Government
In government, the village is the
unit, and a genuinely democratic government it is.
There is a house chief, a Kiva chief, a war chief,
the speaker chief or town crier, and the chiefs of
the clans who are likewise chiefs of the fraternities;
all these making up a council which rules the pueblo,
the crier publishing its decisions. Laws are
traditional and unwritten. Hough says infractions
are so few that it would be hard to say what the penalties
are, probably ridicule and ostracism. Theft is
almost unheard of, and the taking of life by force
or law is unknown.
To a visitor encamped at bedtime below
the mesa, the experience of hearing the speaker chief
or town crier for the first time is something long
to be remembered. Out of the stillness of the
desert night comes a voice from the house tops, and
such a voice! From the heights above, it resounds
in a sonorous long-drawn chant. Everyone listens
breathlessly to the important message and it goes
on and on.
The writer recalls that when first
she heard it, twenty years ago, she sat up in bed
and rousing the camp, with stage whispers (afraid to
speak aloud), demanded: “Do you hear that?
What on earth can it mean? Surely something awful
has happened!” On and on it went endlessly. (She
has since been told that it is all repeated three
times.) And not until morning was it learned that
the long speech had been merely the announcement of
a rabbit hunt for the next day. The oldest traditions
of the Hopi tell of this speaker chief and his important
utterances. He is a vocal bulletin board and
the local newspaper, but his news is principally of
a religious nature, such as the announcement of cérémonials.
This usually occurs in the evening when all have gotten
in from the fields or home from the day’s journey,
but occasionally announcements are made at other hours.
The following is a poetic formal announcement
of the New Fire Ceremony, as given at sunrise from
the housetop of the Crier at Walpi:
“All people awake, open your eyes,
arise, Become children of light, vigorous, active,
sprightly: Hasten, Clouds, from the four world-quarters.
Come, Snow, in plenty, that water may abound when
summer appears. Come, Ice, and cover the fields,
that after planting they may yield abundantly.
Let all hearts be glad. The Wuwutchimtu will
assemble in four days; They will encircle the villages,
dancing and singing. Let the women be ready
to pour water upon them That moisture may come in
plenty and all shall rejoice."
As to the character of their government,
Hewett says: “We can truthfully say that
these surviving pueblo communities constitute the
oldest existing republics. It must be remembered,
however, that they were only vest-pocket editions.
No two villages nor group of villages ever came under
a common authority or formed a state. There is
not the faintest tradition of a ‘ruler’
over the whole body of the Pueblos, nor an organization
of the people of this vast territory under a common
government.”
The Clan and Marriage
Making up the village are various
clans. A clan comprises all the descendants of
a traditional maternal ancestor. Children belong
to the clan of the mother. (See Figure 1.) These clans
bear the name of something in nature, often suggested
by either a simple or a significant incident in the
legendary history of the people during migration when
off-shoots from older clans were formed into new clans.
Thus a migration legend collected by Voth accounts
for the name of the Bear Clan, the Bluebird Clan,
the Spider Clan, and others.
Sons and daughters are expected to
marry outside the clan, and the son must live with
his wife’s people, so does nothing to perpetuate
his own clan. The Hopi is monogamous. A
daughter on marrying brings her husband to her home,
later building the new home adjacent to that of her
mother. Therefore many daughters born to a clan
mean increase in population.
Some clans have indeed become nearly
extinct because of the lack of daughters, the sons
having naturally gone to live with neighboring clans,
or in some cases with neighboring tribes. As a
result, some large houses are pointed out that have
many unoccupied and even abandoned rooms the
clan is dying out. Possibly there may be a good
many men of that clan living but they are not with
or near their parents and grandparents. They
are now a part of the clan into which they have married,
and must live there, be it near or far. Why should
they keep up such a practice when possibly the young
man could do better, economically and otherwise, in
his ancestral home and community? The answer
is, “It has always been that way,” and
that seems to be reason enough for a Hopi.
Property, Lands, Houses, Divorce
Land is really communal, apportioned
to the several clans and by them apportioned to the
various families, who enjoy its use and hand down
such use to the daughters, while the son must look
to his wife’s share of her clan allotment for
his future estate. In fact, it is a little doubtful
whether he has any estate save his boots and saddle
and whatever personal plunder he may accumulate, for
the house is the property of the wife, as well as
the crop after its harvest, and divorce at the pleasure
of the wife is effective and absolute by the mere means
of placing said boots and saddle, etc., outside
the door and closing it. The husband may return
to his mother’s house, and if he insists upon
staying, the village council will insist upon his departure.
Again, why do they keep doing it this
way? Again, “Because it has always been
done this way.” And it works very well.
There is little divorce and little dissension in domestic
life among the Hopi, in spite of Crane’s
half comical sympathy for men in this “woman-run”
commonwealth. Bachelors are rare since only heads
of families count in the body politic. An unmarried
woman of marriageable age is unheard of.
Womans Work
The Hopi woman’s life is a busy
one, the never finished grinding of corn by the use
of the primitive metate and mano taking much time,
and the universal woman’s task of bearing and
rearing children and providing meals and home comforts
accounting for most of her day.
She is the carrier of water, and since
it must be borne on her back from the spring below
the village mesa this is a burden indeed. She
is, too, the builder of the house, though men willingly
assist in any heavy labor when wanted. But why
on earth should so kindly a people make woman the
carrier of water and the mason of her home walls?
Tradition! “It has always been this way.”
Her leisure is employed in visiting
her neighbors, for the Hopi are a conspicuously sociable
people, and in the making of baskets or pottery.
One hears a great deal about Hopi pottery, but the
pottery center in Hopiland is the village of Hano,
on First Mesa, and the people are not Hopi but Tewas,
whose origin shall presently be explained.
Not until recent years has pottery
been made elsewhere in Hopiland than at Hano.
At present, however, Sichomovi, the Hopi village built
so close to Hano that one scarce knows where one ends
and the other begins, makes excellent pottery as does
the Hopi settlement at the foot of the hill, Polacca.
Undoubtedly this comes from the Tewa influence and
in some cases from actual Tewa families who have come
to live in the new locality. For instance, Grace,
maker of excellent pottery, now living at Polacca,
is a Tewa who lived in Hano twenty years ago, when
the writer first knew her, and continued to live there
until a couple of years ago. Nampeo, most famous
potter in Hopiland, is an aged Tewa woman still living
at Hano, in the first house at the head of the trail.
Her ambitious study of the fragments of the pottery
of the ancients, in the ruins of old Sikyatki, made
her the master craftsman and developed a new standard
for pottery-making in her little world.
Mention was made previously of the
women employing their leisure in the making of baskets
or pottery. An interesting emphasis should be
placed upon the “or,” for no village does
both. The women of the three villages mentioned
at First Mesa as pottery villages make no baskets.
The three villages on Second Mesa make a particular
kind of coiled basket found nowhere else save in North
Africa, and no pottery nor any other kind of basket.
The villages of Third Mesa make colorful twined or
wicker baskets and plaques, just the one kind and
no pottery. They stick as closely to these lines
as though their wares were protected by some tribal
“patent right.” Pottery for First
Mesa, coiled baskets for Second Mesa, and wicker baskets
for Third Mesa.
The writer has known the Hopi a long
time, and has asked them many times the reason for
this. The villages are only a few miles apart,
so the same raw materials are available to all.
These friends merely laugh good naturedly and answer:
“O, the only reason is, that it is just the
way we have always done it.”
Natural conservatives, these Hopi,
and yet not one of them but likes a bright new sauce-pan
from the store for her cooking, and a good iron stove,
for that matter, if she can afford it. There is
no tradition against this, we are told.
More than two centuries ago, these
Tewas came from the Rio Grande region, by invitation
of the Walpi, to help them defend this village (See
Figure 2) from their Navajo, Apache, and Piute enemies.
They were given a place on the mesa-top to build their
village, at the head of the main trail, which it was
their business to guard, and fields were allotted
them in the valley below.
They are a superior people, intelligent,
friendly, reliable, and so closely resemble the Hopi
that they can not be told apart.
The two peoples have intermarried
freely, and it is hard to think of the Tewas otherwise
than as “one kind of Hopi.” However,
they are of a distinctly different linguistic stock,
speaking a Tewa language brought from the Rio Grande,
while the Hopi speak a dialect of the Shoshonean.
It is an interesting fact that all
Tewas speak Hopi as well as Tewa, whereas the Hopi
have never learned the Tewa language. The Hopi
have a legend accounting for this:
“When the Hano first came, the
Walpi said to them, ’Let us spit in your mouths
and you will learn our tongue,’ and to this the
Hano consented. When the Hano came up and built
on the mesa, they said to the Walpi, ‘Let us
spit in your mouths and you will learn our tongue,’
but the Walpi would not listen to this, saying it
would make them vomit. This is the reason why
all the Hano can speak Hopi, and none of the Hopi can
talk Hano."
Mans Work
The work of the men must now be accounted
for lest the impression be gained that the industry
of the women leaves the males idle and carefree.
It is but fair to the men to say that
first of all they carry the community government on
their shoulders, and the still more weighty affairs
of religion. They are depended upon to keep the
seasonal and other ceremonies going throughout the
year, and the Hopi ceremonial calendar has its major
event for each of the twelve months, for all of which
elaborate preparation must be made, including the manufacture
and repair of costumes and other paraphernalia and
much practicing and rehearsing in the kivas.
Someone has said much of the Hopi man’s time
is taken up with “getting ready for dances,
having dances, and getting over dances.”
Yes, a big waste of time surely to you and me, but
to the Hopi community men, women, and children
alike absolutely essential to their well-being.
There could be no health, happiness, prosperity, not
even an assurance of crops without these ceremonies.
The Hopi is a good dry farmer on a
small scale, and farming is a laborious business in
the shifting sands of Hopiland. Their corn is
their literal bread of life and they usually keep one
year’s crop stored. These people have known
utter famine and even starvation in the long ago,
and their traditions have made them wise. The
man tends the fields and flocks, makes mocassins,
does the weaving of the community (mostly ceremonial
garments) and usually brings in the wood for fuel,
since it is far to seek in this land of scant vegetation,
in fact literally miles away and getting farther every
year, so that the man with team and wagon is fortunate
indeed and the rest must pack their wood on burros.
Both men and women gather backloads of faggots wherever
such can be found in walking distance, and said distance
is no mean measure, for these hardy little people
have always been great walkers and great runners.
Hough says: “Seemingly the
men work harder making paraphernalia and costumes
for the ceremonies than at anything else, but it should
be remembered that in ancient days everything depended,
in Hopi belief, on propitiating the deities.
Still if we would pick the threads of religion from
the warp and woof of Hopi life there apparently would
not be much left. It must be recorded in the
interests of truth, that Hopi men will work at days
labor and give satisfaction except when a ceremony
is about to take place at the pueblo, and duty to
their religion interferes with steady employment much
as fiestas do in the easy-going countries
to the southward. Really the Hopi deserve great
credit for their industry, frugality, and provident
habits, and one must commend them because they do
not shun work and because in fairness both men and
women share in the labor for the common good.”