In 1871, nearly twelve years after
the ‘Origin of Species,’ Darwin published
his ‘Descent of Man.’
We have seen already that he would
fain have avoided the treatment of this difficult
and dangerous topic a little longer, so as to let his
main theory be fairly judged on its own merits, without
the obtrusion of theological or personal feelings
into so purely biological a question; but the current
was too strong for him, and at last he yielded.
On the one hand, the adversaries had drawn for themselves
the conclusion of man’s purely animal origin,
and held it up to ridicule under false forms in the
most absurd and odious light. On the other hand,
imprudent allies had put forth under the evolutionary
aegis their somewhat hypothetical and extravagant
speculations on this involved subject, which Darwin
was naturally anxious to correct and modify by his
own more sober and guarded inferences. The result
was the second great finishing work of the complete
Darwinian system of things.
Ever since evolutionism had begun
to be at all it had been observed that a natural corollary
from the doctrine of descent with modification was
the belief in man’s common ancestry with the
anthropoid apes. As early as the middle of the
last century, indeed, Lord Monboddo, a whimsical Scotch
eccentric, had suggested in his famous book on the
origin of language the idea that men were merely developed
monkeys. But this crude and unorganised statement
of a great truth, being ultimately based upon no distinct
physical grounds, deserved scarcely to be classed higher
than the childish evolutionism of ‘Telliamed’
De Maillet, which makes birds descend from flying-fish
and men the offspring of the hypothetical tritons.
On this point as on most others the earliest definite
scientific views are those of Buffon, who ventured
to hint with extreme caution the possibility of a
common ancestry for man and all other vertebrate animals.
Goethe the all-sided had caught a passing glimpse of
the same profound conception about the date of the
Reign of Terror; and Erasmus Darwin had openly announced
it, though without much elaboration, in his precocious
and premature ‘Zoonomia.’ Still more
specifically, in a note to the ‘Temple of Nature,’
the English evolutionist says: ’It has
been supposed by some that mankind were formerly quadrupeds....
These philosophers, with Buffon and Helvetius,
seem to imagine that mankind arose from one family
of monkeys on the banks of the Mediterranean;’
and in the third canto of that fantastic poem, he
enlarges upon the great part performed by the hand,
with its opposable thumb, in the development and progress
of the human species. Lamarck, in his ’Philosophie
Zoologique,’ distinctly lays down the doctrine
that man is descended from an ape-like ancestor, which
gradually acquired the upright position, not even
now wholly natural to the human race, and maintained
only by the most constant watchfulness. The orang-outang
was then the highest known anthropoid ape; and it
was from the orang-outang, therefore, that the fancy
of Lyell and other objectors in the pre-Darwinian
days continually derived the Lamarckian Adam.
The introduction of the chimpanzee
into our European Zoological Gardens gave a fresh
type of anthropoid to the crude speculators of the
middle decades of the century; and in 1859, Paul du
Chaillu, the explorer and hunter of the Gaboon country,
brought over to America and Europe the first specimens
of the true gorilla ever seen by civilised men.
There can be little doubt that the general interest
excited by his narrative of his adventures (published
in London in 1861) and by the well-known stuffed specimen
of the huge African anthropoid ape so long conspicuous
in the rooms of the British Museum, and now surviving
(somewhat the worse for wear) in the natural history
collection at South Kensington, did much to kindle
public curiosity as to the nature of our relations
with the lower animals. It is no mere accidental
circumstance, indeed, that Huxley should have brought
out ‘Man’s Place in Nature’ just
two years after Du Chaillu’s ’Explorations
and Adventures in Equatorial Africa’ had made
the whole world, lay and learned, familiar with the
name and features of the most human in outer aspect
among the anthropoid family. Thenceforth the
gorilla, and not the orang-outang, was popularly hit
upon by scoffer and caricaturist as the imaginary type
of our primitive ancestors.
On the other hand, during the twelve
intervening years immense strides had been made in
every department of anthropological science, and the
whole tenor of modern speculation had been clearing
the ground for the ‘Descent of Man,’ In
1865, Rolle in Germany had published his work on ‘Man
Viewed by the Light of the Darwinian Theory.’
Two years later, Canestrini in Italy read before the
Naturalists’ Society of Modena his interesting
paper on rudimentary characters as bearing on the origin
of the human species. In 1868, Buechner brought
out his rudely materialistic sledge-hammer lectures
on the Darwinian principle; and in 1869, Barrago flung
straight at the head of the Roman clericals his offensive
work on man and the anthropoid apes. Most of
these foreign publications were unhappily marked by
that coarse and almost vituperative opposition to
received views which too often disfigures French and
German controversial literature. In England,
on the contrary, under our milder and gentler ecclesiastical
yoke, the contest had been conducted with greater
decorum and with far better results. Wallace had
broken ground tentatively and reverently in his essay
on the ‘Origin of Human Races,’ where
he endeavoured to show that man is the co-descendant
with the anthropoid apes of some ancient lower and
extinct form. Lubbock’s ‘Prehistoric
Times’ (1865) and ‘Origin of Civilisation’
(1870) helped to clear the way in the opposite direction
by demolishing the old belief, firmly upheld by Whately
and others, that savages represent a degraded type,
and that the civilised state is natural and, so to
speak, congenital to man. Tylor’s ‘Early
History of Mankind’ (1865) did still more eminent
service in the same direction. Colenso’s
’Pentateuch and Book of Joshua Critically Examined,’
the publication of which began in 1862, had already
shaken the foundations of the Mosaic cosmogony, and
incidentally discredited the received view of the direct
creation of the first human family. McLennan’s
‘Primitive Marriage’ (1865) and Herbert
Spencer’s articles on the origin of religion
had kept speculation alive along other paths, all
tending ultimately towards the same conclusion.
Darwin’s own cousin, Hensleigh Wedgwood, and
Canon Farrar, had independently endeavoured to prove
that language, instead of being a divine gift, might
have arisen in a purely natural manner from instinctive
cries and the imitation of external sounds. The
Duke of Argyll and Professor Max Mueller, by the obvious
feebleness of their half-hearted replies, had unconsciously
aided in disseminating and enforcing the very views
they attempted to combat. Bagehot and Flower,
Maudsley and Jevons, Vogt and Lindsay, Galton and Brown-Sequard
had each in his way contributed facts and arguments
ultimately utilised by the great master architect
in building up his consistent and harmonious edifice.
Finally, in 1868, Haeckel had published his ’Natural
History of Creation,’ in which he discussed
with surprising and perhaps excessive boldness the
various stages in the genealogy of man. These
various works, following so close upon Huxley’s
‘Man’s Place in Nature’ and Lyell’s
conclusive ‘Antiquity of Man,’ left Darwin
no choice but to set forth his own reasoned opinions
on the subject of the origin and development of the
human species.
The evidence of the descent of man
from some lower form, collected and marshalled together
by Darwin, consists chiefly of minute inferential
proofs which hardly admit of deliberate condensation.
In his bodily structure man is formed on the same
underlying type or model as all the other mammals,
bone answering throughout to bone, as, for example,
in the fore limb, where homologous parts have been
modified in the dog into toes, in the bat into wing-supports,
in the seal into flippers, and in man himself into
fingers and thumb, while still retaining in every case
their essential fundamental likeness of construction.
Even the brain of man resembles closely the brain
of the higher monkeys; the differences which separate
him in this respect from the orang or the gorilla are
far slighter than the differences which separate those
apes themselves from the inferior monkeys. Indeed,
as Huxley conclusively showed, on anatomical grounds
alone, man must be classed in the order Primates as
only one among the many divergent forms which that
order includes within its wide limits.
In his embryonic development man closely
resembles the lower animals, the human creature being
almost indistinguishable in certain stages from the
dog, the bat, the seal, and especially the monkeys.
At a very early age he possesses a slight projecting
tail; at another, the great toe is shorter than its
neighbours, and projects like the thumb at a slight
angle; and at a third, the convolutions of the brain
reach a point of development about equivalent to that
of the adult baboon. In his first stages man
himself stands far more closely related to the apes
than the apes in turn stand to cats or hyaenas.
Rudiments of muscles not normally
found in man occur in many aberrant human individuals.
Some people possess the power of moving their scalps
and wagging their ears like dogs and monkeys; others
can twitch the skin of their bodies, as horses do
when worried by flies. Mr. Woolner, the sculptor,
pointed out to Darwin a certain little projecting point
or knob on the margin of the ear, observed by him
in the course of modelling, which comparison shows
to be the last folded remnant or rudiment of the once
erect and pointed monkey-like ear-tip. The nictitating
membrane, or third eyelid, once more, which in birds
can be drawn so rapidly across the ball of the eye,
and which gives the familiar glazed or murky appearance,
is fairly well developed in the ornithorhynchus and
the kangaroo, as well as in a few higher mammals,
like the walrus; but in man, as in the monkey group,
it survives only under the degenerate form of a practically
useless rudiment, the semilunar fold. Man differs
from the other Primates in his apparently hairless
condition; but the hair, though short and downy, still
remains on close inspection, and in some races, such
as the Ainos of Japan, forms a shaggy coat like an
orang’s or a gibbon’s. A few long
rough hairs sometimes project from the short smooth
down of the eyebrows; and these peculiar bristles,
occasional only in the human species, are habitual
in the chimpanzee and in many baboons. Internal
organs show similar rudiments, of less enthralling
interest, it must be candidly confessed, to the unscientific
outside intelligence. Even the bony skeleton
contributes its share of confirmatory evidence; for
in the lower monkeys and in many other mammals a certain
main trunk nerve passes through a special perforation
in the shoulder-blade, and this perforation, though
now almost obsolete, sometimes recurs in man, in which
case the nerve in question invariably passes through
it, as in the inferior monkeys. What is still
more remarkable is the fact that the perforation occurs
far more frequently (in proportion) among the skeletons
of very ancient races than among those of our own time.
One chief cause why in this and other cases ancient
races often present structures resembling those of
the lower animals seems to be that they stand nearer
in the long line of descent to their remote animal-like
progenitors.
The conclusion at which, after fully
examining all the evidence, Darwin finally arrives
is somewhat as follows:
The early ancestors of man must have
been more or less monkey-like animals, belonging to
the great anthropoid group, and related to the progenitors
of the orang-outang, the chimpanzee, and the gorilla.
They must have been once covered with hair, both sexes
possessing beards. Their ears were probably pointed
and capable of movement, and their bodies were provided
with a movable tail. The foot had a great toe
somewhat thumb-like in its action, with which they
could grasp the branches of trees. They were
probably arboreal in their habits, fruit-eaters by
choice, and inhabitants of some warm forest-clad land.
The males had great canine teeth, with which they fought
one another for the possession of the females.
At a much earlier period, the internal anatomical
peculiarities approached those of the lowest mammals,
and the eye was provided with a third eyelid.
Peering still further back into the dim abyss of the
ages, Darwin vaguely describes the ancestors of humanity
as aquatic animals, allied to the mudfish; for our
lungs are known to consist of modified swim-bladders,
which must once have served our remote progenitors
in the office of a float. The gill-clefts on the
neck of the human embryo still point to the spot where
the branchiae once, no doubt, existed. Our
primordial birthplace appears to have been a shore
washed twice a day by the recurrent tides. The
heart then took the shape merely of a simple pulsating
vessel; and a long undivided spinal cord usurped the
place of the vertebral column. These extremely
primitive ancestors of man, thus dimly beheld across
the gulf of ages, must have been at least as simply
and humbly organised as that very lowest and earliest
of existing vertebrates, the worm-like lancelet.
From such a rude and indefinite beginning
natural selection, aided by the various concomitant
principles, has slowly built up the pedigree of man.
Starting from these remote half-invertebrate forms,
whose vague shape is still perhaps in part preserved
for us by the soft and jelly-like larva of the modern
ascidian, we rise by long stages to a group of early
fishes, like the lancelet itself. From these the
ganoids and then the lung-bearing mudfish must have
been gradually developed. From such fish a very
small advance would carry us on to the newts and other
amphibians. The duck-billed platypus helps us
slightly to bridge over the gap between the reptiles
and the lower mammals, such as the kangaroo and the
wombat, though the connection with the amphibians is
still, as when Darwin wrote, highly problematical.
From marsupials, such as the kangaroo, we ascend gradually
to the insectivorous type represented by the shrews
and hedgehogs, and thence once more by very well-marked
intermediate stages to the lemurs of Madagascar, a
group linked on the one hand to the insectivores,
and on the other to the true monkeys. The monkeys,
again, ’branched off into two great stems the
New World and Old World monkeys; and from the latter,
at a remote period, man, the wonder and glory of the
universe, proceeded.’
The word was spoken; the secret was
out. The world might well have been excused for
treating it scornfully. But as a matter of fact,
the storm which followed the ‘Descent of Man’
was as nothing compared with the torrent of abuse
that had pursued the author of the ‘Origin of
Species.’ In twelve years society had grown
slowly accustomed to the once startling idea, and
it listened now with comparatively languid interest
to the final utterance of the great biologist on the
question of its own origin and destinies. In
1859 it cried in horror, ‘How very shocking!’
in 1871, it murmured complacently, ’Is that all?
Why, everybody knew that much already!’
Nevertheless, on the moral and social
side, the ultimate importance of the ‘Descent
of Man’ upon the world’s history can hardly
be overrated by a philosophic investigator. Vast
as was the revolution effected in biology by the ‘Origin
of Species,’ it was as nothing compared with
the still wider, deeper, and more subtly-working revolution
inaugurated by the announcement of man’s purely
animal origin. The main discovery, strange to
say, affected a single branch of thought alone; the
minor corollary drawn from it to a single species
has already affected, and is destined in the future
still more profoundedly to affect, every possible
sphere of human energy. Not only has it completely
reversed our entire conception of history generally,
by teaching us that man has slowly risen from a very
low and humble beginning, but it has also revolutionised
our whole ideas of our own position and our own destiny,
it has permeated the sciences of language and of medicine,
it has introduced new conceptions of ethics and of
religion, and it threatens in the future to produce
immense effects upon the theory and practice of education,
of politics, and of economic and social science.
These wide-reaching and deep-seated results began
to be felt from the first moment when the Darwinian
principle was definitely promulgated in the ‘Origin
of Species,’ but their final development and
general acceptance was immensely accelerated by Darwin’s
own authoritative statement in the ‘Descent
of Man.’
To some among us still, as to Lyell
before us, this new belief in the animal origin of
man seems far less beautiful, noble, and inspiriting
than the older faith in his special and separate divine
creation. Such thinkers find it somehow more
pleasant and comfortable to suppose that man has fallen
than that man has risen; the doctrine of the universal
degradation of humanity paradoxically appears to them
more full of promise and aspiration for the times
to come than the doctrine of its universal elevation.
To Darwin himself, however, it seemed otherwise.
‘Man,’ he says, ’may be excused for
feeling some pride at having risen, though not through
his own exertions, to the very summit of the organic
scale; and the fact of his having thus risen, instead
of having been aboriginally placed there, may give
him hope for a still higher destiny in the distant
future.’ Surely this is the truer and manlier
way of looking at the reversed and improved attitude
of man. Surely it is better to climb to the top
than to have been placed there and fallen at
the very outset. Surely it is a nobler view of
life that we may yet by our own strenuous exertions
raise our race some places higher in the endless and
limitless hierarchy of nature than that we are the
miserable and hopelessly degenerate descendants of
a ruined and degraded angelic progenitor. Surely
it is well, while we boast with Glaucus that
we indeed are far braver and better than our ancestors,
to pray at the same time, in the words of Hector,
that our sons may be yet braver and better than ourselves.