The English-speaking public is generally
well informed concerning the part played in the war
by the Belgian troops. The resistance of our
small field army at Liege, before Antwerp, and on the
Yser has been praised and is still being praised wherever
the tale runs. This is easy enough to understand.
The fact that those 100,000 men should have been able
to hold so long in check the forces of the first military
Empire in Europe, and that a great number of them,
helped by new contingents of recruits and led by their
young King, should still be fighting on their native
soil, must appeal strongly to the imagination.
If it be told how the new Belgian
army, reorganised and re-equipped after the terrible
ordeal on the Yser, is at the present moment much
stronger than at the beginning of the war, how it has
been able lately to extend its front in Flanders,
and how some of its units have rendered valuable help
to the cause of the Allies in East Africa and even
in Galicia, the story sounds like a fairy tale.
There is, in the history of this unequal struggle,
the true ring of legendary heroism; it seems an echo
of the tale of David and Goliath, or of Jack the Giant
Killer; it is full of the triumph of the spirit over
the flesh, of independence and free will over fatalism
and brute force, of Right over Might.
I feel confident that some day a poet
will be able to sing this great epic in verses which
shall answer to the swinging rhythm of battle and
roll with the booming of a thousand guns. But,
in the meantime, I should like to say a few words
about a much humbler, a much simpler, a much more
familiar subject. It awakes no classical remembrances
of Leonidas or Marathon. My heroes risk their
lives, but they are not soldiers, merely prosaic “bourgeois”
and workmen. They have no weapon, they cannot
fight. They have only to remain cheery in adversity
and patient in the face of taunts. They cannot
render blow for blow, they have no sword to flourish
against an insolent conqueror. They can only oppose
a stout heart, a loyal spirit, and an ironic smile
to the persécutions to which they are subjected.
They can do nothing they must do nothing only
hope and wait. But there are as much heroism
and beauty in their black frock-coats and their soiled
workmen’s smocks as in the gayest and most glittering
uniforms.
It is the plain matter-of-fact story
of Belgian life under German rule. Many more
people will be tempted to praise the glory of our soldiers.
But, if the incidents of conquered Belgium’s
life are not recorded in good time, they might escape
notice. People might forget that, besides the
150,000 to 200,000 heroes who are now waging war for
Belgium on the Western front, there are 7,500,000
heroes who are suffering for Belgium behind the German
lines, in the close prison of guarded frontiers, cut
off from the whole world, separated alike from those
who are fighting for their deliverance and from those
who have sought refuge abroad.
These are the people whom America,
England, Spain, and many generous people in other
allied and neutral countries have tried to save from
material starvation. If I could only show to my
readers how they are saving themselves from despair,
from spiritual starvation, I should be well repaid
for my trouble, for, among all the wonders of this
war, which has displayed mankind as at once so much
worse and so much better than we thought, there is
perhaps nothing more surprising than the way in which
the Belgian people have kept their spirits up.
One can, to a certain extent, understand
the bright courage and the grim humour of the fighting
soldier; he has the excitement of battle to sustain
him through danger and suffering. But that an
unarmed population, which, having witnessed the martyrdom
of many peaceful towns, is threatened with utter destruction,
which, ruined by war contributions and requisitions,
is on the brink of starvation, which, persecuted by
spies and subjected constantly to the most severe
individual and collective punishments on the slightest
pretext, is obliged to refrain from any manifestation
of patriotic sentiments that such a population,
completely cut off from its Government and from most
of its political leaders, and, moreover, poisoned every
day by news concocted by the enemy, should remain
unshakable in its courage and loyalty and should still
be able to laugh at the efforts made by its masters
to bring it into submission, is truly one of the most
amazing spectacles which we have witnessed since the
war broke out. General von Bissing has declared
that the Belgians are an enigma to him. No wonder.
They are an enigma to themselves. I am not going
to explain the miracle. I will only attempt to
show how inexplicable, how miraculous, it is.
The German occupation of Belgium may
be roughly divided into two periods: Before the
fall of Antwerp, when the hope of prompt deliverance
was still vivid in every heart, and when the German
policy, in spite of its frightfulness, had not yet
assumed its most ruthless and systematic character;
and, after the fall of the great fortress, when the
yoke of the conqueror weighed more heavily on the
vanquished shoulders, and when the Belgian population,
grim and resolute, began to struggle to preserve its
honour and loyalty and to resist the ever increasing
pressure of the enemy to bring it into complete submission
and to use it as a tool against its own army and its
own King.
I am only concerned here with the
second period. The story of the German atrocities
committed in some parts of the country at the beginning
of the occupation is too well known to require any
further comment. Every honest man, in Allied
and neutral countries, has made up his mind on the
subject. No unprejudiced person can hesitate between
the evidence brought forward by the Belgian Commission
of Enquiry and the vague denials, paltry excuses and
insolent calumnies opposed to it by the German Government
and the Pro-German Press. Besides, in a way, the
atrocities committed during the last days of August,
1914, ought not to be considered as the culminating
point of Belgium’s martyrdom. They have,
of course, appealed to the imagination of the masses,
they have filled the world with horror and indignation,
but they did not extend all over the country, as the
present oppression does; they only affected a few
thousand men and women, instead of involving hundreds
of thousands. They were clean wounds wrought
by iron and fire, sudden, brutal blows struck at the
heart of the country, wounds and blows from which
it is possible to recover quickly, from which reaction
is possible, which do not affect the soul and honour
of a people. The military executioners of 1914
were compassionate when compared to the civilian administrators
who succeeded them. The pen may be more cruel
than the sword. Considered in the light of the
recent déportations, the first days of frightfulness
seem almost merciful.
Observers have found no words strong
enough to praise the attitude of the Belgian people
when victory seemed close at hand, when news was still
allowed to reach them. What should be said now
after the twenty-seven months for which they have
been completely isolated from the rest of the world?
The ruthless methods of the German army of invasion
which deliberately massacred 5,000 unarmed civilians
and sacked six or seven towns and many more villages
has been vehemently condemned. What is to be
the verdict now that they have succeeded, after two
years of efforts, in sacking the whole country, ruining
her industry and commerce, throwing out of employment
her best workmen and leading into slavery tens of
thousands of her staunchest patriots? The horrors
of Louvain and Dinant were compared, with some reason,
to the excesses of the Thirty Years War, but modern
history offers no other instance of forced labour
and wholesale déportations. If, fifty years
ago, the conscience of the world revolted against
black slavery, what should its feelings be today when
it is confronted with this new and most appalling
form of white slavery? We should in vain ransack
the chronicles of history to find, even in ancient
times, crimes similar to this one. For the Jews
were at war with Babylon, the Gauls were at war
with Rome. Belgium did not wage war against Germany.
She merely refused to betray her honour.
Let us watch, then, the closing of
the prison gates. Up to the beginning of October,
the Belgians, and specially the people of Brussels,
had been kept in a state of suspense by the three
sorties of the Belgian army, which left the shelter
of the Antwerp forts to advance towards Vilvorde and
Louvain, a few miles from the capital. At the
beginning of September, the sound of guns came so
close that the people rejoiced openly, thinking that
deliverance was at their gates. To sober their
spirit or to exasperate their patience? the
Governor General ordered that a few Belgian prisoners,
some of them wounded, with their quickfiring gun drawn
by a dog, should be marched through the crowded streets.
The men were covered with dust, their heads wrapped
in blood-stained bandages, and they kept their eyes
on the ground as if ashamed. Some women sobbed
on seeing them, others cursed their guards, others
plundered a flower shop and showered flowers upon them.
At last two stalwart workmen shouldered away the escort,
and, helped by the crowd, which paralysed the movements
of the Germans, succeeded in kidnapping the prisoners,
and getting them away to the neighbouring streets.
They could never be discovered, and it was the last
display of the kind which the Governor gave to Brussels.
During the siege, people had learnt
to recognize the voice of every fort of Antwerp.
They said to each other: “That is Lizele,
Wavre Ste. Catherine, Waelhem.”
One after the other the Belgian guns were silenced,
first Wavre, then Waelhem ... and the vibrating boom
of the German heavies was heard louder than ever.
The listening Bruxellois grew paler, straining every
nerve to catch the voice of Antwerp. It was as
if their own life as a nation was slowly dying away,
as if they were mourning their own agony. But
still the valiant spirit of the first days prevailed.
“They will be beaten for all that. What
was Antwerp compared with the Marne? All forts
must fall under ‘their’ artillery.
After all, the nest is empty; the King and the army
are safe.”
Since those days a kind of reckless
indifference has seized the Belgians. If we must
lose everything to gain everything, let us lose it.
The sooner the better. It is the spirit of a poor
man burning his furniture in order to shelter his
children from cold, or of a Saint suffering every
physical privation in order to gain the Kingdom of
Heaven. It is an uncanny spirit composed of wild
energy and bitter-sweet irony. “First Liege,
then Brussels, then Namur, now Antwerp. The King
has gone, the Government has gone. If all Belgium
has to go, let it go. It is the price we have
to pay. The victory of our soul shall be all the
greater if our body is shattered and tortured.”
Henceforth, the voice of Belgium reaches
us only from time to time. Its sound is muffled
by the enemy’s strangle-hold, which grows tighter
and tighter. Before the fall of Antwerp, the
German administration of General von der Goltz
had merely a temporary character. We knew that
most of the high officials were stopping in Brussels
on their way to Paris. On the other hand, any
skilful move of the Allies, any successful sortie
from Antwerp, might have jeopardized all the conqueror’s
plans and necessitated an immediate retreat.
The Yser-Ypres struggle barred the way to Brussels
as well as to Calais. The Germans knew now that
they were safe, at least for a good many months, and
began systematically to “organize the country.”
All communications with the uninterrupted part of
Belgium were interrupted. It became more and more
difficult and dangerous to cross the Dutch frontier
without a special permit. The economic and moral
pressure increased steadily, and the conflict between
conquerors and patriots began, a conflict unrelieved
by dramatic interest or excitement from outside, which
carried the country back to the worst days of Austrian
and Spanish domination.