
to the American Ambassador at Berlin. But Mr.
.Whitlock, who had received his training in shirt-sleeve
diplomacy as Socialist Mayor of Toledo, Ohio, was as
impervious to German suggestions as he had been to
the threats and pleadings of party politicians, and
told Baron von der Golz, the German
Governor, politely but quite firmly, that he did not
take his orders from Berlin but from Washington.
“Gott in Himmel!” exclaimed the Germans,
shrugging their shoulders despairingly, “what
is to be done with such a man?”
Before the Germans had been in occupation
of Brussels a fortnight the question of food for the
poorer classes became a serious and pressing problem.
The German armies, in their onset toward the west,
had swept the Belgian country-side bare; the products
of the farms and gardens in the immediate vicinity
of the city had been commandeered for the use of the
garrison, and the spectre of starvation was already
beginning to cast its dread shadow over Brussels.
Mr. Whitlock acted with promptness and decision.
He sent Americans, who had volunteered their services,
to Holland to purchase food-stuffs, and at the same
time informed the German commander that he expected
these food-stuffs to be admitted without hindrance.
The German replied that he could not comply with this
request without first communicating with his Imperial
master, whereupon he was told, in effect, that the
American Government would consider him personally
responsible if the food-stuffs were delayed or diverted
for military use and a famine ensued in consequence.
The firmness of Mr. Whitlock’s attitude had its
effect, for at seven o’clock the next morning
he received word that his wishes would be complied
with. As a result of the German occupation, Brussels,
with its six hundred thousand inhabitants, was as
completely cut off from communication with the outside
world as though it were on an island in the South
Pacific. The postal, telegraph and telephone
services were suspended; the railways were blocked
with troop trains moving westward; the roads were
filled from ditch to ditch with troops and transport
wagons; and so tightly were the lines drawn between
that portion of Belgium occupied by the Germans and
that still held by the Belgians, that those daring
souls who attempted to slip through the cordons
of sentries did so at peril of their lives. It
sounds almost incredible that a great city could be
so effectually isolated, yet so it was. Even
the Cabinet Ministers and other officials who had accompanied
the Government in its flight to Antwerp were unable
to learn what had befallen the families which they
had in many cases left behind them.
After nearly three weeks had passed
without word from the American Legation, the Department
of State cabled the American Consul-General at Antwerp
that some means of communicating with Mr. Whitlock
must be found. Happening to be in the Consulate
when the message was received, I placed my services
and my car at the disposal of the Consul-General,
who promptly accepted them. Upon learning of my
proposed jaunt into the enemy’s lines, a friend,
Mr. M. Manly Whedbee, the director of the Belgian
branch of the British-American Tobacco Company, offered
to accompany me, and as he is as cool-headed and courageous
and companionable as anyone I know, and as he knew
as much about driving the car as I did for
it was obviously impossible to take my Belgian driver I
was only too glad to have him with me. It was,
indeed, due to Mr. Whedbee’s foresight in taking
along a huge quantity of cigarettes for distribution
among the soldiers, that we were able to escape from
Brussels. But more of that episode hereafter.
When the Consul-General asked General
Dufour, the military governor of Antwerp, to issue
us a safe conduct through the Belgian lines, that
gruff old soldier at first refused flatly, asserting
that as the German outposts had been firing on cars
bearing the Red Cross flag, there was no assurance
that they would respect one bearing the Stars and
Stripes. The urgency of the matter being explained
to him, however, he reluctantly issued the necessary
laisser-passer, though intimating quite plainly
that our mission would probably end in providing “more
work for the undertaker, another little job for the
casket-maker,” and that he washed his hands
of all responsibility for our fate. But by two
American flags mounted on the windshield, and the
explanatory legends “Service Consulaire
des Etats-Unis d’Amérique”
and “Amerikanischer Consular dienst” painted
in staring letters on the hood, we hoped to make it
quite clear to Germans and Belgians alike that we
were protected by the international game-laws so far
as shooting us was concerned.
Now the disappointing thing about
our trip was that we didn’t encounter any Uhlans.
Every one had warned us so repeatedly about Uhlans
that we fully expected to find them, with their pennoned
lances and their square-topped schapskas, lurking
behind every hedge, and when they did not come spurring
out to intercept us we were greatly disappointed.
It was like making a journey to the polar regions
and seeing no Esquimaux. The smart young cavalry
officer who bade us good-bye at the Belgian outposts,
warned us to keep our eyes open for them and said,
rather mournfully, I thought, that he only hoped they
would give us time to explain who we were before they
opened fire on us. “They are such hasty
fellows, these Uhlans,” said he, “always
shooting first and making inquiries afterward.”
As a matter of fact, the only Uhlan we saw on the
entire trip was riding about Brussels in a cab, smoking
a large porcelain pipe and with his spurred boots resting
comfortably on the cushions.
Though we crept along as circumspectly
as a motorist who knows that he is being trailed by
a motor-cycle policeman, peering behind farmhouses
and hedges and into the depths of thickets and expecting
any moment to hear a gruff command, emphasized by
the bang of a carbine, it was not until we were at
the very outskirts of Aerschot that we encountered
the Germans. There were a hundred of them, so
cleverly ambushed behind a hedge that we would never
have suspected their presence had we not caught the
glint of sunlight on their rifle-barrels. We should
not have gotten much nearer, in any event, for they
had a wire neatly strung across the road at just the
right height to take us under the chins. When
we were within a hundred yards of the hedge an officer
in a trailing grey cloak stepped into the middle of
the road and held up his hand.
“Halt!”
I jammed on the brakes so suddenly
that we nearly went through the windshield.
“Get out of the automobile and
stand well away from it,” the officer commanded
in German. We got out very promptly.
“One of you advance alone, with his hands up.”
I advanced alone, but not with my
hands up. It is such an undignified position.
I had that shivery feeling chasing up and down my
spine which came from knowing that I was covered by
a hundred rifles, and that if I made a move which
seemed suspicious to the men behind those rifles,
they would instantly transform me into a sieve.
“Are you English?” the
officer demanded, none too pleasantly.
“No, American,” said I.
“Oh, that’s all right,”
said he, his manner instantly thawing. “I
know America well,” he continued, “Atlantic
City and Asbury Park and Niagara Falls and Coney Island.
I have seen all of your famous places.”
Imagine, if you please, standing in
the middle of a Belgian highway, surrounded by German
soldiers who looked as though they would rather shoot
you than not, discussing the relative merits of the
hotels at Atlantic City and which had the best dining-car
service, the Pennsylvania or the New York Central!
I learned from the officer, who proved
to be an exceedingly agreeable fellow, that had we
advanced ten feet further after the command to halt
was given, we should probably have been planted in
graves dug in a nearby potato field, as only an hour
before our arrival a Belgian mitrailleuse car had
torn down the road with its machine-gun squirting
a stream of lead, and had smashed straight through
the German line, killing three men and wounding a dozen
others. They were burying them when we appeared.
When our big grey machine hove in sight they not unnaturally
took us for another armoured car and prepared to give
us a warm reception. It was a lucky thing for
us that our brakes worked quickly.
We were the first foreigners to see
Aerschot, or rather what was left of Aerschot after
it had been sacked and burned by the Germans.
A few days before Aerschot had been a prosperous and
happy town of ten thousand people. When we saw
it it was but a heap of smoking ruins, garrisoned
by a battalion of German soldiers, and with its population
consisting of half a hundred white-faced women.
In many parts of the world I have seen many terrible
and revolting things, but nothing so ghastly, so horrifying
as Aerschot. Quite two-thirds of the houses had
been burned and showed unmistakable signs of having
been sacked by a maddened soldiery before they were
burned. Everywhere were the ghastly evidences.
Doors had been smashed in with rifle-butts and boot-heels;
windows had been broken; furniture had been wantonly
destroyed; pictures had been torn from the walls;
mattresses had been ripped open with bayonets in search
of valuables; drawers had been emptied upon the floors;
the outer walls of the houses were spattered with
blood and pock-marked with bullets; the sidewalks
were slippery with broken wine-bottles; the streets
were strewn with women’s clothing. It needed
no one to tell us the details of that orgy of blood
and lust. The story was so plainly written that
anyone could read it.
For a mile we drove the car slowly
between the blackened walls of fire-gutted buildings.
This was no accidental conflagration, mind you, for
scattered here and there were houses which stood undamaged
and in every such case there was scrawled with chalk
upon their doors “Güte Leute.
Nicht zu plündern.” (Good people.
Do not plunder.)
The Germans went about the work of
house-burning as systematically as they did everything
else. They had various devices for starting conflagrations,
all of them effective. At Aerschot and Louvain
they broke the windows of the houses and threw in sticks
which had been soaked in oil and dipped in sulphur.
Elsewhere they used tiny, black tablets, about the
size of cough lozenges, made of some highly inflammable
composition, to which they touched a match. At
Termonde, which they destroyed in spite of the fact
that the inhabitants had evacuated the city before
their arrival, they used a motor-car equipped with
a large tank for petrol, a pump, a hose, and a spraying-nozzle.
The car was run slowly through the streets, one soldier
working the pump and another spraying the fronts of
the houses. Then they set fire to them.
Oh, yes, they were very methodical about it all, those
Germans.
Despite the scowls of the soldiers,
I attempted to talk with some of the women huddled
in front of a bakery waiting for a distribution of
bread, but the poor creatures were too terror-stricken
to do more than stare at us with wide, beseeching
eyes. Those eyes will always haunt me. I
wonder if they do not sometimes haunt the Germans.
But a little episode that occurred as we were leaving
the city did more than anything else to bring home
the horror of it all. We passed a little girl
of nine or ten and I stopped the car to ask the way.
Instantly she held both hands above her head and began
to scream for mercy. When we had given her some
chocolate and money, and had assured her that we were
not Germans, but Americans and friends, she ran like
a frightened deer. That little child, with her
fright-wide eyes and her hands raised in supplication,
was in herself a terrible indictment of the Germans.
There are, as might be expected, two
versions of the happenings which precipitated that
night of horrors in Aerschot. The German version I
had it from the German commander himself is
to the effect that after the German troops had entered
Aerschot, the Chief of Staff and some of the officers
were asked to dinner by the burgomaster. While
they were seated at the table the son of the burgomaster,
a boy of fifteen, entered the room with a revolver
and killed the Chief of Staff, whereupon, as though
at a prearranged signal, the townspeople opened fire
from their windows upon the troops. What followed the
execution of the burgomaster, his son, and several
score of the leading townsmen, the giving over of the
women to a lust-mad soldiery, the sacking of the houses,
and the final burning of the town was the
punishment which would always be meted out to towns
whose inhabitants attacked German soldiers.
Now, up to a certain point the Belgian
version agrees with the German. It is admitted
that the Germans entered the town peaceably enough,
that the German Chief of Staff and other officers
accepted the hospitality of the burgomaster, and that,
while they were at dinner, the burgomaster’s
son entered the room and shot the Chief of Staff dead
with a revolver. But and this is the
point to which the German story makes no allusion the
boy killed the Chief of Staff in defence of his sister’s
honour. It is claimed that toward the end of
the meal the German officer, inflamed with wine, informed
the burgomaster that he intended to pass the night
with his young and beautiful daughter, whereupon the
girl’s brother quietly slipped from the room
and, returning a moment later, put a sudden end to
the German’s career with an automatic. What
the real truth is I do not know. Perhaps no one
knows. The Germans did not leave many eye-witnesses
to tell the story of what happened. Piecing together
the stories told by those who did survive that night
of horror, we know that scores of the townspeople
were shot down in cold blood and that, when the firing
squads could not do the work of slaughter fast enough,
the victims were lined up and a machine-gun was turned
upon them. We know that young girls were dragged
from their homes and stripped naked and violated by
soldiers many soldiers in the
public square in the presence of officers. We
know that both men and women were unspeakably mutilated,
that children were bayoneted, that dwellings were
ransacked and looted, and that finally, as though
to destroy the evidences of their horrid work, soldiers
went from house to house with torches, methodically
setting fire to them.
It was with a feeling of repulsion
amounting almost to nausea that we left what had once
been Aerschot behind us. The road leading to
Louvain was alive with soldiery, and we were halted
every few minutes by German patrols. Had not
the commanding officer in Aerschot detailed two bicyclists
to accompany us I doubt if we should have gotten through.
Whedbee had had the happy idea of bringing along a
thousand packets of cigarettes the tonneau
of the car was literally filled with them and
we tossed a packet to every German soldier that we
saw. You could have followed our trail for thirty
miles by the cigarettes we left behind us. As
it turned out, they were the means of saving us from
being detained within the German lines.
Thanks to our American flags, to the
nature of our mission, and to our wholesale distribution
of cigarettes, we were passed from outpost to outpost
and from regimental headquarters to regimental headquarters
until we reached Louvain. Here we came upon another
scene of destruction and desolation. Nearly half
the city was in ashes. Most of the principal
streets were impassable from fallen masonry.
The splendid avenues and boulevards were lined on
either side by the charred skeletons of what had once
been handsome buildings. The fronts of many of
the houses were smeared with crimson stains.
In comparison to its size, the Germans had wrought
more widespread destruction in Louvain than did the
earthquake and fire combined in San Francisco.
The looting had evidently been unrestrained.
The roads for miles in either direction were littered
with furniture and bedding and clothing. Such
articles as the soldiers could not carry away they
wantonly destroyed. Hangings had been torn down,
pictures on the walls had been smashed, the contents
of drawers and trunks had been emptied into the streets,
literally everything breakable had been broken.
This is not from hearsay, remember; I saw it with my
own eyes. And the amazing feature of it all was
that among the Germans there seemed to be no feeling
of regret, no sense of shame. Officers in immaculate
uniforms strolled about among the ruins, chatting
and laughing and smoking. At one place a magnificent
mahogany dining-table had been dragged into the middle
of the road and about it, sprawled in carved and tapestry-covered
chairs, a dozen German infantrymen were drinking beer.
Just as there are two versions of
the destruction of Aerschot, so there are two versions,
though in this case widely different, of the events
which led up to the destruction of Louvain. It
should be borne in mind, to begin with, that Louvain
was not destroyed by bombardment or in the heat of
battle, for the Germans had entered it unopposed,
and had been in undisputed possession for several
days. The Germans assert that a conspiracy, fomented
by the burgomaster, the priests and many of the leading
citizens, existed among the townspeople, who planned
to suddenly fall upon and exterminate the garrison.
They claim that, in pursuance of this plan, on the
night of August 26, the inhabitants opened a murderous
fire upon the unsuspecting troops from house-tops,
doors and windows; that a fierce street battle ensued,
in which a number of women and children were unfortunately
killed by stray bullets; and that, in retaliation
for this act of treachery, a number of the inhabitants
were executed and a portion of the city was burned.
Notwithstanding the fact that, as soon as the Germans
entered the city, they searched it thoroughly for
concealed weapons, they claim that the townspeople
were not only well supplied with rifles and ammunition,
but that they even opened on them from their windows
with machine-guns. Though it seems scarcely probable
that the inhabitants of Louvain would attempt so mad
an enterprise as to attack an overwhelming force of
Germans particularly with the terrible lesson
of Aerschot still fresh in their minds I
do not care to express any opinion as to the truth
of the German assertions.
The Belgians tell quite a different
story. They say that, as the result of a successful
Belgian offensive movement to the south of Malines,
the German troops retreated in something closely akin
to panic, one division falling back, after nightfall,
upon Louvain. In the inky blackness the garrison,
mistaking the approaching troops for Belgians, opened
a deadly fire upon them. When the mistake was
discovered the Germans, partly in order to cover up
their disastrous blunder and partly to vent their
rage and chagrin, turned upon the townspeople in a
paroxysm of fury. A scene of indescribable terror
ensued, the soldiers, who had broken into the wine-shops
and drunk themselves into a state of frenzy, practically
running amuck, breaking in doors and shooting at every
one they saw. That some of the citizens snatched
up such weapons as came to hand and defended their
homes and their women no one attempts to deny
but this scattered and pitifully ineffectual resistance
gave the Germans the very excuse they were seeking.
The citizens had attacked them and they would teach
the citizens, both of Louvain and of other cities
which they might enter, a lasting lesson. They
did. No Belgian will ever forget or
forgive that lesson. The orgy of blood
and lust and destruction lasted for two days.
Several American correspondents, among them Mr. Richard
Harding Davis, who were being taken by train from
Brussels to Germany, and who were held for some hours
in the station at Louvain during the first night’s
massacre, have vividly described the horrors which
they witnessed from their car window. On the
second day, Mr. Hugh S. Gibson, secretary of the American
Legation in Brussels, accompanied by the Swedish and
Mexican charges, drove over to Louvain in a taxi-cab.
Mr. Gibson told me that the Germans had dragged chairs
and a dining-table from a nearby house into the middle
of the square in front of the station and that some
officers, already considerably the worse for drink,
insisted that the three diplomatists join them in a
bottle of wine. And this while the city was burning
and rifles were cracking, and the dead bodies of men
and women lay sprawled in the streets! From the
windows of plundered and fire-blackened houses in
both Aerschot and Louvain and along the road between,
hung white flags made from sheets and tablecloths and
pillow-cases pathetic appeals for the
mercy which was not granted.
If Belgium wishes to keep alive in
the minds of her people the recollection of German
military barbarism, if she desires to inculcate the
coming generations with the horrors and miseries of
war, if she would perpetuate the memories of the innocent
townspeople who were slaughtered because they were
Belgians, then she can effectually do it by preserving
the ruins of Aerschot and Louvain, just as the ruins
of Pompeii are preserved. Fence in these desolated
cities; leave the shattered doors and the broken furniture
as they are; let the bullet marks and the bloodstains
remain, and it will do more than all the sermons that
can be preached, than all the pictures that can be
painted, than all the books that can be written, to
drive home a realization of what is meant by that dreadful
thing called War.
The distance from Louvain to Brussels
is in the neighbourhood of twenty miles, and our car
with its fluttering flags sped between lines of cheering
people all the way. Men stood by the roadside
with uncovered heads as they saw the Stars and Stripes
whirl by; women waved their handkerchiefs while tears
coursed down their cheeks. As we neared Brussels
news of our coming spread, and soon we were passing
between solid walls of Belgians who waved hats and
canes and handkerchiefs and screamed, “Vive l’Amérique!
Vive l’Amérique!” I am not ashamed to say
that a lump came in my throat and tears dimmed my
eyes. To these helpless, homeless, hopeless people,
the red-white-and-blue banner that streamed from our
windshield really was a flag of the free.
Brussels we found as quiet and orderly
as London on a Sunday morning. So far as streets
scenes went we might have been in Berlin. German
officers and soldiers were scattered everywhere, lounging
at the little iron tables in front of the cafes, or
dining in the restaurants or strolling along the tree-shaded
boulevards as unconcernedly as though they were in
the Fatherland. Many of the officers had brought
high, red-wheeled dogcarts with them, and were pleasure-driving
in the outskirts of the city; others, accompanied
by women who may or may not have been their wives,
were picnicking in the Bois. Brussels had become,
to all outward appearances at least, a German city.
German flags flaunted defiantly from the roofs of
the public buildings, several of which, including
the Hotel de Ville, the Palais de Justice and the
Cathedral, were reported to have been mined. In
the whole of the great city not a single Belgian flag
was to be seen. The Belgian police were still
performing their routine duties under German direction.
The royal palace had been converted into a hospital
for German wounded. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs
was occupied by the German General Staff. The
walls and hoardings were plastered with proclamations
signed by the military governor warning the inhabitants
of the penalties which they would incur should they
molest the German troops. The great square in
front of the Gare du Nord, which was being used as
a barracks, was guarded by a line of sentries, and
no one but Germans in uniform were permitted to cross
it. One other person did cross it, however, German
regulations and sentries notwithstanding. Whedbee
and I were lunching on Sunday noon in the front of
the Palace Hotel, when a big limousine flying the
American flag drew up on the other side of the square
and Mr. Julius Van Hee, the American Vice-Consul at
Ghent, jumped out. He caught sight of us at the
same moment that we saw him and started across the
square toward us. He had not gone a dozen paces
before a sentry levelled his rifle and gruffly commanded
him to halt.
“Go back!” shouted the
sentry. “To walk across the square forbidden
is.”
“Go to the devil!” shouted
back Van Hee. “And stop pointing that gun
at me, or I’ll come over and knock that spiked
helmet of yours off. I’m American, and
I’ve more right here than you have.”
This latter argument being obviously
unanswerable, the befuddled sentry saw nothing for
it but to let him pass.
Van Hee had come to Brussels, he told
us, for the purpose of obtaining some vaccine, as
the supply in Ghent was running short, and the authorities
were fearful of an epidemic. He also brought with
him a package of letters from the German officers,
many of them of distinguished families, who had been
captured by the Belgians and were imprisoned at Bruges.
When Van Hee had obtained his vaccine, he called on
General von Ludewitz and requested a safe conduct
back to Ghent.
“I’m sorry, Mr. Van Hee,”
said the general, who had married an American and
spoke English like a New Yorker, “but there’s
nothing doing. We can’t permit anyone to
leave Brussels at present. Perhaps in a few days
“A few days won’t do,
General,” Van Hee interrupted, “I must
go back to-day, at once.”
“I regret to say that for the
time being it is quite impossible,” said the
general firmly.
“I have here,” said Van
Hee, displaying the packet, “a large number
of letters from the German officers who are imprisoned
in Belgium. If I don’t get the pass you
don’t get these letters.”
“You hold a winning hand, Mr.
Van Hee,” said the general, laughing, as he
reached for pen and paper.
But when Whedbee and I were ready
to return to Antwerp it was a different matter.
The German authorities, though scrupulously polite,
were adamantine in their refusal to permit us to pass
through the German lines. And we held no cards,
as did Van Hee, with which to play diplomatic poker.
So we were compelled to bluff. Telling the German
commander that we would call on him again, we climbed
into the car and quietly left the city by the same
route we had followed upon entering it the preceding
day. All along the road we found soldiers smoking
the cigarettes we had distributed to them. Instead
of stopping us and demanding to see our papers they
waved their hands cheerily and called, “Auf
wiedersehn!” As we knew that we could not get
through Louvain without being stopped, we drove boldly
up to headquarters and asked the general commanding
the division if he would detail a staff officer to
accompany us to the outer lines. (There seemed no need
of mentioning the fact that we had no passes.) The
general said, with profuse apologies, that he had
no officer available at the moment, but hoped that
a sergeant would do. We carried the sergeant with
us as far as Aerschot, distributing along the way what
remained of our cigarettes. At Aerschot we were
detained for nearly an hour, as the officer who had
visited Atlantic City, Niagara Falls and Coney Island
insisted on our waiting while he sent for another officer
who, until the outbreak of the war, had lived in Chicago.
We tried not to show our impatience at the delay,
but our hair stood on end every time a telephone bell
tinkled. We were afraid that the staff in Brussels,
learning of our unauthorized departure, would telephone
to the outposts to stop us. It was with a heartfelt
sigh of relief that we finally shook hands with our
hosts and left ruined Aerschot behind us. I opened
up the throttle, and the big car fled down the long,
straight road which led to the Belgian lines like a
hunted cat on the top of a backyard fence.