THE VIRGINIA CAMPAIGNS OF 1862-63
The Army of the Potomac lay inactive
all through the winter of 1861-62. The country
cried “Forward,” but it was March before
McClellan was ready to stir. Then he sailed down
Chesapeake Bay to attack Richmond from the south,
with Fortress Monroe as base. The splendidly disciplined
and equipped army, 120,000 strong, began embarking
March 17th.
Fortress Monroe lies at the apex of
a wedge-shaped peninsula formed by the York and James
Rivers, which converge as they flow toward the coast.
April 4th, McClellan started on his march up this peninsula.
A line of Confederate fortifications, twelve miles
long, stretched across it, from Yorktown to the James,
defended by 10,000 men. Yorktown must be taken
to turn this line. A month was wasted in laborious
siege preparations, for early in May, just before
an overwhelming cannonade was to begin, the southern
army evacuated the place and retreated toward Richmond.
McClellan hurried after it. A
desultory battle was fought all day on the 5th, near
Williamsburg, the enemy withdrawing at night.
McClellan now moved slowly up the peninsula, the last
of May finding his army within ten miles of Richmond,
encamped on both sides of the Chickahominy. By
this time nearly 70,000 troops had gathered for the
defence of the Confederate capital.
May 31st, the Confederate General
Joseph E. Johnston fell upon the part of McClellan’s
army south of the river, at Fair Oaks, and in a bloody
battle drove it back a mile. McClellan sent re-enforcements
across the river, and the retreat was stayed.
The lost ground was regained next day, and the enemy
driven into Richmond. Johnston having been wounded,
General Robert E. Lee was now placed in command of
the Army of Virginia, destined to lay it down only
at the collapse of the Confederate government.
McClellan waited three weeks for better
weather. He also expected McDowell’s corps
of 45,000, which had been kept near Fredericksburg
to defend Washington, but was under orders at the
proper time to cooperate with McClellan by moving
against Richmond from the north. But Stonewall
Jackson came raiding down the Shenandoah Valley, hustling
General Banks before him. Washington was alarmed,
and McDowell had to be retained.
Lee boldly took the offensive, and
the “Seven Days’ Fight” began.
June 26th he attacked McClellan’s extreme right
under Porter, on the north side of the Chickahominy.
He was repulsed, but Porter fell back farther down
the river to Gaines’s Mill, there fought all
the next day against great odds, and was saved from
total rout toward night only by the arrival of re-enforcements.
Jackson’s army from the north
had joined Lee’s left, and McClellan’s
communication with York River was in danger. He
decided to change his base to the James, where he
would have placed it at first but for his expectation
of McDowell and his desire to connect with him.
Everything not transportable, including millions of
rations and hundreds of tons of ammunition, had to
be destroyed. Five thousand loaded wagons, 2,500
head of cattle, and the reserve artillery were then
set in motion toward the James, protected by the army
in flank and rear.
On discovering this movement Lee hastened
to strike. A force was sent to assail the retreating
column in the rear; but the bridgeless Chickahominy,
guarded by artillery, held the pursuers at bay.
Lee threw other portions of his army against McClellan’s
right, at Savage’s Station on the 29th, at Frazier’s
Farm on the day following; but the Union troops each
time stood their ground till ready and then continued
their march.
July 1st found the retreating host
concentrated on Malvern Hill, a plateau a mile and
a half long and half as broad, with ravines toward
the advancing enemy. Here McClellan planted seventy
cannon, rising tier upon tier up the slope, seven
heavy siege guns crowning the crest. The position
was impregnable, but Lee determined to attack.
Shortly before sunset his men advanced boldly to the
charge, but were mowed down by the terrible concentrated
fire of the batteries. The hill swarmed with
infantry as well, sheltered by fences and ravines,
while shells from the gunboats in James River could
reach every part of the Confederate line. Yet
not till nine in the evening did Lee let the useless
carnage cease. Badly demoralized as the opposing
army was, McClellan at midnight withdrew to Harrison’s
Landing, farther down the James.
During the Seven Days’ Retreat
he had lost 15,000 men; the Confederates somewhat
more. Military authorities unite in pronouncing
McClellan’s change of base “brilliantly
executed;” but the campaign as a whole was a
failure, discouraging the country as much as Bull Run
had done. McClellan prepared and fully expected
to move on Richmond again from this new base, but
early in August received orders to withdraw from the
Peninsula. By the middle of the month the dejected
Army of the Potomac was on its way north.
The last of June the Union forces
in West Virginia, the Shenandoah Valley, and in front
of Washington were consolidated into one army, and
the same General Pope who had recently won laurels
by the conquest of Island Number Ten, put in command.
His headquarters, he announced, were to be in the
saddle, and those who had criticised McClellan gave
out that the Union army’s days of retreating
were past. McClellan was called from the Peninsula
to strengthen this new movement.
Lee started north to crush Pope before
McClellan should reach him. Pope had but 50,000
men against Lee’s 80,000, and fell back across
the Rappahannock. Lee sent Jackson on a far detour,
via Thoroughfare Gap, to get into his rear and cut
his communications. Jackson moved rapidly around
to Manassas-one of the most brilliant exploits
in all the war-and destroyed Pope’s
immense supply depot there. On August 29th he
was attacked by Pope near the old battlefield of Bull
Run. The first day’s fight was indecisive,
but Confederate re-enforcements under Longstreet arrived
in time to join in the battle of the next. McClellan
was in no hurry to re-enforce his rival, but proposed
“to leave Pope to get out of his scrape as he
might.” Toward sunset in the battle of the
30th, Longstreet’s column, doubling way around
Jackson’s right and Pope’s left, made
a grand charge, taking Pope straight in the flank.
Porter’s corps-the Fifth-part
of McClellan’s army, stood in the “bloody
angle” of cross-fire. His loss was dreadful-2,000
out of 9,000. Pope was compelled to retire to
Centreville. An engagement at Chantilly, September
1st, forced a further retreat to Washington. Pope
resigned, and his army was merged in the Army of the
Potomac, McClellan commanding all.
Lee now invaded Maryland with 60,000
men. Already the alarmed North heard him knocking
at its gates. Hastily re-organizing the army,
McClellan gave chase. Leaving a force to hold
Turner’s Gap in South Mountain, Lee pushed on
toward Pennsylvania. By the battle of South Mountain,
September 14th, Hooker got possession of the gap, and
the Union army poured through. Seeing that he
must fight, Lee took up a position on Antietam Creek,
a few miles north of Harper’s Ferry. Jackson
had just received the surrender of the latter place,
with 11,000 prisoners, and now hurried to join Lee.
By the night of September 16th, the
two armies were in battle array on either side of
the creek. To the rear of the Confederate left
lay a cultivated area encircled by woods, a cornfield
in its centre. At dawn on the 17th, Hooker opened
the battle by a furious charge against the Confederate
left, and tumbled the enemy out of the woods, across
the cornfield, and into the thickets beyond, where
he was fronted by Confederate reserves. The carnage
was terrific. Re-enforcements under Mansfield
were sent to Hooker, but driven back across the cornfield.
Mansfield was killed and Hooker borne from the field
wounded, Sumner coming up barely in time to prevent
a rout. Once more the Confederates were pushed
through the cornfield into the woods. Here, crouching
behind natural breastworks-limestone ridges
waist-high-the southern ranks delivered
so hot a fire as to repulse Sumner’s men.
Thus, all the morning and into the afternoon the tide
of battle surged back and forth through the bloody
cornfield, strewn with wounded and dead.
On the Confederate right no action
took place till late in the day. Burnside then
attacked and gained some slight advantage. But
re-enforcements from Harper’s Ferry came up and
were put in against him, forcing him back to the creek.
During the next day McClellan feared to risk a battle.
Being re-enforced, he intended to attack on the following
morning; but Lee, who should have been crushed, having
but 40,000 men to McClellan’s 87,000, slipped
away in the night and got safely across the Potomac.
The Union loss was 12,400; that of the Confederates
probably about the same.
The general dissatisfaction with McClellan’s
slowness caused his removal early in November, Burnside
succeeding him. The new commander, who, as the
head of the army, was an amiable failure, proposed
to move directly against Richmond, but Lee flung himself
in his path at Fredericksburg.
Fredericksburg lies on the south bank
of the Rappahannock. Behind the city is a gradually
ascending plain, bounded by heights which bend toward
the river. Lee’s army, 80,000 strong, lay
in a semicircle along these heights, its wings touching
the river above and below the town. Two rows
of batteries, planted on the heights, swept the plain
in front and flank. A sunken road, sheltered
by a stone wall, ran along the base of the declivity.
Burnside’s army of 125,000 men occupied a range
of hills on the north side of the river.
Lee’s position was very strong;
but the country was impatient for action, and Burnside
too readily and without any definite plan gave the
order to attack. December 11th and 12th were spent
in crossing the river on pontoon bridges. The
ominous 13th came. The first charge was made by
5,000 of Franklin’s men against the Confederate
right. The attacking column broke through the
lines and reached the heights; but it was not supported,
and Confederate reserves drove it back.
About noon an attack was made by Hancock’s
and French’s corps against the Confederate left.
They advanced over the plain in two lines, one behind
the other. Suddenly the batteries in front, to
left, to right, poured upon them a murderous fire.
Great gaps were mowed in their ranks. Union batteries,
replying from across the river, added horror to the
din, but helped little. Still the lines swept
on. They grew thinner and thinner, halted, broke,
and fled.
Again they advanced, this time almost
up to the stone wall. Behind it, hidden from
sight, lay gray ranks four deep. Suddenly that
silent wall burst into flame, and the advancing lines
crumbled away more rapidly than before. Three
times more the gallant fellows came on, bayonets fixed,
to useless slaughter. That deadly wall could not
be passed.
The two wings having failed, the Union
centre, under Fighting Joe Hooker, was ordered to
try. He kept his batteries playing till sunset,
hoping to make a breach. Four thousand men were
then ordered into the jaws of death. Stripping
off knapsacks and overcoats, and relying on the bayonet
alone, they charged on the double-quick and with a
cheer. They got within twenty yards of the stone
wall. Again that sheet of flame! In fifteen
minutes it was all over, and they returned as rapidly
as they advanced, leaving nearly half their number
dead and dying behind. During the day Burnside
had had 113,000 men either across the river or ready
to cross. Lee’s force was 78,000.
Night put an end to the luckless carnage.
Burnside’s generals dissuaded him from renewing
the attack next day, and the army re-crossed the river.
They had lost 12,300 men; the Confederates 5,000.
A writer to the London Times from Lee’s headquarters
called this December 13th a day “memorable to
the historian of the Decline and Fall of the American
Republic.”
Burnside resigned in January, and
Hooker took the command, but he did not assume the
offensive till the last of April. Then, leaving
three corps under Sedgwick to deceive Lee by a demonstration
in front, he marched up-stream with the other four
of his corps, crossed the Rappahannock and the Rapidan,
partially turned Lee’s left, and took up a position
near Chancellorsville. It was a perfect plan,
and thus far triumphantly executed. But here
Hooker waited, and the pause was fatal. On the
night of April 30th Lee perceived that Sedgwick’s
movement was only a feint, and gathered all his forces,
62,000 strong, to fight at Chancellorsville.
He fortified himself so firmly that Hooker with 64,000,
or, including Sedgwick’s two corps and the cavalry,
113,000, made not a single step of further advance.
Nor was this the worst. Hooker’s
right wing, under Howard, was weakly posted.
On the 2d of May Stonewall Jackson, who cherished the
theory that one man in an enemy’s rear is worth
ten in his front, making a detour of fifteen miles,
got upon Howard’s right unobserved, and rolled
it up. The surprise was as complete as it was
inexcusable. Arms were stacked and the men getting
supper. Suddenly some startled deer came bounding
into camp, gray-coats swarming from the woods hard
behind. Almost at the first charge the whole
corps broke and flee! But the victory cost the
Confederates dear; Jackson was fatally wounded, probably
by his own men.
All the next day the Union army fought
on the defensive. Hooker was stunned in the course
of it by a cannon-ball stroke upon the house-pillar
against which he was leaning, and the army was left
without a commanding mind. Sedgwick, who was
to come up from below Fredericksburg and take Lee
in the rear, found it impossible to do this in time,
having to fight his way forward with great loss.
When he drew near, Lee was enough at leisure to attend
to him. Forty thousand troops, aching for the
fray, were left idle while Lee was hammering away against
the portion of the Union line commanded by Sickles.
Ammunition gave out, and charge after charge had to
be repulsed with the bayonet.
Sickles’s brave men at last
yielded. The Confederate attack of May 4th was
nearly all directed against Sedgwick, whose noble corps
narrowly escaped capture. That night the whole
army fell back to nearly its old position north of
the Rappahannock. Except that at Fredericksburg
it was the most disgraceful fiasco on either side
during the war. It cost 17,000 men, and accomplished
less than nothing. The South was elated.
It proposed again to invade the North and this time
dictate terms of peace.
Early in June Lee’s jubilant
army, strengthened to 100,000, with 15,000 cavalry
and 280 guns, started on its second grand Northern
Campaign. It marched down the Shenandoah Valley,
crossed the Potomac on the 25th, and headed for Chambersburg,
Penn. The Army of the Potomac marched parallel
with it, on the east side of the Blue Ridge, and crossed
the Potomac a day later. Hooker suddenly resigned,
and Meade was put in command.
Lee reached Chambersburg; his advance
even pushed well on toward Harrisburg, the capital
of Pennsylvania. At Chambersburg he waited eagerly
for those riots in northern cities by which the “copperheads”
had expected to aid his march. In vain. Meade
was drawing near. “Pressed by the finger
of destiny, the Confederate army went down to Gettysburg,”
and here the advance of both hosts met on July 1st.
After some sharp fighting the Union van was driven
back in confusion through Gettysburg, with a loss
of 10,000 men, half of them prisoners. The brave
General Reynolds, commanding the First Corps, lost
his life in this action. The residue fell back
to Cemetery Hill, south of the town. Meade, fifteen
miles to the south, sent Hancock on to take command
of the field, and see what it was best to do.
This able and trusty officer hurried to the scene
of action in an ambulance, studying maps as he went.
He saw at a glance the strength of Cemetery Ridge
and resolved to retreat no farther. The remaining
corps were ordered up, and by noon of July 2d had
mostly taken their positions.
The Union army lay along an elevation
some three miles in length, resembling a fish-hook
in shape. At the extreme southern end forming
the head of the shank rose “Round Top,”
four hundred feet in height. Farther north was
“Little Round Top,” about three-fourths
as high. Cemetery Ridge formed the rest of the
shank. The hook curved to the east, with Culp’s
Hill for the barb. The Confederate army occupied
Seminary Ridge a mile to the west, its left wing, however,
bending around to the east through Gettysburg, the
line being nearly parallel with Meade’s, but
much longer. Each army numbered not far from 80,000.
The battle of the second day began
about three in the afternoon. Meade had neglected
to occupy Little Round Top, which was the key to the
Union line. Longstreet’s men began climbing
its rugged sides. Fortunately the movement was
seen in time, and Union troops, after a most desperate
conflict, seized and held the crest of the hill.
Along the Union left centre General
Sickles’s corps had taken a position in advance
of the rest of the line, upon a ridge branching off
from Cemetery Ridge at an acute angle. Here he
was fiercely attacked and most of his force finally
driven back into the line of Cemetery Ridge. The
Union right had been greatly weakened to strengthen
the centre. The Confederates charged here also,
and carried the outer intrenchments at Culp’s
Hill. The Union losses during the afternoon were
10,000-three-fifths in Sickles’s corps,
which lost half its numbers.
The next morning was spent by Lee
in preparing for a grand charge upon the Union centre,
that of yesterday upon the left having failed, and
the Confederates having this morning been driven from
the ground gained the night before on the right at
Culp’s Hill. The storm burst about one
o’clock. For two hours 120 guns on Seminary
Ridge kept up a furious cannonade, to which Meade
replied with 80. About three the Union cannon
ceased firing. Lee mistakenly thought them silenced,
and gave the word to charge.
An attacking column 18,000 strong,
made up of fresh troops, the flower of Lee’s
men, and commanded by the impetuous Pickett, the Ney
of the southern army, emerges from the woods on Seminary
Ridge, and, drawn up in three lines, one behind the
other, with a front of more than a mile, moves silently
down the slope and across the valley toward the selected
spot. Suddenly the Union batteries again open
along the whole line. Great furrows are ploughed
in the advancing ranks. They press steadily on,
and climb the slope toward Meade’s lines.
Two regiments behind rude intrenchments slightly in
advance pour in such a murderous fire that the column
swerves a little toward its left, exposing its flank.
General Stannard and his lusty Vermonters make an
irresistible charge upon this. Windrows of Pickett’s
poor fellows are mowed down by the combined artillery
and musketry fire. A part of the column breaks
and flees. A part rushes on with desperate valor
and reaches the low stone wall which serves for a
Union breastwork. A venomous hand-to-hand fight
ensues. Union re-enforcements swarm to the endangered
point. The three Confederate brigade commanders
are all killed or fatally wounded, whole regiments
of their followers surrounded and taken prisoners.
The rest are tumbled back, and the broken remnants
of that noble column flee in wild confusion across
the valley.
The Confederate loss on this eventful
day was 16,000, the Union loss not one-fifth as great.
General Hancock, whose command bore the brunt of the
charge, was severely wounded. Meade should have
pressed his advantage, but did not, and next day Lee
retreated under cover of a storm and escaped across
the Potomac. His losses during the three days
had been frightful, amounting to 23,000. In one
brigade, numbering 2,800 on July 1st, only 835 answered
roll-call three days later. Meade’s total
losses were also 23,000. Meade had had on the
field in all 83,000 men and 300 guns, Lee 69,000 and
250 guns.
Gettysburg marks the turning of the
tide. The South’s dream of getting a foothold
in the North was forever past. She was soon to
hear a gallant Northerner’s voice demanding
the surrender of Richmond.