THE FRENCH NOVEL, C. 1800
Frequent reference has been made,
in the last two chapters, to the curious phenomenon
called in French sensibilité (with a derivative
of contempt, sensiblerie), the exact English
form of which supplies part of the title, and the
meaning an even greater part of the subject, of one
of Miss Austen’s novels. The thing itself
appears first definitely in Madame de la Fayette,
largely, though not unmixedly, in Marivaux, and to
some extent in Prevost and Marmontel, while it is,
as it were, sublimed in Rousseau, and present very
strongly in Saint-Pierre. There are, however,
some minor writers and books displaying it in some
cases even more extensively and intensively; and in
this final chapter of the present volume they may appropriately
find a place, not merely because some of them are
late, but because Sensibility is not confined to any
part of the century, but, beginning before its birth,
continued till after its end. We may thus have
to encroach on the nineteenth a little, but more in
appearance than in reality. In quintessence,
and as a reigning fashion, Sensibility was the property
of the eighteenth century.
To recur for a moment to Miss Austen
and Sense and Sensibility, everybody has laughed,
let us hope not unkindly, over Marianne Dashwood’s
woes. But she herself was only an example, exaggerated
in the genial fashion of her creatress, of the proper
and recognised standard of feminine feeling in and
long before her time. The “man of feeling”
was admitted as something out of the way on
which side of the way opinions might differ.
But the woman of feeling was emphatically the accepted
type a type which lasted far into the next
century, though it was obsolete at least by the Mid-Victorian
period, of which some do so vainly talk. The
extraordinary development of emotion which was expected
from women need not be illustrated merely from love-stories.
The wonderful transports of Miss Ferrier’s heroines
at sight of their long-lost mothers; even those of
sober Fanny Price in Mansfield Park, at the
recovery of her estimable but not particularly interesting
brother William, give the keynote much better than
any more questionable ecstasies. “Sensibility,
so charming,” was the pet affectation of the
period an affectation carried on till it
became quite natural, and was only cured by the half-caricature,
half-reaction of Byronism.
The thing, however, was not English
in origin, and never was thoroughly English at all.
The main current of the Sensibility novelists, who
impressed their curious morals or manners on all men
and women in civilised Europe, was French in unbroken
succession, from the day when Madame de la Fayette
first broke ground against the ponderous romances
of Madeleine de Scudery, to the day when Benjamin Constant
forged, in Adolphe, the link between eighteenth-century
and nineteenth-century romance, between the novel
of sentiment and the novel of analysis.
Of the relations to it of the greater
novelists of the main century we have already spoken:
and as for the two greatest of the extreme close,
Chateaubriand and Madame de Stael, they mix too many
secondary purposes with their philandering, and moreover
do not form part of the plan of the present volume.
For the true Sensibility, the odd quintessence of
conventional feeling, played at steadily till it is
half real, if not wholly so, which ends in the peculiarities
of two such wholesome young Britonesses as Marianne
Dashwood and Fanny Price, we must look elsewhere.
After Madame de la Fayette, and excluding with her
other names already treated, we come to Madame de
Fontaines, Madame de Tencin (most heartless
and therefore naturally not least sentimental of women),
Madame Riccoboni, the group of lady-novelists of whom
Mesdames de Souza and de Duras are the chief, and,
finally, the two really remarkable names of Xavier
de Maistre and Benjamin Constant. These are our
“documents.” Even the minor subjects
of this inquiry are pleasant pieces of literary bric-a-brac;
perhaps they are something a little more than that.
For Sensibility was actually once a great power in
the world. Transformed a little, it did wonderful
things in the hands of Rousseau and Goethe and Chateaubriand
and Byron. It lingers in odd nooks and corners
even at the present day, when it is usually and irreverently
called “gush,” and Heaven only knows whether
it may not be resuscitated in full force before some
of us are dead. For it has exactly the peculiarities
which characterise all recurrent fashions the
appeal to something which is genuine connected with
the suggestion of a great deal that is not.
In the followers of Madame de la Fayette
we find that a good many years have passed by.
The jargon appropriated to the subject has grown still
more official; and instead of using it to express genuine
sentiments, which in another language might deserve
expression well enough, the characters are constantly
suspected by the callous modern reader or elaborately,
though perhaps unconsciously, feigning the sentiments
which the jargon seems to imply that they ought to
have. This is somewhat less noticeable in the
work of Madame de Tencin than elsewhere, because d’Alembert’s
mother was so very much cleverer a person than the
generality of the novel-writers of her day that she
could hardly fail to hide defects more cunningly.
But it is evident enough in the Comte de Comminge
and in the Malheurs de l’Amour.
Having as questionable morals as any lady of the time
(the time of the Regency), Madame de Tencin of course
always had a moral purpose in her writings, and this
again gives her books a certain difference. But,
like the former, this difference only exposes, all
the more clearly, the defects of the style, and the
drawbacks from which it was almost impossible that
those who practised it should escape.
Madame de Tencin tried to escape by
several gates. Besides her moral purposes and
her esprit, she indulged in a good deal of rather
complicated and sometimes extravagant incident. M.
de Comminge, which is very short, contains, not
to mention other things, the rather startling detail
of a son who, out of chivalrous affection for his
lady-love, burns certain of his father’s title-deeds
which he has been charged to recover, and the still
more startling incident of the heroine living for
some years in disguise as a monk. The following
epistle, however, from the heroine to the hero, will
show better than anything else the topsy-turvy condition
which sensibility had already reached. All that
need be said in explanation of it is that the father
(who is furious with his son, and not unreasonably
so) has shut him up in a dungeon, in order to force
him to give up his beloved Adelaide.
Your father’s fury has told me
all I owe you: I know what your generosity
had concealed from me. I know, too, the terrible
situation in which you are, and I have no means of
extracting you therefrom save one. This will
perhaps make you more unhappy still. But
I shall be as unhappy as yourself, and this
gives me the courage to do what I am required
to do. They would have me, by engaging myself
to another, give a pledge never to be yours:
’tis at this price that M. de Comminge
sets your liberty. It will cost me perhaps
my life, certainly my peace. But I am resolved.
I shall in a few days be married to the Marquis
de Benavides. What I know of his character
forewarns me of what I shall have to suffer;
but I owe you at least so much constancy as to
make only misery for myself in the engagement I am
contracting.
The extremity of calculated absurdity
indicated by the italicised passages was reached,
let it be remembered, by one of the cleverest women
of the century: and the chief excuse for it is
that the restrictions of the La Fayette novel, confined
as it was to the upper classes and to a limited number
of elaborately distressing situations, were very embarrassing.
Madame Riccoboni, mentioned earlier
as continuing Marianne, shows the completed
product very fairly. Her Histoire du Marquis
de Cressy is a capital example of the kind.
The Marquis is beloved by a charming girl of sixteen
and by a charming widow of six-and-twenty. An
envious rival betrays his attentions to Adelaide de
Bugei, and her father makes her write an epistle which
pretty clearly gives him the option of a declaration
in form or a rupture. For a Sensible man, it must
be confessed, the Marquis does not get out of the
difficulty too well. She has slipped into her
father’s formal note the highly Sensible postscript,
“Vous dire de m’oublier?
Ah! Jamais. On m’a force de l’ecrire;
rien ne peut m’obliger a lé penser
ni lé desirer.” Apparently
it was not leap-year, for the Marquis replied in a
letter nearly as bad as Willoughby’s celebrated
epistle in Sense and Sensibility.
MADEMOISELLE, Nothing can
console me for having been the innocent cause
of fault being found with the conduct of a person
so worthy of respect as you. I shall approve whatever
you may think proper to do, without considering
myself entitled to ask the reason of your behaviour.
How happy should I be, mademoiselle, if my fortune,
and the arrangements which it forces me to make,
did not deprive me of the sweet hope of an honour
of which my respect and my sentiments would perhaps
make me worthy, but which my present circumstances
permit me not to seek.
Sensibility does not seem to have
seen anything very unhandsome in this broad refusal
to throw the handkerchief; but though not unhandsome,
it could not be considered satisfactory to the heart.
So M. de Cressy despatches this private note to Adelaide
by “Machiavel the waiting-maid”
Is it permitted to a wretch who has
deprived himself of the greatest of blessings,
to dare to ask your pardon and your pity?
Never did love kindle a flame purer and more ardent
than that with which my heart burns for the amiable
Adelaide. Why have I not been able to give
her those proofs of it which she had the right
to expect? Ah! mademoiselle, how could I
bind you to the lot of a wretch all whose wishes even
you perhaps would not fulfil? who, when he possessed
you, though master of so dear, so precious a blessing,
might regret others less estimable, but which
have been the object of his hope and desire,
etc. etc.
This means that M. de Cressy is ambitious,
and wants a wife who will assist his views. The
compliment is doubtful, and Adelaide receives it in
approved fashion. She opens it “with a violent
emotion,” and her “trouble was so great
in reading it through, that she had to begin it again
many times before she understood it.” The
exceedingly dubious nature of the compliment, however,
strikes her, and “tears of regret and indignation
rise to her eyes” tears which indeed
are excusable even from a different point of view
than that of Sensibility. She is far, however,
from blaming that sacred emotion. “Ce
n’est pas,” she says; “de nôtre
sensibilité, maïs de l’objet qui
l’a fait naître, que nous devons
nous plaindre.” This point seems
arguable if it were proper to argue with a lady.
The next letter to be cited is from
Adelaide’s unconscious rival, whose conduct
is translated into the language of Sensibility,
and adjusted to the manners of the time and class a
ludicrous anticipation of the Pickwickian widow.
She buys a handsome scarf, and sends it anonymously
to the victorious Marquis just before a Court ball,
with this letter
A sentiment, tender, timid, and shy
of making itself known, gives me an interest
in penetrating the secrets of your heart.
You are thought indifferent; you seem to me insensible.
Perhaps you are happy, and discreet in your happiness.
Deign to tell me the secret of your soul, and be sure
that I am not unworthy of your confidence. If
you have no love for any one, wear this scarf
at the ball. Your compliance may lead you
to a fate which others envy. She who feels
inclined to prefer you is worthy of your attentions,
and the step she takes to let you know it is the
first weakness which she has to confess.
The modesty of this perhaps leaves
something to desire, but its Sensibility is irreproachable.
There is no need to analyse the story of the Marquis
de Cressy, which is a very little book and
not extremely edifying. But it supplies us with
another locus classicus on sentimental manners.
M. de Cressy has behaved very badly to Adelaide, and
has married the widow with the scarf. He receives
a letter from Adelaide on the day on which she takes
the black veil
’Tis from the depths of an asylum,
where I fear no more the perfidy of your sex,
that I bid you an eternal adieu. Birth, wealth,
honours, all vanish from my sight. My youth withered
by grief, my power of enjoyment destroyed, love
past, memory present, and regret still too deeply
felt, all combine to bury me in this retreat.
And so forth, all of which, if a little
high-flown, is not specially unnatural; but the oddity
of the passage is to come. Most men would be a
little embarrassed at receiving such a letter as this
in presence of their wives (it is to be observed that
the unhappy Adelaide is profuse of pardons to Madame
as well as to Monsieur de Cressy), and most wives
would not be pleased when they read it. But Madame
de Cressy has the finest Sensibility of the amiable
kind. She reads it, and then
The Marquise, having finished this
letter, cast herself into the arms of her husband,
and clasping him with an inexpressible tenderness,
“Weep, sir, weep,” she cried, bathing
him with her own tears; “you cannot show too
much sensibility for a heart so noble, so constant
in its love. Amiable and dear Adelaide!
’Tis done, then, and we have lost you for
ever. Ah! why must I reproach myself with having
deprived you of the only possession which excited
your desires? Can I not enjoy this sweet
boon without telling myself that my happiness
has destroyed yours?”
All Madame Riccoboni’s work
is, with a little good-will, more or less interesting.
Much of it is full of italics, which never were used
so freely in France as in England, but which seem
to suit the queer, exaggerated, topsy-turvyfied sentiments
and expressions very well. The Histoire d’Ernestine
in particular is a charming little novelette.
But if it were possible to give an abstract of any
of her work here, Milady Catesby, which does
us the honour to take its scene and personages from
England, would be the one to choose. Milady Catesby
is well worth comparing with Evelina, which
is some twenty years its junior, and the sentimental
parts of which are quite in the same tone with it.
Lord Ossery is indeed even more “sensible”
than Lord Orville, but then he is described in French.
Lady Catesby herself is, however, a model of the style,
as when she writes
Oh! my dear Henrietta! What agitation
in my senses! what trouble in my soul!...
I have seen him.... He has spoken to me....
Himself.... He was at the ball.... Yes! he.
Lord Ossery.... Ah! tell me not again to
see him.... Bid me not hear him once more.
That will do for Lady Catesby, who
really had no particular occasion or excuse for all
this excitement except Sensibility. But Sensibility
was getting more and more exacting. The hero
of a novel must always be in the heroics, the heroine
in a continual state of palpitation. We are
already a long way from Madame de la Fayette’s
stately passions, from Marianne’s whimsical
minauderies. All the resources of typography exclamations,
points, dashes have to be called in to
express the generally disturbed state of things.
Now unfortunately this sort of perpetual tempest in
a teacup (for it generally is in a teacup) requires
unusual genius to make it anything but ludicrous.
I myself have not the least desire to laugh when I
read such a book as La Nouvelle Heloise, and
I venture to think that any one who does laugh must
have something of the fool and something of the brute
in his composition. But then Rousseau is Rousseau,
and there are not many like him. At the Madame
Riccobonis of this world, however clever they may be,
it is difficult not to laugh, when they have to dance
on such extraordinary tight ropes as those which Sensibility
prescribed.
The writers who were contemporary
with Madame Riccoboni’s later days, and who
followed her, pushed the thing, if it were possible,
even farther. In Madame de Genlis’s tiny
novelette of Mademoiselle de Clermont, the
amount of tears shed, the way in which the knees of
the characters knock together, their palenesses, blushes,
tears, sighs, and other performances of the same kind,
are surprising. In the Lettres du Marquis
de Roselle of Madame Elie de Beaumont (wife of
the young advocate who defended the Calas family),
a long scene between a brother and sister, in which
the sister seeks to deter the brother from what she
regards as a misalliance, ends (or at least almost
ends, for the usual flood of tears is the actual conclusion)
in this remarkable passage.
“And I,” cried he suddenly
with a kind of fury, “I suppose that a
sister who loves her brother, pities and does not
insult him; that the Marquis de Roselle knows
better what can make him happy than the Countess
of St. Sever; and that he is free, independent,
able to dispose of himself, in spite of all opposition.”
With these words he turned to leave the room
brusquely. I run to him, I stop him, he resists.
“My brother!” “I have no sister.”
He makes a movement to free himself: he
was about to escape me. “Oh, my father!”
I cried. “Oh, my mother! come to my help.”
At these sacred names he started, stopped, and
allowed himself to be conducted to a sofa.
This unlucky termination might be
paralleled from many other places, even from the agreeable
writings of Madame de Souza. This writer, by the
way, when the father of one of her heroes refuses to
consent to his son’s marriage, makes the stern
parent yield to a representation that by not doing
so he will “authorise by anticipation a want
of filial attachment and respect” in the grandchildren
who do not as yet exist. These excursions into
the preposterous in search of something new in the
way of noble sentiment or affecting emotion these
whippings and spurrings of the feelings and the fancy characterise
all the later work of the school.
Two names of great literary value
and interest close the list of the novelists of Sensibility
in France, and show at once its Nemesis and its caricature.
They were almost contemporaries, and by a curious
coincidence neither was a Frenchman by birth.
It would be impossible to imagine a greater contrast
than existed personally between Xavier de Maistre
and Henri Benjamin de Constant-Rebecque, commonly called
Benjamin Constant. But their personalities, interesting
as both are, are not the matter of principal concern
here. The Voyage autour de ma Chambre,
its sequel the Expedition Nocturne, and the
Lepreux de la Cite d’Aoste, exhibit one
branch of the river of Sensibility (if one may be
permitted to draw up a new Carte de Tendre), losing
itself in agreeable trifling with the surface of life,
and in generous, but fleeting, and slightly, though
not consciously, insincere indulgence of the emotions.
In Adolphe the river rushes violently down a
steep place, and in nigras lethargi mergitur undas.
It is to be hoped that most people who will read these
pages know Xavier de Maistre’s charming little
books; it is probable that at least some of them do
not know Adolphe. Constant is the more
strictly original of the two authors, for Xavier de
Maistre owes a heavy debt to Sterne, though he employs
the borrowed capital so well that he makes it his
own, while Adolphe can only be said to come
after Werther and René in time, not in
the least to follow them in nature.
The Voyage autour de ma Chambre
(readers may be informed or reminded) is a whimsical
description of the author’s meditations and experiences
when confined to barracks for some military peccadillo.
After a fashion which has found endless imitators
since, the prisoner contemplates the various objects
in his room, spins little romances to himself about
them and about his beloved Madame de Hautcastel, moralises
on the faithfulness of his servant Joannetti, and
so forth. The Expedition Nocturne, a less
popular sequel, is not very different in plan.
The Lepreux de la Cite d’Aoste is a very
short story, telling how the narrator finds a sufferer
from the most terrible of all diseases lodged in a
garden-house, and of their dialogue. The chief
merit of these works, as of the less mannerised and
more direct Prisonnier du Caucase and Jeune
Sibérienne, resides in their dainty style, in their
singular narrative power (Sainte-Beuve says justly
enough that the Prisonnier du Caucase has been
equalled by no other writer except Merimee), and in
the remarkable charm of the personality of the author,
which escapes at every moment from the work.
The pleasant picture of the Chevalier de B
in the Soirees de St. Petersbourg, which Joseph
de Maistre is said to have drawn from his less formidable
brother, often suggests itself as one follows the
whimsicalities of the Voyage and the Expedition.
The affectation is so natural, the mannerism so simple,
that it is some time before one realises how great
in degree both are.
Looked at from a certain point of
view, Xavier de Maistre illustrates the effect of
the Sensibility theory on a thoroughly good-natured,
cultivated, and well-bred man of no particular force
or character or strength of emotion. He has not
the least intention of taking Sensibility seriously,
but it is the proper thing to take it somehow or other.
So he sets himself to work to be a man of feeling and
a humorist at the same time. His encounter with
the leper is so freshly and simply told, there is
such an air of genuineness about it, that it seems
at first sight not merely harsh, but unappreciative,
to compare it to Sterne’s account of his proceedings
with his monks and donkeys, his imaginary prisoners,
and his fictitious ensigns. Yet there is a real
contact between them. Both have the chief note
of Sensibility, the taking an emotion as a thing to
be savoured and degusted deliberately to
be dealt with on scientific principles and strictly
according to the rules of the game. One result
of this proceeding, when pursued for a considerable
time, is unavoidably a certain amount of frivolity,
especially in dealing with emotions directly affecting
the player. Sympathy such as that displayed with
the leper may be strong and genuine, because there
is no danger about it; there is the suave mari
magno preservative from the risk of a too deep
emotion. But in matters which directly affect
the interest of the individual it does not do to be
too serious. The tear of Sensibility must not
be dropped in a manner giving real pain to the dropper.
Hence the humoristic attitude. When Xavier de
Maistre informs us that “lé grand art de
l’homme de genie est de savoir
bien élever sa bête,” he
means a great deal more than he supposes himself to
mean. The great art of an easy-going person, who
believes it to be his duty to be “sensible,”
is to arrange for a series of emotions which can be
taken gently.
The author of the Voyage takes
his without any extravagance. He takes good care
not to burn his fingers metaphorically in this matter,
though he tells us that in a fit of absence he did
so literally. His affection for Madame de Hautcastel
is certainly not a very passionate kind of affection,
for all his elaborately counted and described heartbeats
as he is dusting her portrait. Indeed, with his
usual candour, he leaves us in no doubt about the
matter. “La froide raison,”
he says, “reprit bientôt son empire.”
Of course it did; the intelligent, and in the other
sense sensible, person who wishes to preserve his repose
must take care of that. We do not even believe
that he really dropped a tear of repentance on his
left shoe when he had unreasonably rated his servant;
it is out of keeping with his own part. He borrowed
that tear, either ironically or by oversight, from
Sterne, just as he did “Ma chère Jenny.”
He is much more in his element when he proves that
a lover is to his mistress, when she is about to go
to a ball, only a “decimal of a lover,”
a kind of amatory tailor or ninth part of man; or when,
in the Expedition, he meditates on a lady’s
slipper in the balcony fathoms below his garret.
All this illustrates what may be called
the attempt to get rid of Sensibility by the humorist
gate of escape. Supposing no such attempt consciously
to exist, it is, at any rate, the sign of an approaching
downfall of Sensibility, of a feeling, on the part
of those who have to do with it, that it is an edged
tool, and an awkward one to handle. In comparing
Xavier de Maistre with his master Sterne, it is very
noticeable that while the one in disposition is thoroughly
insincere, and the other thoroughly sincere, yet the
insincere man is a true believer in Sensibility, and
the sincere one evidently a semi-heretic. How
far Sterne consciously simulated his droppings of warm
tears, and how far he really meant them, may be a
matter of dispute. But he was quite sincere in
believing that they were very creditable things, and
very admirable ones. Xavier de Maistre does not
seem by any means so well convinced of this.
He is, at times, not merely evidently pretending and
making believe, but laughing at himself for pretending
and making believe. He still thinks Sensibility
a gratissimus error, a very pretty game for
persons of refinement to play at, and he plays at it
with a great deal of industry and with a most exquisite
skill. But the spirit of Voltaire, who himself
did his sensibilité (in real life, if not in
literature) as sincerely as Sterne, has affected Xavier
de Maistre “with a difference.” The
Savoyard gentleman is entirely and unexceptionably
orthodox in religion; it may be doubted whether a severe
inquisition in matters of Sensibility would let him
off scatheless. It is not merely that he jests as,
for instance, that when he is imagining the scene
at the Rape of the Sabines, he suddenly fancies
that he hears a cry of despair from one of the visitors.
“Dieux immortels! Pourquoi n’ai-je
amène ma femme a la fête?” That
is quite proper and allowable. It is the general
tone of levity in the most sentimental moments, the
undercurrent of mockery at his own feelings in this
man of feeling, which is so shocking to Sensibility,
and yet it was precisely this that was inevitable.
Sensibility, to carry it out properly,
required, like other elaborate games, a very peculiar
and elaborate arrangement of conditions. The
parties must be in earnest so far as not to have the
slightest suspicion that they were making themselves
ridiculous, and yet not in earnest enough to make
themselves really miserable. They must have plenty
of time to spare, and not be distracted by business,
serious study, political excitement, or other disturbing
causes. On the other hand, to get too much absorbed,
and arrive at Werther’s end, was destructive
not only to the individual player, but to the spirit
of the game. As the century grew older, and this
danger of absorption grew stronger, that game became
more and more difficult to play seriously enough, and
yet not too seriously. When the players did not
blow their brains out, they often fell into the mere
libertinism from which Sensibility, properly so called,
is separated by a clear enough line. Two such
examples in real life as Rousseau and Mademoiselle
de Lespinasse, one such demonstration of the same
moral in fiction as Werther, were enough to
discourage the man of feeling. Therefore, when
he still exists, he takes to motley, the only wear
for the human race in troublesome circumstances which
beset it with unpleasant recurrence. When you
cannot exactly believe anything in religion, in politics,
in literature, in art, and yet neither wish nor know
how to do without it, the safe way is to make a not
too grotesque joke of it. This is a text on which
a long sermon might be hung were it worth while.
But as it is, it is sufficient to point out that Xavier
de Maistre is an extremely remarkable illustration
of the fact in the particular region of sentimental
fiction.
Benjamin Constant’s masterpiece,
which (the sequel to it never having appeared, though
it was in existence in manuscript less than a century
ago) is also his only purely literary work, is a very
small book, but it calls here for something more than
a very small mention. The books which make an
end are almost fewer in literature than those which
make a beginning, and this is one of them. Like
most such books, it made a beginning also, showing
the way to Beyle, and through Beyle to all the analytic
school of the nineteenth century. Space would
not here suffice to discuss the singular character
of its author, to whom Sainte-Beuve certainly did
some injustice, as the letters to Madame Recamier show,
but whose political and personal experiences as certainly
call for a large allowance of charity. The theory
of Adolphe’s best editor, M. de Lescure
(which also was the accepted theory long before M.
de Lescure’s time), that the heroine of the
novel was Madame de Stael, will not, I think, hold
water. In every characteristic, personal and mental,
Ellenore and Madame de Stael are at opposite poles.
Ellenore was beautiful, Madame de Stael was very nearly
hideous; Ellenore was careless of her social position,
Corinne was as great a slave to society as any one
who ever lived; Ellenore was somewhat uncultivated,
had little esprit, was indifferent to flattery,
took not much upon herself in any way except in exacting
affection where no affection existed; the good Corinne
was one of the cleverest women of her time, and thought
herself one of the cleverest of all times, could not
endure that any one in company should be of a different
opinion on this point, and insisted on general admiration
and homage.
However, this is a very minor matter,
and anybody is at liberty to regard the differences
as deliberate attempts to disguise the truth.
What is important is that Madame de Stael was almost
the last genuine devotee of Sensibility, and that
Adolphe was certainly written by a lover of
Madame de Stael, who had, from his youth up, been a
Man of Feeling of a singularly unfeeling kind.
When Constant wrote the book he had run through the
whole gamut of Sensibility. He had been instructed
as a youth by ancient women of letters; he had
married and got rid of his wife a la mode Germanorum;
he had frequently taken a hint from Werther,
and threatened suicide with the best possible results;
he had given, perhaps, the most atrocious example
of the atrocious want of taste which accompanied the
decadence of Sensibility, by marrying Charlotte von
Hardenburg out of pique, because Madame de Stael would
not marry him, then going to live with his bride near
Coppet, and finally deserting her, newly married as
she was, for her very uncomely but intellectually
interesting rival. In short, according to the
theory of a certain ethical school, that the philosopher
who discusses virtue should be thoroughly conversant
with vice, Benjamin Constant was a past master in
Sensibility. It was at a late period in his career,
and when he had only one trial to go through (the
trial of, as it seems to me, a sincere and hopeless
affection for Madame Recamier), that he wrote Adolphe.
But the book has nothing whatever to do with 1815,
the date which it bears. It is, as has been said,
the history of the Nemesis of Sensibility, the prose
commentary by anticipation on Mr. Swinburne’s
admirable “Stage Love”
Time was chorus, gave them
cues to laugh and cry,
They would kill, befool, amuse
him, let him die;
Set him webs to weave to-day
and break to-morrow,
Till he died for good in play
and rose in sorrow.
That is a history, in one stanza,
of Sensibility, and no better account than Adolphe
exists of the rising in sorrow.
The story of the book opens in full
eighteenth century. A young man, fresh from the
University of Goettingen, goes to finish his education
at the residenz of D .
Here he finds much society, courtly and other.
His chief resort is the house of a certain Count de
P , who lives, unmarried, with
a Polish lady named Ellenore. In the easy-going
days of Sensibility the ménage holds a certain
place in society, though it is looked upon a little
askance. But Ellenore is, on her own theory,
thoroughly respectable, and the Count de P ,
though in danger of his fortune, is a man of position
and rank. As for Adolphe, he is the result of
the struggle between Sensibility, an unquiet and ironic
nature, and the teaching of a father who, though not
unquiet, is more ironically given than himself.
His main character is all that a young man’s
should be from the point of view of Sensibility.
“Je ne demandais alors qu’à
me livrer a ces impressions primitives
et fougueuses,” etc. But his father
snubs the primitive and fiery impressions, and the
son, feeling that they are a mistake, is only more
determined to experience them. Alternately expanding
himself as Sensibility demands, and making ironic
jests as his own nature and his father’s teaching
suggest, he acquires the character of “un
homme immoral, un homme peu sur,”
the last of which expressions may be paralleled from
the British repertory by “an ill-regulated young
man,” or “a young man on whom you can never
depend.”
All this time Adolphe is not in love,
and as the dominant teaching of Sensibility lays it
down that he ought to be, he feels that he is wrong.
“‘Je veux être aime,’
me dis-je, et je regardai
autour de moi. Je ne voyais
personne qui m’inspirait de l’amour;
personne qui me parut susceptible d’en
prendre.” In parallel case the ordinary
man would resign himself as easily as if he were in
face of the two conditions of having no appetite and
no dinner ready. But this will not do for the
pupil of Sensibility. He must make what he does
not find, and so Adolphe pitches on the luckless Ellenore,
who “me parut une conquête digne
de moi.” To do Sensibility justice,
it would not, at an earlier time, have used language
so crude as this, but it had come to it now. Here
is the portrait of the victim, drawn by her ten years
younger lover.
Ellenore’s wits were not above
the ordinary, but her thoughts were just, and
her expression, simple as it was, was sometimes
striking by reason of the nobility and elevation
of the thought. She was full of prejudices, but
she was always prejudiced against her own interest.
There was nothing she set more value on than
regularity of conduct, precisely because her
own conduct was conventionally irregular.
She was very religious, because religion rigidly
condemned her mode of life. In conversation
she frowned on pleasantries which would have seemed
quite innocent to other women, because she feared
that her circumstances might encourage the use
of such as were not innocent. She would
have liked to admit to her society none but men
of the highest rank and most irreproachable reputation,
because those women with whom she shuddered at
the thought of being classed usually tolerate mixed
society, and, giving up the hope of respect, seek only
amusement. In short, Ellenore and her destiny
were at daggers drawn; every word, every action
of hers was a kind of protest against her social
position. And as she felt that facts were
too strong for her, and that the situation could be
changed by no efforts of hers, she was exceedingly
miserable.... The struggle between her feelings
and her circumstances had affected her temper.
She was often silent and dreamy: sometimes,
however, she spoke with impetuosity. Beset
as she was by a constant preoccupation, she was never
quite calm in the midst of the most miscellaneous
conversation, and for this very reason her manner
had an unrest and an air of surprise about it
which made her more piquant than she was by nature.
Her strange position, in short, took the place
of new and original ideas in her.
The difference of note from the earlier
eighteenth century will strike everybody here.
If we are still some way from Emma Bovary, it is only
in point of language: we are poles asunder from
Marianne. But the hero is still, in his own belief,
acting under the influence of Sensibility. He
is not in the least impassioned, he is not a mere libertine,
but he has a “besoin d’amour.”
He wants a “conquête.” He is
still actuated by the odd mixture of vanity, convention,
sensuality, which goes by the name of our subject.
But his love is a “dessin de lui plaire”;
he has taken an “engagement envers
son amour propre.” In other
words, he is playing the game from the lower point
of view the mere point of view of winning.
It does not take him very long to win. Ellenore
at first behaves unexceptionably, refuses to receive
him after his first declaration, and retires to the
country. But she returns, and the exemplary Adolphe
has recourse to the threat which, if his creator’s
biographers may be believed, Constant himself was very
fond of employing in similar cases, and which the
great popularity of Werther made terrible to
the compassionate and foolish feminine mind. He
will kill himself. She hesitates, and very soon
she does not hesitate any longer. The reader
feels that Adolphe is quite worthless, that nothing
but the fact of his having been brought up in a time
when Sensibility was dominant saves him. But
the following passage, from the point of view alike
of nature and of expression, again pacifies the critic:
I passed several hours at her feet,
declaring myself the happiest of men, lavishing
on her assurances of eternal affection, devotion,
and respect. She told me what she had suffered
in trying to keep me at a distance, how often she
had hoped that I should detect her notwithstanding
her efforts, how at every sound that fell on
her ears she had hoped for my arrival; what trouble,
joy, and fear she had felt on seeing me again;
how she had distrusted herself, and how, to unite
prudence and inclination, she had sought once more
the distractions of society and the crowds which she
formerly avoided. I made her repeat the smallest
details, and this history of a few weeks seemed
to us the history of a whole life. Love
makes up, as it were by magic, for the absence
of far-reaching memory. All other affections have
need of the past: love, as by enchantment,
makes its own past and throws it round us.
It gives us the feeling of having lived for years
with one who yesterday was all but a stranger.
Itself a mere point of light, it dominates and illuminates
all time. A little while and it was not:
a little while and it will be no more: but,
as long as it exists, its light is reflected
alike on the past and on the future.
This calm, he goes on to say, lasted
but a short time; and, indeed, no one who has read
the book so far is likely to suppose that it did.
Adolphe has entered into the liaison to play
the game, Ellenore (unluckily for herself) to be loved.
The difference soon brings discord. In the earlier
Sensibility days men and women were nearly on equal
terms. It was only in the most strictly metaphorical
way that the unhappy lover was bound to expire, and
his beloved rarely took the method of wringing his
bosom recommended by Goldsmith, when anybody else
of proper Sensibility was there to console her.
But the game had become unequal between the Charlottes
and the Werthers, the Adolphes and the Ellenores.
The Count de P naturally perceives
the state of affairs before long, and as naturally
does not like it. Adolphe, having played his
game and won it, does not care to go on playing for
love merely. “Ellenore était sans
doute un vif plaisir dans mon
existence, maïs elle n’etait
pas plus un but elle était devenue
un lien.” But Ellenore does not see this
accurate distinction. After many vicissitudes
and a few scenes ("Nous vecumes ainsi quatre
mois dans des rapports forces,
quelque fois doux, jamais complètement
libres, y rencontrant encore du plaisir
maïs n’y trouvant plus de charme”)
a crisis comes. The Count forbids Ellenore to
receive Adolphe any more: and she thereupon breaks
the ten years old union, and leaves her children and
home.
Her young lover receives this riveting
of his chains with consternation, but he does his
best. He defends her in public, he fights with
a man who speaks lightly of her, but this is not what
she wants.
Of course I ought to have consoled
her. I ought to have pressed her to my heart
and said, “Let us live for each other;
let us forget the misjudgments of men; let us be happy
in our mutual regard and our mutual love.”
I tried to do so, but what can a resolution made
out of duty do to revive a sentiment that is
extinct? Ellenore and I each concealed something
from the other. She dared not tell me her
troubles, arising from a sacrifice which she knew I
had not asked of her. I had accepted that
sacrifice; I dared not complain of ills which
I had foreseen, and which I had not had courage
enough to forestall. We were therefore silent
on the very subject which occupied us both incessantly.
We were prodigal of caresses, we babbled of love,
but when we spoke of it we spoke for fear of
speaking of something else.
Here is the full Nemesis of the sentiment
that, to use Constant’s own words, is “neither
passion nor duty,” and has the strength of neither,
when it finds itself in presence of a stronger than
itself. There were none of these unpleasant meetings
in Sensibility proper. There sentiment met sentiment,
and “exchanged itself,” in Chamfort’s
famous phrase. When the rate of exchange became
unsatisfactory it sought some other customer a
facile and agreeable process, which was quite consistent
in practice with all the sighs and flames. Adolphe
is not to be quit so easily of his conquest.
He is recalled by his father, and his correspondence
with Ellenore is described in one of the astonishingly
true passages which make the book so remarkable.
During my absence I wrote regularly
to Ellenore. I was divided between the desire
of not hurting her feelings and the desire of
truthfully representing my own. I should have
liked her to guess what I felt, but to guess it
without being hurt by it. I felt a certain
satisfaction when I had substituted the words
“affection,” “friendship,”
“devotion,” for the word “love.”
Then suddenly I saw poor Ellenore sitting sad
and solitary, with nothing but my letters for consolation:
and at the end of two cold and artificial pages I
added in a hurry a few phrases of ardour or of tenderness
suited to deceive her afresh. In this way,
never saying enough to satisfy her, I always
said enough to mislead her, a species of double-dealing
the very success of which was against my wishes
and prolonged my misery.
This situation, however, does not
last. Unable to bear his absence, and half puzzled,
half pained by his letters, Ellenore follows him, and
his father for the first time expresses displeasure
at this compromising step. Ellenore being threatened
with police measures, Adolphe is once more perforce
thrown on her side, and elopes with her to neutral
territory. Then events march quickly. Her
father’s Polish property, long confiscated,
is restored to him and left to her. She takes
Adolphe (still struggling between his obligations
to her and his desire to be free) to Warsaw, rejects
an offer of semi-reconciliation from the Count de
P , grows fonder and more exacting
the more weary of her yoke her lover becomes; and
at last, discovering his real sentiments from a correspondence
of his with an artful old diplomatic friend of his
father’s, falls desperately ill and dies in his
arms. A prologue and epilogue, which hint that
Adolphe, far from taking his place in the world (from
which he had thought his liaison debarred him),
wandered about in aimless remorse, might perhaps be
cut away with advantage, though they are defensible,
not merely on the old theory of political justice,
but on sound critical grounds.
This was the end of sensibility in
more senses than one. It is true that, five years
later than Adolphe, appeared Madame de Duras’s
agreeable novelettes of Ourika and Edouard,
in which something of the old tone revives. But
they were written late in their author’s life,
and avowedly as a reminiscence of a past state of sentiment
and of society. “Le ton de cette société,”
says Madame de Duras herself, “était l’engouement.”
As happy a sentence, perhaps, as can be anywhere found
to describe what has been much written about, and,
perhaps it may be said without presumption, much miswritten
about. Engouement itself is a nearly untranslatable
word. It may be clumsily but not inaccurately
defined as a state of fanciful interest in persons
and things which is rather more serious than mere
caprice, and a good deal less serious than genuine
enthusiasm. The word expresses exactly the attitude
of French polite society in the eighteenth century
to a vast number of subjects, and, what is more, it
helps to explain the sensibilité which dominated
that society. The two terms mutually involve each
other, and sensibilité stands to mere flirtation
on the one hand, and genuine passion on the other,
exactly as engouement does to caprice and enthusiasm.
People flirted admirably in the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries, and the art was, I fancy, recovered in the
nineteenth with some success, but I do not think they
flirted, properly speaking, in the eighteenth.
Sensibility (and its companion “sensuality”)
prevented that. Yet, on the other hand, they
did not, till the society itself and its sentiments
with it were breaking up, indulge in anything that
can be called real passion. Sensibility prevented
that also. The kind of love-making which was
popular may be compared without much fancifulness
to the favourite card-game of the period, quadrille.
You changed partners pretty often, and the stakes
were not very serious; but the rules of the game were
elaborate and precise, and it did not admit of being
treated with levity.
Only a small part, though the most
original and not the least remarkable part, of the
representation of this curious phenomenon in literature
has been attempted in this discussion. The English
and German developments of it are interesting and
famous, and, merely as literature, contain perhaps
better work than the French, but they are not so original,
and they are out of our province. Marivaux
served directly as model to both English and German
novelists, though the peculiarity of the national
temperament quickly made itself felt in both cases.
In England the great and healthy genius of Fielding
applied the humour cure to Sensibility at a very early
period; in Germany the literature of Sensibility rapidly
became the literature of suicide a consummation
than which nothing could be more alien from the original
conception. It is true that there is a good deal
of dying in the works of Madame de la Fayette and
her imitators. But it is quite transparent stage-dying,
and the virtuous Prince of Cleves and the penitent
Adelaide in the Comte de Comminge do not disturb
the mind at all. We know that, as soon as the
curtain has dropped, they will get up again and go
home to supper quite comfortably. It is otherwise
with Werther and Adolphe. With all the first-named
young man’s extravagance, four generations have
known perfectly well that there is something besides
absurdity in him, while in Adolphe there is no extravagance
at all. The wind of Sensibility had been sown,
in literature and in life, for many a long year, and
the whirlwind had begun to be reaped.
This, however, is the moral side of
the matter, with which we have not much to do.
As a division of literature these sentimental novels,
artificial as they are, have a good deal of interest;
and in a History such as the present they have
very great importance. They are so entirely different
in atmosphere from the work of later times, that reading
them has all the refreshing effect of a visit to a
strange country; and yet one feels that they themselves
have opened that country for coming writers as well
as readers. They are often extraordinarily ingenious,
and the books to which in form they set the example,
though the power of the writers made them something
very different in matter Julie,
La Religieuse, Paul et Virginie,
Corinne, René give their progenitors
not a little importance, or at least not a little
interest of curiosity. Besides, it was in the
school of Sensibility that the author of Manon
Lescaut somehow or other developed that wonderful
little book. I do not know that it would be prudent
to recommend modern readers to study Sensibility for
themselves in the original documents just surveyed.
Disappointment and possibly malédictions would
probably be the result of any such attempt, except
in the case of Xavier de Maistre and Constant.
But these others are just the cases in which the office
of historical critic justifies itself. It is
often said (and nobody knows the truth of it better
than critics themselves) that a diligent perusal of
all the studies and causeries that have ever
been written, on any one of the really great writers,
will not give as much knowledge of them as half an
hour’s reading of their own work. But then
in that case the metal is virgin, and to be had on
the surface and for the picking up. The case is
different where tons of ore have to be crushed and
smelted, in order to produce a few pennyweights of
metal.
Whatever fault may be found with the
“Sensibility” novel, it is, as a rule,
“written by gentlemen [and ladies] for [ladies
and] gentlemen.” Of the work of two curious
writers, who may furnish the last detailed notices
of this volume, as much cannot, unfortunately, be said.
It may, from different points of view,
surprise different classes of readers to find Restif
de la Bretonne (or as some would call him, Retif)
mentioned here at all at any rate to find
him taken seriously, and not entirely without a certain
respect. One of these classes, consisting of
those who know nothing about him save at second-hand,
may ground their surprise on the notion that his work
is not only matter for the Index Expurgatorius,
but also vulgar and unliterary, such as a French Ned
Ward, without even Ned’s gutter-wit, might have
written. And these might derive some support
from the stock ticket-jingle Rousseau du ruisseau,
which, though not without some real pertinency, is
directly misleading. Another class, consisting
of some at least, if not most, of those who have read
him to some extent, may urge that Decency taking
her revenge for the axiom of the boatswain in Mr.
Midshipman Easy forbids Duty to let
him in. And yet others, less under the control
of any Mrs. Grundy, literary or moral, may ask why
he is let in, and Choderlos de Laclos and Louvet
de Courray, with some more, kept out, as they most
assuredly will be.
In the first place, there is no vulgarity
in Restif. If he had had a more regular education
and society, literary or other, and could have kept
his mind, which was to a certainty slightly unhinged,
off the continual obsession of morbid subjects, he
might have been a very considerable man of letters,
and he is no mean one, so far as style goes,
as it is. He avails himself duly of the obscurity
of a learned language when he has to use (which is
regrettably often) words that do not appear in the
dictionary of the Academy: and there is not the
slightest evidence of his having taken to pornography
for money, as Louvet and Laclos as, one
must regretfully add, Diderot, if not even Crebillon certainly
did. When a certain subject, or group of subjects,
gets hold of a man especially one of those
whom a rather celebrated French lady called les
cerebraux he can think of nothing else:
and though this is not absolutely true of Restif (for
he had several minor crazes), it is very nearly true
of him, and perhaps more true than of any one else
who can be called a man of letters.
Probably no one has read all he wrote;
even the late M. Assezat, who knew more about him
than anybody else, does not, I think, pretend to have
done so. He was himself a printer, and therefore
found exceptional means of getting the mischief, which
his by no means idle hands found to do, into publicity
of a kind, though even their subject does not seem
to have made his books popular. His largest work,
Les Contemporaines, is in forty-two volumes,
and contains some three hundred different sections,
reminding one vaguely, though the differences in detail
are very great, of Amory’s plan, at least, for
the Memoirs of Several Ladies. His most
remarkable by far, the quasi-autobiographical Monsieur
Nicolas, in fourteen. He could write
with positive moral purpose, as in the protest against
Le Paysan Parvenu, above referred to; in La
Vie de Mon Pere (a book agreeably free from any
variety of that sin of Ham which some biographical
writings of sons about their fathers display); and
in the unpleasantly titled Pornographe, which
is also morally intended, and dull enough to be as
moral as Mrs. Trimmer or Dr. Forsyth.
Indeed, this moral intention, so often
idly and offensively put forward by those who are
themselves mere pornographers, pervades Restif throughout,
and, while it certainly sometimes does carry dulness
with it, undoubtedly contributes at others a kind
of piquancy, because of its evident sincerity, and
the quaint contrast with the subjects the author is
handling. These subjects make explicit dealing
with himself difficult, if not impossible: but
his differentia as regards them may, with the
aid of a little dexterity, be put without offence.
In the first place, as regards the comparison with
Rousseau, Restif is almost a gentleman: and he
could not possibly have been guilty of Rousseau’s
blackguard tale-telling in the cases of Madame de Warens
(or, as I believe, we are now told to spell it “Vuarrens”)
or Madame de Larnage. The way in which he speaks
of his one idealised mistress, Madame “Parangon,”
is almost romantic. He is, indeed, savage in respect
to his wife whom he seems to have married
in a sort of clairvoyant mixture of knowledge
of her evil nature and fascination by her personal
charms and allurements, though he had had no difficulty
in enjoying these without marriage. But into
none other of his scores and hundreds of actual loves
in some cases and at least passing intimacies in others,
does he ever appear to have taken either the Restoration
and Regency tone on the one hand, or that of “sickly
sentimentality” on the other. Against commerce
for money he lifts up his testimony unceasingly; he
has, as his one editor has put it, a manie de paternité,
and denounces any vice disconnected with it. With
the privileges of Solomon or Haroun al Raschid,
Restif would have been perfectly contented: and
he never would have availed himself of that of Schahriar
before the two divine sisters put a stop to it.
All this, however, strictly speaking,
is outside our present subject, and is merely intended
as a sort of excuse for the introduction of a writer
who has been unfairly ostracised, not as a passport
for Restif to the young person. But his actual
qualities as tale-teller are very remarkable.
The second title of Monsieur Nicolas Le
Coeur Humain Dévoile ambitious as it
is, is not fatuous. It is a human heart in a
singularly morbid condition which is unveiled:
but as, if I remember rightly, either Goethe or Schiller,
or both, saw and said near the time, there is no charlatanery
about the unveiling, and no bungling about the autopsy.
Restif has been compared, and not unfairly, to Defoe,
as well as to Rousseau; in a certain way he may be
likened to Pepys; and all four share an intense and
unaffected reality, combined, however, in the Frenchman’s
case with a sort of exaggeration of a dreamy kind,
and with other dream-character, which reminds one
of Borrow, and even of De Quincey. His absolute
shamelessness is less unconnected with this dream-quality
than may at first appear, and, as in all such cases,
is made much less offensive by it. Could he ever
have taken holiday from his day-long and night-long
devotion to
Cotytto
or Venus
Astarte or Ashtoreth,
he might have been a most remarkable
novelist, and as it is his mere narrative faculty
is such as by no means every novelist possesses.
Moreover, he counts, once more, in the advance towards
real things in fiction. “A pretty kind
of reality!” cries Mrs. Grundy. But the
real is not always the pretty, and the pretty is not
always the real.
There is also a good deal that is
curious, as well as many things that are disgusting,
for the student of the novel in Pigault-Lebrun.
In the first place, one is constantly reminded of
that redeeming point which the benevolent Joe Gargery
found in Mr. Pumblechook
And, wotsume’er the
failings on his part,
He were a corn-and-seedsman
in his hart.
If Pigault cannot exactly be said
to have been a good novelist, he “were”
a novelist “in his hart.” Beside his
polissonneries, his frequent dulness, his singular
gropings and failures at anything like good novelist
faire, one constantly finds what might be pedantically
and barbarously called a “novelistic velleity.”
His much too ambitiously titled Melanges Littéraires
turn to stories, though stories touched with the polisson
brush. His Nouvelles testify at least to
his ambition and his industry in the craft of fiction.
“Je ne suis pas Voltaire,”
he says somewhere, in reference, I think, to his plays,
not his tales. He most certainly is not; neither
is he Marmontel, as far as the tale is concerned.
But as for the longer novel, in a blind and blundering
way, constantly trapped and hindered by his want of
genius and his want of taste, by his literary ill-breeding
and other faults, he seems to have more of a “glimmering”
of the real business than they have, or than any other
Frenchman had before him.
Pigault-Lebrun spent nearly half
of his long life in the nineteenth century, and did
not die till Scott was dead in England, and the great
series of novel-romances had begun, with Hugo and others,
in France. But he was a man of nearly fifty in
1800, and the character of his work, except in one
all-important point, or group of points, is thoroughly
of the eighteenth, while even the excepted characteristics
are of a more really transitional kind than anything
in Chateaubriand and Madame de Stael, whom we have
postponed, as well as in Constant and Xavier de Maistre,
whom we have admitted. He has no high reputation
in literature, and, except from our own special point
of view, he does not deserve even a demi-reputation.
Although he is not deliberately pornographic, he is
exceedingly coarse, with a great deal of the nastiness
which is not even naughty, but nastiness pure and
simple. There is, in fact, and in more ways than
one, something in him of an extremely inferior Smollett.
Comparing him with his elder contemporary, Restif de
la Bretonne, he is vulgar, which Restif never is.
Passing to more purely literary matters, it would
be difficult, from the side of literature as an art I
do not say as a craft to say anything for
him whatever. His style is, I should suppose
(for I think no foreigner has any business to do more
than “suppose” in that matter), simply
wretched; he has sentences as long as Milton’s
or Clarendon’s or Mr. Ruskin’s, not merely
without the grandeur of the first, the beauty of the
last, and the weighty sense of the second, but lacking
any flash of graceful, pithy, or witty phrase; character
of the model-theatre and cut-out paper kind; a mere
accumulation of incidents instead of a plot; hardly
an attempt at dialogue, and, where description is
attempted at all, utter ineffectiveness or sheer rhyparography.
It is a fair riposte to the
last paragraph to ask, “Then why do you drag
him in here at all?” But the counter-parry is
easy. The excepted points above supply it.
With all his faults admitting, too, that
every generation since his time has supplied some,
and most much better, examples of his kind the
fact remains that he was the first considerable representative,
in his own country, of that variety of professional
novelist who can spin yarns, of the sort that his audience
or public wants, with unwearied industry, in great
volume, and of a quality which, such as it is, does
not vary very much. He is, in short, the first
notable French novelist-tradesman the first
who gives us notice that novel-production is established
as a business. There is even a little more than
this to be said for him. He has really made considerable
progress, if we compare him with his predecessors and
contemporaries, in the direction of the novel of ordinary
life, as that life was in his own day. There
are extravagances of course, but they are scarcely
flagrant. His atmosphere is what the cooks, housemaids,
footmen, what the grocers and small- or middle-class
persons who, I suppose, chiefly read him, were, or
would have liked to be, accustomed to. His scene
is not a paradise in either the common or the Greek
sense; it is a sort of cabbage-garden, with a cabbage-garden’s
lack of beauty, of exquisiteness in any form, with
its presence of untidiness, and sometimes of evil
odour, but with its own usefulness, and with a cultivator
of the most sedulous. Pigault-Lebrun, for France,
may be said to be the first author-in-chief of the
circulating library. It may not be a position
of exceeding honour; but it is certainly one which
gives him a place in the story of the novel, and which
justifies not merely these general remarks on him,
but some analysis (not too abundant) of his particular
works. As for translating him, a Frenchman might
as well spend his time in translating the English
newspaper feuilletons of “family”
papers in the earlier and middle nineteenth century.
Indeed that Minnigrey, which I remember reading
as a boy, and which long afterwards my friend, the
late Mr. Henley, used to extol as one of the masterpieces
of literature, is worth all Pigault put together and
a great deal more.
The worst of it is, that to be amused
by him to be, except as a student, even
interested in a large part of his work you
must be almost as ill-bred in literature as he himself
is. He is like a person who has had before him
no models for imitation or avoidance in behaviour:
and this is where his successor, Paul de Kock, by
the mere fact of being his successor, had a great
advantage over him. But to the student he is
interesting, and the interest has nothing factitious
in it, and nothing to be ashamed of. There is
something almost pathetic in his struggles to master
his art: and his frequent remonstrances with critics
and readers appear to show a genuine consciousness
of his state, which is not always the case with such
things.
The book which stands first in his
Works, L’Enfant du Carnaval, starts with
an ultra-Smollettian passage of coarseness, and
relapses now and then. The body of it occupied
with the history of a base-born child, who tumbles
into the good graces of a Milord and his little daughter,
is named by them “Happy,” and becomes first
the girl’s lover and then her husband is
a heap of extravagances, which, nevertheless,
bring the picaresque pattern, from which they are in
part evidently traced, to a point, not of course anywhere
approaching in genius Don Quixote or Gil
Blas, but somehow or other a good deal nearer general
modern life. Les Barons de Felsheim, which succeeds
it, seems to have taken its origin from a suggestion
of the opening of Candide, and continues with
a still wilder series of adventures, satirising German
ways, but to some extent perhaps inspired by German
literature. Very commonly Pigault falls into
a sort of burlesque melodramatic style, with frequent
interludes of horse-play, resembling that of the ineffably
dreary persons who knock each others’ hats off
on the music-hall stage. There is even something
dreamlike about him, though of a very low order of
dream; he has at any rate the dream-habit of constantly
attempting something and finding that he cannot bring
it off.
At the close of one of his most extravagant,
most indecent, and stupidest novels, La Folie Espagnole a
supposed tale of chivalry, which of course shows utter
ignorance of time, place, and circumstance, and is,
in fact, only a sort of travestied Gil Blas,
with a rank infusion of further vulgarised Voltairianism the
author has a rather curious note to the reader, whom
he imagines (with considerable probability) to be
throwing the book away with a suggested cry of “Quelles
misères! quel fatras!” He had,
he says, previously offered Angelique et Jeanneton,
a little work of a very different kind, and the public
would neither buy nor read it. His publisher complained,
and he must try to please. As for La Folie,
everybody, including his cook, can understand this.
One remembers similar expostulations from more respectable
authors; but it is quite certain that Pigault-Lebrun a
Lebrun so different from his contemporary “Pindare”
of that name thoroughly meant what he said.
He was drawing a bow, always at a venture, with no
higher aim than to hit his public, and he did hit it
oftener than he missed. So much the worse, perhaps,
both for him and for his public; but the fact is a
fact, and it is in the observation and correlation
of facts that history consists.
Angelique et Jeanneton itself,
as might be expected from the above reference, is,
among its author’s works, something like Le
Rêve among Zola’s; it is his endeavour to
be strictly proper. But, as it is also one of
his most Sternian exercises, the propriety is chequered.
It begins in sufficiently startling fashion; a single
gentleman of easy fortune and amiable disposition,
putting his latchkey in the door of his chambers one
night, is touched and accosted by an interesting young
person with an “argentine” voice.
This may look louche; but the silvery accents
appeal only for relief of needs, which, as it shortly
appears, are those most properly to be supplied by
a maternity hospital. It is to be understood
that the suppliant is an entire stranger to the hero.
He behaves in the most amiable and, indeed, noble fashion,
instals her in his rooms, turns himself and his servant
out to the nearest hotel, fetches the proper ministress,
and, not content with this Good Samaritanism, effects
a legitimate union between Jeanneton and her lover,
half gives and half procures them a comfortable maintenance,
resists temptation of repayment (not in coin)
on more than one occasion, and sets out, on foot,
to Caudebec, to see about a heritage which has come
to Jeanneton’s husband. On the way he falls
in with Angelique (a lady this time), falls also in
love with her, and marries her. The later part
of the story, as is rather the way with Pigault, becomes
more “accidented.” There are violent
scenes, jealousies, not surprising, between the two
heroines, etc. But the motto-title of Marmontel’s
Heureusement governs all, and the end is peace,
though not without some spots in its sun. That
the public of 1799 did not like the book and did like
La Folie Espagnole is not surprising; but the
bearing of this double attempt on the growth of novel-writing
as a regular craft is important.
Perhaps on the whole Mon Oncle
Thomas, which seems to have been one of the most
popular, is also one of the most representative, if
not the best, of Pigault-Lebrun’s novels.
Its opening, and not its opening only, is indeed full
of that mere nastiness which we, with Smollett and
others to our discredit, cannot disclaim for
our own parallel period, and which was much worse
among the French, who have a choice selection of epithets
for it. But the fortunes of the youthful Thomas child
of a prostitute of the lowest class, though a very
good mother, who afterwards marries a miserly and
ruffianly corporal of police are told with
a good deal of spirit one even thinks of
Colonel Jack and the author shows
his curious vulgar common sense, and his knowledge
of human nature of a certain kind, pretty frequently,
at least in the earlier part of the book.
Jerome is another of Pigault’s
favourite studies of boys distinctly blackguard
boys as a rule from their mischievous, or,
as the early English eighteenth century would have
put it, “unlucky” childhood, to their
most undeserved reward with a good and pretty wife
(whom one sincerely pities), and more or less of a
fortune. There is, however, more vigour in Jerome
than in most, and, if one has the knack of “combing
out” the silly and stale Voltairianism, and paying
little attention to the far from exciting sculduddery,
the book may be read. It contains, in particular,
one of the most finished of its author’s sketches,
of a type which he really did something to introduce
into his country’s literature that
of the Revolutionary and Napoleonic routier
or professional soldier brave as you like,
and at least at some times when neither
drunk nor under the influence of the garden god not
ungenerous; with a certain simplicity too: but
as braggart as he is brave; a mere brute beast as
regards the other sex; utterly ignorant, save of military
matters, and in fact a kind of caricature of the older
type, which the innocent Rymer was so wrath with Shakespeare
for neglecting in Iago.
It may seem that too much space is
being given to a reprobate and often dull author;
but something has been said already to rebut the complaint,
and something more may be added now and again.
French literature, from the death of Chenier to the
appearance of Lamartine, has generally been held to
contain hardly more than two names those
of Chateaubriand and Madame de Stael which
can even “seem to be” those of “pillars”;
and it may appear fantastic and almost insulting to
mention one, who in long stretches of his work might
almost be called a mere muckheap-raker, in company
with them. Yet, in respect to the progress of
his own department, it may be doubted whether he is
not even more than their equal. René and Corinne
contain great suggestions, but they are suggestions
rather for literature generally than for the novel
proper. Pigault used the improperest materials;
he lacked not merely taste, but that humour which
sometimes excuses taste’s absence; power of creating
real character, decency almost always, sense very often.
But all the same, he made the novel march,
as it had not marched, save in isolated instances
of genius, before.
Yet Pigault could hardly have deserved
even the very modified praise which has been given
to him, if he had been constant to the muckheap.
He could never quite help approaching it now and then;
but as time went on and the Empire substituted a sort
of modified decency for the Feasts of Republican Reason
and ribaldry, he tried things less uncomely. Adelaide
de Meran (his longest single book), Tableaux
de Societe, L’Officieux, and others,
are of this class; and without presenting a single
masterpiece in their own kind, they all, more or less,
give evidence of that advance in the kind generally
with which their author has been credited. Adelaide
is very strongly reminiscent of Richardson, and more
than reminiscent of “Sensibility”; it is
written in letters though all by and to
the same persons, except a few extracts and
there is no individuality of character. Pigault,
it has been said, never has any, though he has some
of type. But by exercising the most violent constraint
upon himself, he indulges only in one rape (though
there have been narrow escapes before), in not more
than two or three questionable incidents, and in practically
no “improper” details conduct
almost deserving the description of magnanimity and
self-denial. Moreover, the thing really is a modern
novel, though a bad and rickety one; the indefinable
naturaleza is present in it after a strange
fashion. There is less perhaps in the very inappropriately
named Tableaux de Societe the autobiography
of a certain Fanchette de Francheville, who, somewhat
originally for a French heroine, starts by being in
the most frantic state of mutual passion with her husband,
though this is soon to be succeeded by an infatuation
(for some time virtuously resisted) on her side for
a handsome young naval officer, and by several others
(not at all virtuously resisted) for divers ladies
on the husband’s. With his usual unskilfulness
in managing character, Pigault makes very little of
the opportunities given by his heroine’s almost
unconscious transference of her affections to Sainte-Luce;
while he turns the uxorious husband, not out of jealousy
merely, into a faithless one, and something like a
general ruffian, after a very clumsy and “unconvincing”
fashion. As for his throwing in, at the end, another
fatal passion on part of their daughter for her mother’s
lover, it is, though managed with what is for the
author, perfect cleanliness, entirely robbed of its
always doubtful effect by the actual marriage of Fanchette
and her sailor, and that immediately after the poor
girl’s death. If he had had the pluck to
make this break off the whole thing, the book might
have been a striking novel, as it is actually an attempt
at one; but Pigault, like his friends of the gallery,
was almost inviolably constant to happy endings.
L’Officieux, if he had only had a little
humour, might have been as good comically as the Tableaux
might have been tragically; for it is the history,
sometimes not ill-sketched as far as action goes,
of a parvenu rich, but brave and extremely
well-intentioned marquis, who is perpetually getting
into fearful scrapes from his incorrigible habit of
meddling with other people’s affairs to do them
good. The situations as where the marquis,
having, through an extravagance of officiousness, got
himself put under arrest by his commanding officer,
and at the same time insulted by a comrade, insists
on fighting the necessary duel in his own drawing-room,
and thereby reconciling duty and honour, to the great
terror of a lady with whom he has been having a tender
interview in the adjoining apartment are
sometimes good farce, and almost good comedy; but
Pigault, like Shadwell, has neither the pen nor the
wits to make the most of them.
La Famille Luceval something
of an expanded and considerably Pigaultified story
a la Marmontel is duller than any
of these, and the opening is marred by an exaggerated
study of a classical mania on the part of the hero;
but still the novel quality is not quite absent from
it.
Of the rest, M. Botte,
which seems to have been a favourite, is a rather
conventional extravaganza with a rich, testy, but occasionally
generous uncle; a nephew who falls in love with the
charming but penniless daughter of an emigre;
a noble rustic, who manages to keep some of his exiled
landlord’s property together, etc. M.
de Roberval, though in its original issue not
so long as Adelaide de Meran, becomes longer
by a suite of another full volume, and is a
rather tedious chronicle of ups and downs. There
may be silence about the remainder.
The stock and, as it may be called,
“semi-official” ticket for Pigault-Lebrun
in such French literary history as takes notice of
him, appears to be verve: and the recognised
dictionary-sense of verve is “heat of
imagination, which animates the artist in his composition.”
In the higher sense in which the word imagination
is used with us, it could never be applied here; but
he certainly has a good deal of “go,” which
is perhaps not wholly improper as a colloquial Anglicising
of the label. These semi-official descriptions,
which have always pleased the Latin races, are of
more authority in France than in England, though as
long as we go on calling Chaucer “the father
of English poetry” and Wyclif “the father
of English prose” we need not boast ourselves
too much. But Pigault has this “go” never
perhaps for a whole book, but sometimes for passages
of considerable length, which possess “carrying”
power. It undoubtedly gave him his original popularity,
and we need not despise it now, inasmuch as it makes
less tedious the task of ascertaining and justifying
his true place in the further “domestication” if
only in domesticities too often mean and grimy of
the French novel.
There are more reasons than the convenience
of furnishing a separately published first volume
with an interim conclusion, for making, at the close
of this, a few remarks on the general state of the
French novel at the end of the eighteenth century.
No thoroughly similar point is reached in the literary
history of France, or of any country known to me,
in regard to a particular department of literature.
In England the only place, which can, in
this same department, be even considered in comparison,
although at this very time two novelists, vastly superior
to any of whom France has to boast, were just writing,
or just about to write, and were a little later to
revolutionise the novel itself the general
state and history of the kind had, for nearly two generations,
reached a stage far beyond anything that France could
claim. She had made earlier “running”;
on the whole period of some seven hundred years she
had always, till very recently, been in front.
But in the novel, as distinguished from the romance,
she had absolutely nothing to show like our great
quartette of the mid-eighteenth century, and hardly
anything to match the later developments of Miss Burney
and others in domestic, of Mrs. Radcliffe and others
still in revived romantic fiction. Very great
Frenchmen or French writers had written novels; but,
with the exceptions of Lesage in Gil Blas,
Prevost in that everlastingly wonderful “single-speech”
of his, and Rousseau in La Nouvelle Heloise,
none had written a great novel. No single writer
of any greatness had been a novelist pure and simple.
No species of fiction, except the short tale,
in which, through varying forms, France held an age-long
mastery, had been thoroughly developed in her literature.
The main point, where England went
right and France went wrong to be only
in the most equivocal way corrected by such a writer
as Pigault-Lebrun was the recognition of
the connection the intimate and all but
necessary connection of the completed novel
with ordinary life. Look over the long history
of fiction which we have surveyed in the last three
or four or five chapters. There is much and sometimes
great literary talent; sometimes, again, even genius;
there are episodes of reality; there are most artful
adjustments of type and convention and the like, of
fashion in morals (or immorals) and sentiments.
But a real objective novel of ordinary life, such
as Tom Jones, or even Humphry Clinker,
nay, such inferior approaches to it as exist elsewhere
in English, you will not find. Of the Scudery
romances we need not speak again; for all their key-references
to persons, and their abstention from the supernatural,
etc., they are, as wholes, hardly more real than
Amadis and its family themselves. Scarron
has some and Furetiere more objectivity that may be
argued for, but the Spanish picaresque has become
a convention, and they, especially Scarron, are aiming
more at the pattern than at the life-model. Madame
de la Fayette has much, and some of her followers
a little, real passion; but her manners, descriptions,
etc., are all conventional, though of another
kind. The fairy tales are of course not “real.”
Marivaux is aiming directly at Sensibility, preciousness,
“psychology,” if you like, but not at holding
up the glass to any ordinary nature as such. And
though Crebillon might plead that his convention was
actually the convention of hundreds and almost thousands
of accomplished ladies and gentlemen, no one can deny
that it was almost as much a convention as the historical
or legendary acting of the Comedie Humaine
by living persons a hundred years later at Venice.
No writer perhaps illustrates what
is being said better than Prevost. No one of
his books, voluminous as they are, has the very slightest
reality, except Manon Lescaut; and that, like
La Princesse de Cleves, though with much more
intensity and fortunately with no alloy of convention
whatever, is simply a study of passion, not of life
at large at all. With the greater men the case
alters to some extent in proportion to their greatness,
but, again with one exception, not to such an extent
as to affect the general rule. Voltaire avowedly
never attempts ordinary representation of ordinary
life save as the merest by-work, it is
all “purpose,” satire, fancy. Rousseau
may not, in one sense, go beyond that life in Julie,
but in touching it he is almost as limited and exclusive
as Prevost in his masterpiece. Diderot has to
get hold of the abnormal, if not the unreal, before
he can give you something like a true novel.
Marmontel is half-fanciful, and though he does touch
reality, subordinates it constantly to half-allegorical
and wholly moral purpose. All the minor “Sensibility”
folk follow their leaders, and so do all the minor
conteurs.
The people (believed to be a numerous
folk) who are uncomfortable with a fact unless some
explanation of it is given, may be humoured here.
The failure of a very literary nation applying
the most disciplined literary language in Europe to
a department, in the earlier stages of which they
had led Europe itself to get out of the
trammels which we had easily discarded, is almost
demonstrably connected with the very nature of their
own literary character. Until the most recent
years, if not up to the very present day, few Frenchmen
have ever been happy without a type, a “kind,”
a set of type-and kind-rules, a classification and
specification, as it were, which has to be filled up
and worked over. Of all this the novel had nothing
in ancient times, while in modern it had only been
wrestling and struggling towards something of the
sort, and had only in one country discovered, and not
quite consciously there, that the beauty of the novel
lies in having no type, no kind, no rules, no limitations,
no general precept or motto for the craftsman except
“Here is the whole of human life before you.
Copy it, or, better, recreate it with variation
and decoration ad libitum as faithfully,
but as freely, as you can.” Of this great
fact even Fielding, the creator of the modern novel,
was perhaps not wholly aware as a matter of theory,
though he made no error about it in practice.
Indeed the “comic prose epic” notion might
reduce to rules like those of the verse. Both
Scott and Miss Austen abstained likewise from formalising
it. But every really great novel has illustrated
it; and attempts, such as have been recently made,
to contest it and draw up a novelists’ code,
have certainly not yet justified themselves according
to the Covenant of Works, and have at least not disposed
some of us to welcome them as a Covenant of Faith.
It is because Pigault-Lebrun, though a low kind of
creature from every point of view, except that of
mere craftsmanship, did, like his betters, recognise
the fact in practice, that he has been allowed here
a place of greater consideration than perhaps has
ever fallen to his lot before in literary history.
Still, even putting out of sight the
new developments which had shown the irrepressible
vitality of the French conte, the seven hundred
years had not been wasted. The product of the
first half of them remained, indeed, at this time
sealed up in the “gazophile” of the older
age, or was popularised only by well-meaning misinterpreters
like the Comte de Tressan; but the treasure-house
was very soon to be broken open and utilised.
It is open to any one to contend it is,
indeed, pretty much the opinion of the present writer that
it was this very neglect which had made the progress
of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries themselves
so slow and so imperfect in its total results.
For those who like to look for literary causes outside
literature, there may be other explanations.
But any intelligent reader can do something for himself
if he has the facts before him. It is these facts
that it has been and will be our business to give
and to summarise here.
They have been given; let us attempt
to summarise them in the briefest possible way.
France possibly did not invent Romance; no man or men
could do that; it was a sort of deferred heritage which
Humankind, like the Heir of Lynne, discovered when
it was ready to hang itself (speaking in terms of
literature) during the Dark Ages. But she certainly
grew the seed for all other countries, and dispersed
the growth to the ends of the earth. Very much
the same was the case with the short tale in the “Middle”
period. From the fifteenth century to the eighteenth
(both included) she entered upon a curious kind of
wilderness, studded with oases of a more curious character
still. In one of them Rabelais was born, and
found Quintessence, and of that finding more
fortunate than the result of True Thomas finding the
Elf Queen was born Pantagruelism.
In another came Lesage, and though his work was scarcely
original, it was consummate. None of these happy
sojourns produced a Don Quixote or a Tom
Jones, but divers smaller things resulted.
And again and again, as had happened in the Middle
Ages themselves, but on a smaller scale, what France
did found development and improvement in other lands;
while her own miniature masterpieces, from the best
of the Cent Nouvelles Nouvelles and the Heptameron,
through all others that we noticed down to Adolphe,
showed the enormous power which was working half blindly.
How the strength got eyes, and the eyes found the right
objects to fix upon, must be left, if fortune favour,
for the next volume to tell.