A special and detailed study of the
normal characters of the sexual impulse in men seems
unnecessary. I have elsewhere discussed various
aspects of the male sexual impulse, and others remain
for later discussion. But to deal with it broadly
as a whole seems unnecessary, if only because it is
predominantly open and aggressive. Moreover, since
the constitution of society has largely been in the
hands of men, the nature of the sexual impulse in
men has largely been expressed in the written and
unwritten codes of social law. The sexual instinct
in women is much more elusive. This, indeed,
is involved at the outset in the organic psychological
play of male and female, manifesting itself in the
phenomena of modesty and courting. The same elusiveness,
the same mocking mystery, meet us throughout when
we seek to investigate the manifestations of the sexual
impulse in women. Nor is it easy to find any full
and authentic record of a social state clearly founded
in sexual matters on the demands of woman’s
nature.
An illustration of our ignorance and
bias in these matters is furnished by the relationship
of marriage, celibacy, and divorce to suicide
in the two sexes. There can be no doubt that the
sexual emotions of women have a profound influence
in determining suicide. This is indicated,
among other facts, by a comparison of the suicide-rate
in the sexes according to age; while in men the frequency
of suicide increases progressively throughout life,
in women there is an arrest after the age of 30;
that is to say, when the period of most intense
sexual emotion has been passed. This phenomenon
is witnessed among peoples so unlike as the French,
the Prussians, and the Italians. Now, how do marriage
and divorce affect the sexual liability to suicide?
We are always accustomed to say that marriage
protects women, and it is even asserted that men
have self-sacrificingly maintained the institution
of marriage mainly for the benefit of women.
Professor Durkheim, however, who has studied suicide
elaborately from the sociological standpoint,
so far as possible eliminating fallacies, has
in recent years thrown considerable doubt on the current
assumption. He shows that if we take the tendency
to suicide as a test, and eliminate the influence
of children, who are an undoubted protection to
women, it is not women, but men, who are protected
by marriage, and that the protection of women from
suicide increases regularly as divorces increase.
After discussing these points exhaustively, “we
reach a conclusion,” he states, “considerably
removed from the current view of marriage and
the part it plays. It is regarded as having been
instituted for the sake of the wife and to protect
her weakness against masculine caprices.
Monogamy, especially, is very often presented as
a sacrifice of man’s polygamous instincts, made
in order to ameliorate the condition of woman
in marriage. In reality, whatever may have
been the historical causes which determined this
restriction, it is man who has profited most.
The liberty which he has thus renounced could
only have been a source of torment to him.
Woman had not the same reasons for abandoning freedom,
and from this point of view we may say that in submitting
to the same rule it is she who has made the sacrifice.”
(E. Durkheim, Le Suicide, 1897, pp.
186-214, 289-311.)
There is possibly some significance
in the varying incidence of insanity in unmarried
men and unmarried women as compared with the married.
At Erlangen, for example, Hagen found that among insane
women the preponderance of the single over the married
is not nearly so great as among insane men, marriage
appearing to exert a much more marked prophylactic
influence in the case of men than of women. (F.W.
Hagen, Statistische Untersuchungen ueber Geisteskrankheiten,
1876, .) The phenomena are here, however,
highly complex, and, as Hagen himself points out, the
prophylactic influence of marriage, while very
probable, is not the only or even the chief factor
at work.
It is worth noting that exactly the
same sexual difference may be traced in England.
It appears that, in ratio to similar groups in the
general population (taking the years 1876-1900, inclusive),
the number of admissions to asylums is the same
for both sexes among married people (i.e., 8.5),
but for the single it is larger among the men
(4.8 to 4.5), as also it is among the widowed (17.9
to 13.9) (Fifty-sixth Annual Report of the Commissioners
in Lunacy, England and Wales, 1902, .
This would seem to indicate that when living apart
from men the tendency to insanity is less in women,
but is raised to the male level when the sexes live
together in marriage.
Much the same seems to hold true of
criminality. It was long since noted by Horsley
that in England marriage decidedly increases the
tendency to crime in women, though it decidedly decreases
it in men. Prinzing has shown (Zeitschrift
fuer Sozialwissenschaft, Bd. ii, 1899)
that this is also the case in Germany.
Similarly marriage decreases the tendency
of men to become habitual drunkards and increases
that of women. Notwithstanding the fact that
the average age of the men is greater than that of
the women, the majority of the men admitted to
the inebriate reformatories under the English
Inebriates Acts are single; the majority of the
women are married; of 865 women so admitted 32 per
cent, were single, 50 per cent, married, and 18 per
cent, widows. (British Medical Journal,
Sep, 1911, .)
It thus happens that even the elementary
characters of the sexual impulse in women still arouse,
even among the most competent physiological and medical
authorities,-not least so when they are
themselves women,-the most divergent opinions.
Its very existence even may be said to be questioned.
It would generally be agreed that among men the strength
of the sexual impulse varies within a considerable
range, but that it is very rarely altogether absent,
such total absence being abnormal and probably more
or less pathological. But if applied to women,
this statement is by no means always accepted.
By many, sexual anesthesia is considered natural in
women, some even declaring that any other opinion would
be degrading to women; even by those who do not hold
this opinion it is believed that there is an unnatural
prevalence of sexual frigidity among civilized women.
On these grounds it is desirable to deal generally
with this and other elementary questions of allied
character.
The Primitive View of Women-As a Supernatural
Element in Life-As
Peculiarly Embodying the Sexual Instinct-The
Modern Tendency to
Underestimate the Sexual Impulse in Women-This
Tendency Confined to
Recent Times-Sexual Anæsthesia-Its
Prevalence-Difficulties in
Investigating the Subject-Some Attempts
to Investigate it-Sexual
Anesthesia must be Regarded as Abnormal-The
Tendency to Spontaneous
Manifestations of the Sexual Impulse in Young Girls
at Puberty.
From very early times it seems possible
to trace two streams of opinion regarding women:
on the one hand, a tendency to regard women as a supernatural
element in life, more or less superior to men, and,
on the other hand, a tendency to regard women as especially
embodying the sexual instinct and as peculiarly prone
to exhibit its manifestations.
In the most primitive societies, indeed,
the two views seem to be to some extent amalgamated;
or, it should rather be said, they have not yet been
differentiated; and, as in such societies it is usual
to venerate the generative principle of nature and
its embodiments in the human body and in human functions,
such a co-ordination of ideas is entirely rational.
But with the development of culture the tendency is
for this homogeneous conception to be split up into
two inharmonious tendencies. Even apart from
Christianity and before its advent this may be noted.
It was, however, to Christianity and the Christian
ascetic spirit that we owe the complete differentiation
and extreme development which these opposing views
have reached. The condemnation of sexuality involved
the glorification of the virgin; and indifference,
even contempt, was felt for the woman who exercised
sexual functions. It remained open to anyone,
according to his own temperament, to identify the typical
average woman with the one or with the other type;
all the fund of latent sexual emotion which no ascetic
rule can crush out of the human heart assured the
picturesque idealization alike of the angelic and the
diabolic types of woman. We may trace the same
influence subtly lurking even in the most would-be
scientific statements of anthropologists and physicians
today.
It may not be out of place to recall
at this point, once more, the fact, fairly obvious
indeed, that the judgments of men concerning women
are very rarely matters of cold scientific observation,
but are colored both by their own sexual emotions
and by their own moral attitude toward the sexual
impulse. The ascetic who is unsuccessfully
warring with his own carnal impulses may (like
the voluptuary) see nothing in women but incarnations
of sexual impulse; the ascetic who has subdued his
own carnal impulses may see no elements of sex
in women at all. Thus the opinions regarding
this matter are not only tinged by elements of
primitive culture, but by elements of individual disposition.
Statements about the sexual impulses of women often
tell us less about women than about the persons
who make them.
The curious manner in which for men
women become incarnations of the sexual impulse
is shown by the tendency of both general and personal
names for women to become applicable to prostitutes
only. This is the case with the words “garce”
and “fille” in French, “Maedchen”
and “Dirne” in German, as well as
with the French “catin” (Catherine)
and the German “Metze” (Mathilde).
(See, e.g., R. Kleinpaul, Die Raethsel
der Sprache, 1890, pp. 197-198.)
At the same time, though we have to
recognize the presence of elements which color
and distort in various ways the judgments of men
regarding women, it must not be hastily assumed that
these elements render discussion of the question
altogether unprofitable. In most cases such
prejudices lead chiefly to a one-sided solution
of facts, against which we can guard.
While, however, these two opposing
currents of opinion are of very ancient origin, it
is only within quite recent times, and only in two
or three countries, that they have led to any marked
difference of opinion regarding the sexual aptitude
of women. In ancient times men blamed women for
concupiscence or praised them for chastity, but it
seems to have been reserved for the nineteenth century
to state that women are apt to be congenitally incapable
of experiencing complete sexual satisfaction, and
peculiarly liable to sexual anesthesia. This idea
appears to have been almost unknown to the eighteenth
century. During the last century, however, and
more especially in England, Germany, and Italy, this
opinion has been frequently set down, sometimes even
as a matter of course, with a tincture of contempt
or pity for any woman afflicted with sexual emotions.
In the treatise On Generation
(chapter v), which until recent times was commonly
ascribed to Hippocrates, it is stated that men have
greater pleasure in coitus than women, though the pleasure
of women lasts longer, and this opinion, though
not usually accepted, was treated with great respect
by medical authors down to the end of the seventeenth
century. Thus A. Laurentius (Du Laurens),
after a long discussion, decides that men have stronger
sexual desire and greater pleasure in coitus than
women. (Historia Anatomica Humani Corporis,
1599, lib. viii, quest, ii and vii.)
About half a century ago a book entitled
Functions and Disorders of the Reproductive
Organs, by W. Acton, a surgeon, passed through
many editions and was popularly regarded as a standard
authority on the subjects with which it deals.
This extraordinary book is almost solely concerned
with men; the author evidently regards the function
of reproduction as almost exclusively appertaining
to men. Women, if “well brought up,”
are, and should be, he states, in England, absolutely
ignorant of all matters concerning it. “I
should say,” this author again remarks, “that
the majority of women (happily for society) are
not very much troubled with sexual feeling of
any kind.” The supposition that women
do possess sexual feelings he considers “a vile
aspersion.”
In the article “Generation,”
contained in another medical work belonging to
the middle of the nineteenth century,-Rees’s
Cyclopedia,-we find the following
statement: “That a mucous fluid is
sometimes found in coition from the internal organs
and vagina is undoubted; but this only happens
in lascivious women, or such as live luxuriously.”
Gall had stated decisively
that the sexual desires of men are
stronger and more imperious
than those of women. (Fonctions du
Cerveau, 1825, vol.
iii, pp. 241-271.)
Raciborski declared that three-fourths
of women merely endure the
approaches of men. (De
la Puberté chez la Femme, 1844, .)
“When the question is carefully
inquired into and without prejudice,” said
Lawson Tait, “it is found that women have their
sexual appetites far less developed than men.”
(Lawson Tait, “Remote Effects of Removal
of the Uterine Appendages,” Provincial
Medical Journal, May, 1891.) “The sexual
instinct is very powerful in man and comparatively
weak in women,” he stated elsewhere (Diseases
of Women, 1889, .
Hammond stated that, leaving prostitutes
out of consideration, it is doubtful if in one-tenth
of the instances of intercourse they [women] experience
the slightest pleasurable sensation from first to
last (Hammond, Sexual Impotence, , and
he considered that this condition was
sometimes congenital.
Lombroso and Ferrero consider that sexual
sensibility, as well as all other forms of sensibility,
is less pronounced in women, and they bring forward
various facts and opinions which seem to them to
point in the same direction. “Woman is naturally
and organically frigid.” At the same
time they consider that, while erethism is less,
sexuality is greater than in men. (Lombroso and Ferrero,
La Donna Delinquente, la Prostituta, e la Donna
Normale, 1893, pp. 54-58.)
“It is an altogether false idea,”
Fehling declared, in his rectorial address at
the University of Basel in 1891, “that a young
woman has just as strong an impulse to the opposite
sex as a young man.... The appearance of
the sexual side in the love of a young girl is
pathological.” (H. Fehling, Die Bestimmung
der Frau, 1892, .) In his Lehrbuch
der Frauenkrankheiten the same gynecological
authority states his belief that half of all women
are not sexually excitable.
Krafft-Ebing was of opinion that women
require less sexual satisfaction than men, being
less sensual. (Krafft-Ebing, “Ueber Neurosen
und Psychosen durch sexuelle Abstinenz,”
Jahrbuecher fuer Psychiatrie, 1888, Bd.
viii, ht. I and 2.)
“In the normal woman, especially
of the higher social classes,” states Windscheid,
“the sexual instinct is acquired, not inborn;
when it is inborn, or awakes by itself, there is
abnormality. Since women do not know this
instinct before marriage, they do not miss it
when they have no occasion in life to learn it.”
(F. Windscheid, “Die Beziehungen zwischen
Gynaekologie und Neurologie,”
Zentralblatt fuer Gynaekologie, 1896, N;
quoted by. Moll, Libido Sexualis,
Bd. i, .)
“The sensuality of men,”
Moll states, “is in my opinion very much
greater than that of women.”
(A. Moll, Die Kontraere
Sexualempfindung, third
edition, 1899, .)
“Women are, in general, less sensual
than men,” remarks Naecke, “notwithstanding
the alleged greater nervous supply of their sexual
organs.” (P. Naecke, “Kritisches zum
Kapitel der Sexualitaet,” Archiv
fuer Psychiatrie, 1899, .)
Loewenfeld states that in normal young
girls the specifically sexual feelings are absolutely
unknown; so that desire cannot exist in them.
Putting aside the not inconsiderable proportion of
women in whom this absence of desire may persist
and be permanent, even after sexual relationships
have begun, thus constituting absolute frigidity,
in a still larger number desire remains extremely
moderate, constituting a state of relative frigidity.
He adds that he cannot unconditionally support the
view of Fuerbringer, who is inclined to ascribe
sexual coldness to the majority of German married
women. (L. Loewenfeld, Sexualleben und
Nervenleiden, 1899, second edition, .)
Adler, who discusses the question at
some length, decides that the sexual needs of
women are less than those of men, though in some
cases the orgasm in quantity and quality greatly exceeds
that of men. He believes, not only that the
sexual impulse in women is absolutely less than
in men, and requires stronger stimulation to arouse
it, but that also it suffers from a latency due
to inhibition, which acts like a foreign body in the
brain (analogous to the psychic trauma of Breuer
and Freud in hysteria), and demands great skill
in the man who is to awaken the woman to love.
(O. Adler, Die Mangelhafte Geschlechtsempfindung
des Weibes, 1904, pp. 47, 126 et seq.; also
enlarged second edition, 1911; id., “Die Frigide
Frau,” Sexual-Problème, Jan., 1912.)
It must not, however, be supposed
that this view of the natural tendency of women to
frigidity has everywhere found acceptance. It
is not only an opinion of very recent growth, but
is confined, on the whole, to a few countries.
“Turn to history,” wrote
Brierre de Boismont, “and on every page you
will be able to recognize the predominance of erotic
ideas in women.” It is the same today,
he adds, and he attributes it to the fact that
men are more easily able to gratify their sexual impulses.
(Des Hallucinations, 1862, .)
The laws of Manu attribute
to women concupiscence and anger, the
love of bed and of adornment.
The Jews attributed to women
greater sexual desire than to men.
This is illustrated, according
to Knobel (as quoted by Dillmann),
by Genesis, chapter
iii, .
In Greek antiquity the romance and sentiment
of love were mainly felt toward persons of the
same sex, and were divorced from the more purely
sexual feelings felt for persons of opposite sex.
Theognis compared marriage to cattle-breeding.
In love between men and women the latter were
nearly always regarded as taking the more active
part. In all Greek love-stories of early date
the woman falls in love with the man, and never
the reverse. AEschylus makes even a father
assume that his daughters will misbehave if left
to themselves. Euripides emphasized the importance
of women; “The Euripidean woman who ‘falls
in love’ thinks first of all: ‘How
can I seduce the man I love?"’ (E.F.M. Benecke,
Antimachus of Colophon and the Position of
Women in Greek Poetry, 1896, pp. 34,
54.)
The most famous passage in Latin literature
as to the question of whether men or women obtain
greater pleasure from sexual intercourse is that
in which Ovid narrates the legend of Tiresias (Metamorphoses,
iii, 317-333). Tiresias, having been both a man
and a woman, decided in favor of women. This
passage was frequently quoted down to the eighteenth
century.
In a passage quoted from a lost work
of Galen by the Arabian biographer, Abu-l-Faraj,
that great physician says of the Christians “that
they practice celibacy, that even many of their women
do so.” So that in Galen’s opinion
it was more difficult for a woman than for a man
to be continent.
The same view is widely prevalent
among Arabic authors, and there
is an Arabic saying that “The
longing of the woman for the penis
is greater than that of the
man for the vulva.”
In China, remarks Dr. Coltman, “when
an old gentleman of my acquaintance was visiting
me my little daughter, 5 years old, ran into the
room, and, climbing upon my knee, kissed me. My
visitor expressed his surprise, and remarked:
’We never kiss our daughters when they are
so large; we may when they are very small, but
not after they are 3 years old,’ said he, ’because
it is apt to excite in them bad emotions.’”
(Coltman, The Chinese, 1900, .)
The early Christian Fathers clearly
show that they regard women as more inclined to
sexual enjoyment than men. That was, for instance,
the opinion of Tertullian (De Virginibus Velandis,
chapter x), and it is clearly implied in some of
St. Jerome’s epistles.
Notwithstanding the influence of Christianity,
among the vigorous barbarian races of medieval
Europe, the existence of sexual appetite in women
was not considered to be, as it later became, a matter
to be concealed or denied. Thus in 1068 the ecclesiastical
historian, Ordericus Vitalis (himself half
Norman and half English), narrates that the wives
of the Norman knights who had accompanied William
the Conqueror to England two years earlier sent
over to their husbands to say that they were consumed
by the fierce names of desire ("saeva libidinis
face urebantur"), and that if their husbands failed
to return very shortly they proposed to take other
husbands. It is added that this threat brought
a few husbands back to their wanton ladies ("lascivis
dominabus suis").
During the medieval period in Europe,
largely in consequence, no doubt, of the predominance
of ascetic ideals set up by men who naturally
regarded woman as the symbol of sex, the doctrine of
the incontinence of woman became firmly fixed,
and it is unnecessary and unprofitable to quote
examples. It is sufficient to mention the
very comprehensive statement of Jean de Meung (in
the Roman de la Rose, 9903):-
“Toutes
estes, seres, où futes
De
fait où de volunte putes.”
The satirical Jean de Meung was, however,
a somewhat extreme and untypical representative
of his age, and the fourteenth century Johannes
de Sancto Amando (Jean de St. Amand) gives a somewhat
more scientifically based opinion (quoted by Pagel,
Neue litterarische Beitraege zur Mittelalterlichen
Medicin, 1896, that sexual desire is
stronger in women than in men.
Humanism and the spread of the Renaissance
movement brought in a spirit more sympathetic
to women. Soon after, especially in Italy and
France, we begin to find attempts at analyzing the
sexual emotions, which are not always without
a certain subtlety. In the seventeenth century
a book of this kind was written by Venette.
In matters of love, Venette declared, “men
are but children compared to women. In these
matters women have a more lively imagination,
and they usually have more leisure to think of love.
Women are much more lascivious and amorous than
men.” This is the conclusion reached
in a chapter devoted to the question whether men
or women are the more amorous. In a subsequent
chapter, dealing with the question whether men
or women receive more pleasure from the sexual
embrace, Venette concludes, after admitting
the great difficulty of the question, that man’s
pleasure is greater, but woman’s lasts longer.
(N. Venette, De la Generation de
l’Homme où Tableau de l’Amour Conjugal,
Amsterdam, 1688.)
At a much earlier date, however, Montaigne
had discussed this matter with his usual wisdom,
and, while pointing out that men have imposed
their own rule of life on women and their own ideals,
and have demanded from them opposite and contradictory
virtues,-a statement not yet antiquated,-he
argues that women are incomparably more apt and
more ardent in love than men are, and that in
this matter they always know far more than men can
teach them, for “it is a discipline that
is born in their veins.” (Montaigne,
Essais, book iii, chapter v.)
The old physiologists generally mentioned
the appearance of sexual desire in girls as one
of the normal signs of puberty. This may
be seen in the numerous quotations brought together
by Schurig, in his Parthenologia, cap.
ii.
A long succession of distinguished physicians
throughout the seventeenth century discussed at
more or less length the relative amount of sexual
desire in men and women, and the relative degree of
their pleasure in coitus. It is remarkable that,
although they usually attach great weight to the
supposed opinion of Hippocrates in the opposite
sense, most of them decide that both desire and
pleasure are greater in women.
Plazzonus decides that women have more
sources of pleasure in coitus than men because
of the larger extent of surface excited; and if
it were not so, he adds, women would not be induced
to incur the pains and risks of pregnancy and
childbirth. (Plazzonus, De Partibus Generationi
Inservientibus, 1621, lib. ii, cap. xiii.)
“Without doubt,”
says Ferrand, “woman is more passionate than
man, and more often torn by
the evils of love.” (Ferrand, De la
Maladie d’Amour,
1623, chapter ii.)
Zacchia, mainly on a priori
grounds, concludes that women have
more pleasure in coitus than
men. (Zacchia, Quaestiones
Medico-legales, 1630,
lib. iii, quest, vii.)
Sinibaldus, discussing whether
men or women have more salacity,
decides in favor of women.
(J.B. Sinibaldus, Geneanthropeia,
1642, lib. ii, tract. ii,
cap. v.)
Hornius believed that women have greater
sexual pleasure than men, though he mainly supported
his opinion by the authority of classical poets.
(Hornius, Historic Naturalis, 1670, lib. iii,
cap. i.)
Nenter describes what we may now call
women’s affectability, and considers that
it makes them more prone than men to the sexual emotions,
as is shown by the fact that, notwithstanding their
modesty, they sometimes make sexual advances.
This greater proneness of women to the sexual
impulse is, he remarks, entirely natural and right,
for the work of generation is mainly carried on
by women, and love is its basis: “generationis
fundamentum est amor.” (G.P.
Nenter, Theoria Hominis Sani, 1714, cap. v,
memb. ii.)
The above opinions of seventeenth-century
physicians are quoted from the original sources.
Schurig, in his Gynaecologia, (pp. 46-50
and 71-81), quotes a number of passages on this subject
from medical authorities of the same period, on
which I have not drawn.
Senancour, in his fine and suggestive
book on love, first published in 1806, asks:
“Has sexual pleasure the same power on the
sex which less loudly demands it? It has more,
at all events in some respects. The very
vigor and laboriousness of men may lead them to
neglect love, but the constant cares of maternity
make women feel how important it must ever be to
them. We must remember also that in men the
special emotions of love only have a single focus,
while in women the organs of lactation are united
to those of conception. Our feelings are all
determined by these material causes.” (Senancour,
De l’Amour, fourth edition, 1834,
vol. i, .) A later psychologist of love,
this time a woman, Ellen Key, states that woman’s
erotic demands, though more silent than man’s,
are stronger. (Ellen Key, Ueber Liebe und Ehe,
.)
Michael Ryan considered that sexual
enjoyment “is more delicious and protracted”
in women, and ascribed this to a more sensitive nervous
system, a finer and more delicate skin, more acute
feelings, and the fact that in women the mammae
are the seat of a vivid sensibility in sympathy
with the uterus. (M. Ryan, Philosophy
of Marriage, 1837, .)
Busch was inclined to think women have
greater sexual pleasure than men. (D.W.H.
Busch, Das Geschlechtsleben des Weibes, 1839,
vol. i, .) Kobelt held that the anatomical
conformation of the sexual organs in women led
to the conclusion that this must be the case.
Guttceit, speaking of his thirty years’
medical experience in Russia, says: “In
Russia at all events, a girl, as very many have acknowledged
to me, cannot resist the ever stronger impulses of
sex beyond the twenty-second or twenty-third year.
And if she cannot do so in natural ways she adopts
artificial ways. The belief that the feminine
sex feels the stimulus of sex less than the male
is quite false.” (Guttceit, Dreißig Jahre
Praxis, 1873, theil i, .)
In Scandinavia, according to Vedeler,
the sexual emotions are at least as strong in
women as in men (Vedeler, “De Impotentia
Feminarum,” Norsk Magazin for Laegevidenskaben,
March, 1894). In Sweden, Dr. Eklund, of Stockholm,
remarking that from 25 to 33 per cent. of the
births are illegitimate, adds: “We hardly
ever hear anyone talk of a woman having been seduced,
simply because the lust is at the worst in the
woman, who, as a rule, is the seducing party.”
(Eklund, Transactions of the American Association
of Obstetricians, Philadelphia, 1892, .)
On the opposite side of the Baltic,
in the Koenigsberg district, the same observation
has been made. Intercourse before marriage is
the rule in most villages of this agricultural district,
among the working classes, with or without intention
of subsequent marriage; “the girls are often
the seducing parties, or at least very willing;
they seek to bind their lovers to them and compel
them to marriage.” In the Koeslin district
of Pomerania, where intercourse between the girls
and youths is common, the girls come to the youths’
rooms even more frequently than the youths to the
girls’. In some of the Dantzig districts
the girls give themselves to the youths, and even
seduce them, sometimes, but not always, with a
view of marriage. (Wittenberg, Die geschlechtsittlichen
Verhalten der Landbewohner im Deutschen Reiche,
1895, Bd. i, pp. 47, 61, 83.)
Mantegazza devoted great attention to
this point in several of the works he published
during fifty years, and was decidedly of the opinion
that the sexual emotions are much stronger in women
than in men, and that women have much more enjoyment
in sexual intercourse. In his Fisiología
del Piacere he supports this view, and refers
to the greater complexity of the genital apparatus
in women (as well as its larger surface and more protected
position), to what he considers to be the keener sensibility
of women generally, to the passivity of women, etc.;
and he considers that sexual pleasure is rendered
more seductive to women by the mystery in which
it is veiled for them by modesty and our social
habits. In a more recent work (Fisiología della
Donna, cap. viii) Mantegazza returns to this
subject, and remarks that long experience, while
confirming his early opinion, has modified it
to the extent that he now believes that, as compared
with men, the sexual emotions of women vary within
far wider limits. Among men few are quite
insensitive to the physical pleasures of love,
while, on the other hand, few are thrown by the
violence of its emotional manifestations into a state
of syncope or convulsions. Among women, while
some are absolutely insensitive, others (as in
cases with which he was acquainted) are so violently
excited by the paradise of physical love that, after
the sexual embrace, they faint or fall into a cataleptic
condition for several hours.
“Physical sex is a larger factor
in the life of the woman.... If this be true
of the physical element, it is equally true of the
mental element.” (Dr. Elizabeth Blackwell,
The Human Element in Sex, fifth edition,
1894, .)
“In the female sex,” remarks
Clouston, “reproduction is a more dominant
function of the organism than in the male, and has
far larger, if not more intense, relationships
to feeling, judgment, and volition.” (Clouston,
Neuroses of Development, 1891.)
“It may be said,” Marro
states, “that in woman the visceral system
reacts, if not with greater intensity, certainly in
a more general manner, to all the impressions,
having a sexual basis, which dominate the life
of woman, if not as sexual emotions properly so
called, as related emotions closely dependent on the
reproductive instinct.” (A. Marro, La
Pubertà, 1898, .)
Forel also believed (Die
Sexuelle Frage, that women are
more erotic than men.
The gynecologist Kisch states his belief
that “The sexual impulse is so powerful
in women that at certain periods of life its primitive
force dominates her whole nature, and there can be
no room left for reason to argue concerning reproduction;
on the contrary, union is desired even in the
presence of the fear of reproduction or when there
can be no question of it.” He regards absence
of sexual feeling in women as pathological. (Kisch,
Sterilitaet des Weibes, second edition,
pp. 205-206.) In his later work (The Sexual
Life of Woman) Kisch again asserts that sexual
impulse always exists in mature women (in the absence
of organic sexual defect and cerebral disease),
though it varies in strength and may be repressed.
In adolescent girls, however, it is weaker than
in youths of the same age. After she has had
sexual experiences, Kisch maintains, a woman’s
sexual emotions are just as powerful as a man’s,
though she has more motives than a man for controlling
them.
Eulenburg is of the same opinion as
Kisch, and sharply criticises the loose assertion
of some authorities who have expressed themselves
in an opposite sense. (A. Eulenburg, Sexuale
Neuropathie, pp. 88-90; the same author
has dealt with the point in the Zukunft,
December 2, 1893.)
Kossmann states that the opinion
as to the widespread existence
of frigidity among women is
a fable. (Kossmann, Allgemeine
Gynaecologie, 1903, .)
Bloch concludes that “in most
cases the sexual coldness of women is in fact
only apparent, either due to the concealment of glowing
sexuality beneath the veil of outward reticence prescribed
by conventional morality, or else to the husband who
has not succeeded in arousing erotic sensations
which are complicated and with difficulty awakened....
The sexual sensibility of women is certainly different
from that of men, but in strength it is at least
as great.” (Iwan Bloch, Das Sexualleben
unserer Zeit 1907, ch. v.)
Nystroem, also, after devoting a chapter
to the discussion of the causes of sexual coldness
in women, concludes: “My conviction, founded
on experience, is, that only a small number of women
would be without sexual feeling if sound views
and teaching prevailed in respect to the sexual
life, if due weight were given to inner devotion
and tender caresses as the preliminaries of love
in marriage, and if couples who wish to avoid pregnancy
would adopt sensible preventive methods instead
of coitus interruptus.” (A.
Nystroem, Das Geschlichtsleben und seine Gesetze,
eighth edition, 1907, .)
We thus find two opinions widely current:
one, of world-wide existence and almost universally
accepted in those ages and centers in which life is
lived most nakedly, according to which the sexual impulse
is stronger in women than in men; another, now widely
prevalent in many countries, according to which the
sexual instinct is distinctly weaker in women, if,
indeed, it may not be regarded as normally absent altogether.
A third view is possible: it may be held that
there is no difference at all. This view, formerly
not very widely held, is that of the French physiologist,
Beaunis, as it is of Winckel; while Rohleder, who formerly
held that sexual feeling tends to be defective in
women, now believes that men and women are equal in
sexual impulse.
At an earlier period, however, Donatus
(De Medica Historia Mirabili, 1613, lib.
iv, cap. xvii) held the same view, and remarked
that sometimes men and sometimes women are the more
salacious, varying with the individual. Roubaud
(De l’Impuissance, 1855, stated
that the question is so difficult as to be insoluble.
In dealing with the characteristics
of the sexual impulse in women, it will be seen, we
have to consider the prevalence in them of what is
commonly termed (in its slightest forms) frigidity
or hyphedonia, and (in more complete form) sexual
anesthesia or anaphrodism, or erotic blindness, or
anhedonia.
Many modern writers have referred to
the prevalence of frigidity among women.
Shufeldt believes (Pacific Medical Journal,
Nov., 1907) that 75 per cent, of married women
in New York are afflicted with sexual frigidity,
and that it is on the increase; it is rare, however,
he adds, among Jewish women. Hegar gives 50 per
cent, as the proportion of sexually anesthetic women;
Fuerbringer says the majority of women are so.
Effertz (quoted by Loewenfeld, Sexualleben
und Nervenleiden, , apparently with approval)
regards 10 per cent, among women generally as sexually
anesthetic, but only 1 per cent, men. Moll
states (Eulenburg’s Encyclopaedie,
fourth edition, art. “Geschlechtstrieb”)
that the prevalence of sexual anesthesia among
German women varies, according to different authorities,
from 10 to 66 per cent. Elsewhere Moll (Kontraere
Sexualempfindung, third edition, 1890, emphasizes the statement that “sexual anesthesia
in women is much more frequent than is generally
supposed.” He explains that he is referring
to the physical element of pleasure and satisfaction
in intercourse, and of desire for intercourse.
He adds that the psychic side of love is often
more conspicuous in women than in men. He
cannot agree with Sollier that this kind of sexual
frigidity is a symptom of hysteria. Fere (L’Instinct
Sexuel, second edition, , in referring
to the greater frequency of sexual anesthesia
in women, remarks that it is often associated
with neuropathic states, as well as with anomalies
of the genital organs, or general troubles of
nutrition, and is usually acquired. Some
authors attribute great importance to amenorrhea
in this connection; one investigator has found that
in 4 out of 14 cases of absolute amenorrhea sexual
feeling was absent. Loewenfeld, again (Sexualleben
und Nervenleiden), referring to the common
misconception that nervous disorder is associated
with increased sexual desire, points out that nervously
degenerate women far more often display frigidity than
increased sexual desire. Elsewhere (Ueber
die Sexuelle Konstitution) Loewenfeld says
it is only among the upper classes that sexual
anesthesia is common. Campbell Clark, also, showed
some years ago that, in young women with a tendency
to chlorosis and a predisposition to insanity,
defects of pelvic and mammary development are
very prevalent. (Journal of Mental Science,
October, 1888.)
As regards the older medical authors,
Schurig (Spermatologia, 1720, , and
Gynaecologia, 1730, brought together
from the literature and from his own knowledge
cases of women who felt no pleasure in coitus,
as well as of some men who had erections without
pleasure.
There is, however, much uncertainty
as to what precisely is meant by sexual frigidity
or anesthesia. All the old medical authors carefully
distinguish between the heat of sexual desire and the
actual presence of pleasure in coitus; many modern
writers also properly separate libido from
voluptas, since it is quite possible to experience
sexual desires and not to be able to obtain their
gratification during sexual intercourse, and it is
possible to hold, with Mantegazza, that women naturally
have stronger sexual impulses than men, but are more
liable than men to experience sexual anesthesia.
But it is very much more difficult than most people
seem to suppose, to obtain quite precise and definite
data concerning the absence of either voluptas
or libido in a woman. Even if we accept
the statement of the woman who asserts that she has
either or both, the statement of their absence is by
no means equally conclusive and final. As even
Adler-who discusses this question fully
and has very pronounced opinions about it-admits,
there are women who stoutly deny the existence of
any sexual feelings until such feelings are actually
discovered. Some of the most marked characteristics
of the sexual impulse in women, moreover,-its
association with modesty, its comparatively late development,
its seeming passivity, its need of stimulation,-all
combine to render difficult the final pronouncement
that a woman is sexually frigid. Most significant
of all in this connection is the complexity of the
sexual apparatus in women and the corresponding psychic
difficulty-based on the fundamental principle
of sexual selection-of finding a fitting
mate. The fact that a woman is cold with one
man or even with a succession of men by no means shows
that she is not apt to experience sexual emotions;
it merely shows that these men have not been able
to arouse them. “I recall two very striking
cases,” a distinguished gynecologist, the late
Dr. Engelmann, of Boston, wrote to me, “of very
attractive young married women-one having
had a child, the other a miscarriage-who
were both absolutely cold to their husbands, as told
me by both husband and wife. They could not understand
desire or passion, and would not even believe that
it existed. Yet, both these women with other
men developed ardent passion, all the stronger perhaps
because it had been so long latent.” In
such cases it is scarcely necessary to invoke Adler’s
theory of a morbid inhibition, or “foreign body
in consciousness,” which has to be overcome.
We are simply in the presence of the natural fact
that the female throughout nature not only requires
much loving, but is usually fastidious in the choice
of a lover. In the human species this natural
fact is often disguised and perverted. Women are
not always free to choose the man whom they would
prefer as a lover, nor even free to find out whether
the man they prefer sexually fits them; they are,
moreover, very often extremely ignorant of the whole
question of sex, and the victims of the prejudice
and false conventions they have been taught.
On the one hand, they are driven into an unnatural
primness and austerity; on the other hand, they rebound
to an equally unnatural facility or even promiscuity.
Thus it happens that the men who find that a large
number of women are not so facile as they themselves
are, and as they have found a large number of women
to be, rush to the conclusion that women tend to be
“sexually anesthetic.” If we wish
to be accurate, it is very doubtful whether we can
assert that a woman is ever absolutely without the
aptitude for sexual satisfaction. She may unquestionably
be without any conscious desire for actual coitus.
But if we realize to how large an extent woman is
a sexual organism, and how diffused and even unconscious
the sexual impulses may be, it becomes very difficult
to assert that she has never shown any manifestation
of the sexual impulse. All we can assert with
some degree of positiveness in some cases is that she
has not manifested sexual gratification, more particularly
as shown by the occurrence of the orgasm, but that
is very far indeed from warranting us to assert that
she never will experience such gratification or still
less that she is organically incapable of experiencing
it. It is therefore quite impossible to follow
Adler when he asks us to accept the existence of a
condition which he solemnly terms anæsthesia sexualis
completa idiopathica, in which there is no mechanical
difficulty in the way or psychic inhibition, but an
“absolute” lack of sexual sensibility and
a complete absence of sexual inclination.
It is instructive to observe that
Adler himself knows no “pure” case of
this condition. To find such a case he has to
go back nearly two centuries to Madame de Warens,
to whom he devotes a whole chapter. He has, moreover,
had the courage in writing this chapter to rely entirely
on Rousseau’s Confessions, which were
written nearly half a century later than the episodes
they narrated, and are therefore full of inaccuracies,
besides being founded on an imperfect and false knowledge
of Madame de Warens’s earlier life, and written
by a man who was, there can be no doubt, not able
to arouse women’s passions. Adler shows
himself completely ignorant of the historical investigations
of De Montet, Mugnier, Ritter, and others which, during
recent years, have thrown a flood of light on the
life and character of Madame de Warens, and not even
acquainted with the highly significant fact that she
was hysterical. This is the basis of “fact”
on which we are asked to accept anæsthesia sexualis
completa idiopathica!
“In dealing with the alleged absence
of the sexual impulse,” a well-informed
medical correspondent writes from America, “much
caution has to be used in accepting statements
as to its absence, from the fact that most women
fear by the admission to place themselves in an
impure category. I am also satisfied that influx
of women into universities, etc., is often
due to the sexual impulse causing restlessness,
and that this factor finds expression in the prurient
prudishness so often presenting itself in such
women, which interferes with coeducation. This
is becoming especially noticeable at the University
of Chicago, where prudishness interferes with
classical, biological, sociological, and physiological
discussion in the classroom. There have been
complaints by such women that a given professor has
not left out embryological facts not in themselves
in any way implying indelicacy. I have even
been informed that the opinion is often expressed
in college dormitories that embryological facts
and discussions should be left out of a course intended
for both sexes.” Such prudishness,
it is scarcely necessary to remark, whether found
in women or men, indicates a mind that has become
morbidly sensitive to sexual impressions. For
the healthy mind embryological and allied facts
have no emotionally sexual significance, and there
is, therefore, no need to shun them.
Kolischer, of Chicago ("Sexual Frigidity
in Women,” American Journal of Obstetrics,
Sept., 1905), points out that it is often the
failure of the husband to produce sexual excitement
in the wife which leads to voluntary repression
of sexual sensation on her part, or an acquired
sexual anesthesia. “Sexual excitement,”
he remarks, “not brought to its natural climax,
the reaction leaves the woman in a very disagreeable
condition, and repeated occurrences of this kind
may even lead to general nervous disturbances.
Some of these unfortunate women learn to suppress
their sexual sensation so as to avoid all these
disagreeable sequelae. Such a state of affairs
is not only unfortunate, because it deprives the
female partner of her natural rights, but it is also
to be deplored because it practically brings down such
a married woman to the level of the prostitute.”
In illustration of the prevalence of
inhibitions of various kinds, from without and
from within, in suppressing or disguising sexual
feeling in women, I may quote the following observations
by an American lady concerning a series of women
of her acquaintance:-
“Mrs. A. This woman is handsome
and healthy. She has never had children,
much to the grief of herself and her husband.
The man is also handsome and attractive.
Mrs. A. once asked me if love-making between me
and my husband ever originated with me. I replied
it was as often so as not, and she said that in that
event she could not see how passion between husband
and wife could be regulated. When I seemed
not to be ashamed of the matter, but rather to
be positive in my views that it should be so,
she at once tried to impress me with the fact that
she did not wish me to think she ‘could
not be aroused.’ This woman several
times hinted that she had learned a great amount that
was not edifying at boarding school, and I always
felt that, with proper encouragement, she would
have retailed suggestive stories.
“Mrs. B. This woman lives to please
her husband, who is a spoiled man. She gave
birth to a child soon after marriage, but was left
an invalid for some years. She told me coition
always hurt her, and she said it made her sick
to see her husband nude. I was therefore
surprised, years afterward, to hear her say, in reply
to a remark of another person, ’Yes; women
are not only as passionate as men, I am sure they
are more so.’ I therefore questioned
the lack of passion she had on former occasions avowed,
or else felt convinced her improvement in health had
made intercourse pleasant.
“Miss C. A teacher. She is
emotional and easily becomes hysterical.
Her life has been one of self-sacrifice and her rearing
most Puritanical. She told me she thought women
did not crave sexual satisfaction unless it had
been aroused in them. I consider her one
who physically is injured by not having it.
“Mrs. D. After being married a
few years this person told me she thought intercourse
‘horrid.’ Some years after this, however,
she fell in love with a man not her husband, which
caused their separation. She always fancied
men in love with her, and she told me that she
and her husband tried to live without intercourse,
fearing more children, but they could not do it;
she also told of trying to refrain, for the same
purpose, until safe parts of the menstrual month,
but that ’was just the time she cared least for
it.’ These remarks made me doubt the
sincerity of the first.
“Mrs. E. said she enjoyed intercourse
as well as her husband, and she ‘didn’t
see why she should not say so.’ This same
woman, whether using a current phrase or not,
afterward said her husband ‘did not bother
her very often.’
“Mrs. F., the mother
of several children, was married to a man
she neither loved nor respected,
but she said that when a strange
man touched her it made her
tremble all over.
“Mrs. G., the mother of many children,
divorced on account of the dissipation, drinking
and otherwise, of her husband. She is of the
créole type, but large and almost repulsive.
She is a brilliant talker and she supports herself
by writing. She has fallen in love with a
number of young men, ’wildly, madly, passionately,’
as one of them told me, and I am sure she suffers
greatly from the lack of satisfaction. She
would no doubt procure it if it were possible.
“I believe,” the writer
concludes, “women are as passionate as men,
but the enforced restraint of years possibly smothers
it. The fear of having children and the methods
to prevent conception are, I am sure, potent factors
in the injury to the emotions of married women.
Perhaps the lack of intercourse acts less disastrously
upon a woman because of the renewed feeling which
comes after each menstrual period.”
As bearing on the causes which
have led to the disguise and
misinterpretation of the sexual
impulse in women I may quote the
following communication from
another lady:-
“I do think the coldness of women
has been greatly exaggerated. Men’s
theoretically ideal woman (though they don’t
care so much about it in practice) is passionless,
and women are afraid to admit that they have any
desire for sexual pleasure. Rousseau, who
was not very straight-laced, excuses the conduct of
Madame de Warens on the ground that it was not
the result of passion: an aggravation rather
than a palliation of the offense, if society viewed
it from the point of view of any other fault.
Even in the modern novels written by the ‘new
woman’ the longing for maternity, always
an honorable sentiment, is dragged in to veil the
so-called ‘lower’ desire. That some
women, at any rate, have very strong passions
and that great suffering is entailed by their
repression is not, I am sure, sufficiently recognized,
even by women themselves.
“Besides the ‘passionless
ideal’ which checks their sincerity, there
are many causes which serve to disguise a woman’s
feelings to herself and make her seem to herself
colder than she really is. Briefly these
are:-
“1. Unrecognized disease
of the reproductive organs, especially after the
birth of children. A friend of mine lamented to
me her inability to feel pleasure, though she
had done so before the birth of her child, then
3 years old. With considerable difficulty
I persuaded her to see a doctor, who told her all the
reproductive organs were seriously congested; so
that for three years she had lived in ignorance
and regret for her husband’s sake and her
own.
“2. The dread of
recommencing, once having suffered them, all the
pains and discomforts of child-bearing.
“3. Even when precautions
are taken, much bother and anxiety is
involved, which has a very
dampening effect on excitement.
“4. The fact that men will
never take any trouble to find out what specially
excites a woman. A woman, as a rule, is at some
pains to find out the little things which particularly
affect the man she loves,-it may be
a trick of speech, a rose in her hair, or what
not,-and she makes use of her knowledge.
But do you know one man who will take the same
trouble? (It is difficult to specify, as what
pleases one person may not another. I find that
the things that affect me personally are the following:
[a] Admiration for a man’s mental
capacity will translate itself sometimes into
direct physical excitement. [b] Scents of white
flowers, like tuberose or syringa. [c] The
sight of fireflies. [d] The idea or the
reality of suspension. [e] Occasionally absolute
passivity.)
“5. The fact that many women
satisfy their husbands when themselves disinclined.
This is like eating jam when one does not fancy
it, and has a similar effect. It is a great mistake,
in my opinion, to do so, except very rarely.
A man, though perhaps cross at the time, prefers,
I believe, to gratify himself a few times, when
the woman also enjoys it, to many times when she does
not.
“6. The masochistic tendency
of women, or their desire for subjection to the
man they love. I believe no point in the whole
question is more misunderstood than this.
Nearly every man imagines that to secure a woman’s
love and respect he must give her her own way
in small things, and compel her obedience in great
ones. Every man who desires success with a woman
should exactly reverse that theory.”
When we are faced by these various
and often conflicting statements of opinion it seems
necessary to obtain, if possible, a definite basis
of objective fact. It would be fairly obvious
in any case, and it becomes unquestionable in view
of the statements I have brought together, that the
best-informed and most sagacious clinical observers,
when giving an opinion on a very difficult and elusive
subject which they have not studied with any attention
and method, are liable to make unguarded assertions;
sometimes, also, they become the victims of ethical
or pseudoethical prejudices, so as to be most easily
influenced by that class of cases which happens to
fit in best with their prepossessions. In order
to reach any conclusions on a reasonable basis it is
necessary to take a series of unselected individuals
and to ascertain carefully the condition of the sexual
impulse in each.
At present, however, this is extremely
difficult to do at all satisfactorily, and quite impossible,
indeed, to do in a manner likely to yield absolutely
unimpeachable results. Nevertheless, a few series
of observations have been made. Thus, Dr. Harry
Campbell records the result of an investigation,
carried on in his hospital practice, of 52 married
women of the poorer class; they were not patients,
but ordinary, healthy working-class women, and the
inquiry was not made directly, but of the husbands,
who were patients. Sexual instinct was said to
be present in 12 cases before marriage, and absent
in 40; in 13 of the 40 it never appeared at all; so
that it altogether appeared in 39, or in the ratio
of something over 75 per cent. Among the 12 in
whom it existed before marriage it was said to have
appeared in most with puberty; in 3, however, a few
years before puberty, and in 2 a few years later.
In 2 of those in whom it appeared before puberty,
menstruation began late; in the third it rose almost
to nymphomania on the day preceding the first menstruation.
In nearly all the cases desire was said to be stronger
in the husband than in the wife; when it was stronger
in the wife, the husband was exceptionally indifferent.
Of the 13 in whom desire was absent after marriage,
5 had been married for a period under two years, and
Campbell remarks that it would be wrong to conclude
that it would never develop in these cases, for in
this group of cases the appearance of sexual instinct
was sometimes a matter of days, sometimes of years,
after the date of marriage. In two-thirds of
the cases there was a diminution of desire, usually
gradual, at the climacteric; in the remaining third
there was either no change or exaltation of desire.
The most important general result, Campbell concludes,
is that “the sexual instinct is very much less
intense in woman than in man,” and to this he
elsewhere adds a corollary that “the sexual
instinct in the civilized woman is, I believe, tending
to atrophy.”
An eminent gynecologist, the late
Dr. Matthews Duncan, has (in his work on Sterility
in Women) presented a table which, although foreign
to this subject, has a certain bearing on the matter.
Matthews Duncan, believing that the absence of sexual
desire and of sexual pleasure in coitus are powerful
influences working for sterility, noted their presence
or absence in a number of cases, and found that, among
191 sterile women between the ages of 15 and 45, 152,
or 79 per cent., acknowledged the presence of sexual
desire; and among 196 sterile women (mostly the same
cases), 134, or 68 per cent., acknowledged the presence
of sexual pleasure in coitus. Omitting the cases
over 35 years of age, which were comparatively few,
the largest proportion of affirmative answers, both
as regards sexual pleasure and sexual desire, was
from between 30 and 34 years of age. Matthews
Duncan assumes that the absence of sexual desire and
sexual pleasure in women is thoroughly abnormal.
An English non-medical author, in
the course of a thoughtful discussion of sexual phenomena,
revealing considerable knowledge and observation,
has devoted a chapter to this subject in another of
its aspects. Without attempting to ascertain
the normal strength of the sexual instinct in women,
he briefly describes 11 cases of “sexual anesthesia”
in Women (in 2 or 3 of which there appears, however,
to be an element of latent homosexuality) from among
the circle of his own friends. This author concludes
that sexual coldness is very common among English women,
and that it involves questions of great social and
ethical importance.
I have not met with any series of observations
made among seemingly healthy and normal women
in other countries; there are, however, various
series of somewhat abnormal cases in which the point
was noted, and the results are not uninstructive.
Thus, in Vienna at Krafft-Ebing’s psychiatric
clinic, Gattel (Ueber die sexuellen Ursachen
der Neurasthénie und Angstneurose, 1898) carefully
investigated the cases of 42 women, mostly at the
height of sexual life,-i.e., between
20 and 35,-who were suffering from
slight nervous disorders, especially neurasthenia
and mild hysteria, but none of them from grave
nervous or other disease. Of these 42, at
least 17 had masturbated, at one time or another,
either before or after marriage, in order to obtain
relief of sexual feelings. In the case of
4 it is stated that they do not obtain sexual
satisfaction in marriage, but in these cases only
coitus interruptus is practised, and the fact
that the absence of sexual satisfaction was complained
of seems to indicate an aptitude for experiencing
it. These 4 cases can therefore scarcely
be regarded as exceptions. In all the other cases
sexual desire, sexual excitement, or sexual satisfaction
is always clearly indicated, and in a considerable
proportion of cases it is noted that the sexual
impulse is very strongly developed. This
series is valuable, since the facts of the sexual
life are, as far as possible, recorded with much
precision. The significance of the facts
varies, however, according to the view taken as
to the causation of neurasthenia and allied conditions
of slight nervous disorder. Gattel argues
that sexual irregularities are a peculiarly fruitful,
if not invariable, source of such disorders; according
to the more commonly accepted view this is not
so. If we accept the more usual view, these women
fairly correspond to average women of lower class;
if, however, we accept Gattel’s view, they
may possess the sexual instinct in a more marked
degree than average women.
In a series of 116 German women in whom
the operation of removing the ovaries was performed,
Pfister usually noted briefly in what way the
sexual impulse was affected by the operation ("Die
Wirkung der Castration auf
den Weiblichen Organismus,” Archiv
fuer Gynaekologie, 1898, . In 13
cases (all but 3 unmarried) the presence of sexual
desire at any time was denied, and 2 of these
expressed disgust of sexual matters. In 12 cases
the point is left doubtful. In all the other
cases sexual desire had once been present, and
in 2 or 3 cases it was acknowledged to be so strong
as to approach nymphomania. In about 30 of these
(not including any in which it was previously very
strong) it was extinguished by castration, in
a few others it was diminished, and in the rest
unaffected. Thus, when we exclude the 12 cases
in which the point was not apparently investigated,
and the 10 unmarried women, in whom it may have
been latent or unavowed, we find that, of 94 married
women, 91 women acknowledged the existence of
sexual desire and only 3 denied it.
Schroeter, again in Germany, has investigated
the manifestations of the sexual impulse among
402 insane women in the asylum at Eichberg in
Rheingau. ("Wird bei jungen Unverheiratheten
zur Zeit der Menstruation
staerkere sexuelle Erregheit beobaehtet?”
Allgemeine Zeitschrift fuer Psychiatrie,
vol. lvi, 1899, pp. 321-333.) There
is no reason to suppose that the insane represent
a class of the community specially liable to sexual
emotion, although its manifestations may become
unrestrained and conspicuous under the influence
of insanity; and at the same time, while the appearance
of such manifestations is evidence of the aptitude
for sexual emotions, their absence may be only due
to disease, seclusion, or to an intact power of
self-control.
Of the 402 women, 166 were married and
236 unmarried. Schroeter divided them into
four groups: (1) those below 20; (2) those between
20 and 30; (3) those between 30 and 40; (4) those from
40 to the menopause. The patients included
persons from the lowest class of the population,
and only about a quarter of them could fairly
be regarded as curable. Thus the manifestations
of sexuality were diminished, for with advance
of mental disease sexual manifestations cease
to appear. Schroeter only counted those cases
in which the sexual manifestations were decided and
fairly constant at the menstrual epoch; if not
visibly manifested, sexual feeling was not taken
into account. Sexual phenomena accompanied
the entry of the menstrual epoch in 141 cases:
i.e., in 20 (or in the proportion of 72 per cent.)
of the first group, consisting entirely of unmarried
women; in 33 (or 28 per cent.) of the second group;
in 55 (or 35 per cent.) of the third group; and
in 33 (or 33 per cent.) of the fourth group. It
was found that 181 patients showed no sexual phenomena
at any time, while 80 showed sexual phenomena
frequently between the menstrual epochs, but only
in a slight degree, and not at all during the
period. At all ages sexual manifestations were
more prevalent among the unmarried than among
the married, though this difference became regularly
and progressively less with increase in age.
Schroeter inclines to think that sexual
excitement is commoner among insane women belonging
to the lower social classes than in those belonging
to the better classes. Among 184 women in a private
asylum, only 13 (6.13 per cent.) showed very marked
and constant excitement at menstrual periods.
He points out, however, that this may be due to
a greater ability to restrain the manifestations
of feeling.
There is some interest in Schroeter’s
results, though they cannot be put on a line with
inquiries made among the sane; they only represent
the prevalence of the grossest and strongest sexual
manifestations when freed from the restraints of
sanity.
As a slight contribution toward the
question, I have selected a series of 12 cases of
women of whose sexual development I possess precise
information, with the following results: In 2
cases distinct sexual feeling was experienced spontaneously
at the age of 7 and 8, but the complete orgasm only
occurred some years after puberty; in 5 cases sexual
feeling appeared spontaneously for a few months to
a year after the appearance of menstruation, which
began between 12 and 14 years of age, usually at 13;
in another case sexual feeling first appeared shortly
after menstruation began, but not spontaneously, being
called out by a lover’s advances; in the remaining
4 cases sexual emotion never became definite and conscious
until adult life (the ages being 26, 27, 34, 35), in
2 cases through being made love to, and in 2 cases
through self-manipulation out of accident or curiosity.
It is noteworthy that the sexual feelings first developed
in adult life were usually as strong as those arising
at puberty. It may be added that, of these 12
women, 9 had at some time or another masturbated (4
shortly after puberty, 5 in adult life), but, except
in 1 case, rarely and at intervals. All belong
to the middle class, 2 or 3 leading easy, though not
idle, lives, while all the others are engaged in professional
or other avocations often involving severe labor.
They differ widely in character and mental ability;
but, while 2 or 3 might be regarded as slightly abnormal,
they are all fairly healthy.
I am inclined to believe that the
experiences of the foregoing group are fairly typical
of the social class to which they belong. I may,
however, bring forward another series of 35 women,
varying in age from 18 to 40 (with 2 exceptions all
over 25), and in every respect comparable with the
smaller group, but concerning whom my knowledge, though
reliable, is usually less precise and detailed.
In this group 5 state that they have never experienced
sexual emotion, these being all unmarried and leading
strictly chaste lives; in 18 cases the sexual impulse
may be described as strong, or is so considered by
the subject herself; in 9 cases it is only moderate;
in 3 it is very slight when evoked, and with difficulty
evoked, in 1 of these only appearing two years after
marriage, in another the exhaustion and worry of household
cares being assigned for its comparative absence.
It is noteworthy that all the more highly intelligent,
energetic women in the series appear in the group
of those with strong sexual emotions, and also that
severe mental and physical labor, even when cultivated
for this purpose, has usually had little or no influence
in relieving sexual emotion.
An American physician in the State of
Connecticut sends me the following notes concerning
a series of 13 married women, taken, as they occurred,
in obstetric practice. They are in every way
respectable and moral women:-
“Mrs. A. says that her husband
does not give her sufficient sexual attention,
as he fears they will have more children than he
can properly care for. Mrs. B. always enjoys intercourse;
so does Mrs. C. Mrs. D. is easily excited and
very fond of sexual attention. Mrs. E. likes
intercourse if her husband is careful not to hurt
her. Mrs. F. never had any sexual desire until
after second marriage, but it is now very urgent
at times. Mrs. G. is not easily excited,
but has never objected to her husband’s attention.
Mrs. H. would prefer to have her husband exhibit more
attention. Mrs. I. never refused her husband,
but he does not trouble her much. Mrs. J.
thinks that three or four times a week is satisfactory,
but would not object to nightly intercourse.
Mrs. K. does not think that her husband could give
her more than she would like. Mrs. L. would
prefer to live with a woman if it were not for
sexual intercourse. Mrs. M., aged 40, says that
her husband, aged 65, insists upon intercourse
three times every night, and that he keeps her
tired and disgusted. She each time has at
least one orgasm, and would not object to reasonable
attention.”
It may be remarked that, while these
results in English women of the middle class are in
fair agreement with the German and Austrian observations
I have quoted, they differ from Campbell’s results
among women of the working class in London. This
discrepancy is, perhaps, not difficult to explain.
While the conditions of upper-class life may possibly
be peculiarly favorable to the development of the sexual
emotions, among the working classes in London, where
the stress of the struggle for existence under bad
hygienic conditions is so severe, they may be peculiarly
unfavorable. It is thus possible that there really
are a smaller number of women experiencing sexual
emotion among the class dealt with by Campbell than
among the class to which my series belong.
A more serious consideration is the
method of investigation. A working man, who is
perhaps unintelligent outside his own work, and in
many cases married to a woman who is superior in refinement,
may possibly be able to arouse his wife’s sexual
emotions, and also able to ascertain what those emotions
are, and be willing to answer questions truthfully
on this point, to the best of his ability, but he
is by no means a witness whose evidence is final.
While, however, Campbell’s facts may not be quite
unquestionable, I am inclined to agree with his conclusion,
and Mantegazza’s, that there is a very great
range of variation in this matter, and that there
is no age at which the sexual impulse in women may
not appear. A lady who has received the confidence
of very many women tells me that she has never found
a woman who was without sexual feeling. I should
myself be inclined to say that it is extremely difficult
to find a woman who is without the aptitude for sexual
emotion, although a great variety of circumstances
may hinder, temporarily or permanently, the development
of this latent aptitude. In other words, while
the latent sexual aptitude may always be present,
the sexual impulse is liable to be defective and the
aptitude to remain latent, with consequent deficiency
of sexual emotion, and absence of sexual satisfaction.
This is not only indicated by the considerable
proportion of my cases in which there is only
moderate or slight sexual feeling. I have
ample evidence that in many cases the element of pain,
which may almost be said to be normal in the establishment
of the sexual function, is never merged, as it
normally is, in pleasurable sensations on the
full establishment of sexual relationships.
Sometimes, no doubt, this may be due to dyspareunia.
Sometimes there may be an absolute sexual anesthesia,
whether of congenital or hysterical origin. I
have been told of the case of a married lady who
has never been able to obtain sexual pleasure,
although she has had relations with several men,
partly to try if she could obtain the experience,
and partly to please them; the very fact that the
motives for sexual relationships arose from no
stronger impulse itself indicates a congenital
defect on the psychic as well as on the physical
side. But, as a rule, the sexual anesthesia involved
is not absolute, but lies in a disinclination
to the sexual act due to various causes, in a
defect of strong sexual impulse, and an inaptitude
for the sexual orgasm.
I am indebted to a lady who has written
largely on the woman question, and is herself
the mother of a numerous family, for several letters
in regard to the prevalence among women of sexual
coldness, a condition which she regards as by no
means to be regretted. She considers that
in all her own children the sexual impulse is
very slightly developed, the boys being indifferent
to women, the girls cold toward men and with no
desire to marry, though all are intelligent and
affectionate, the girls showing a very delicate
and refined kind of beauty. (A large selection of
photographs accompanied this communication.) Something
of the same tendency is said to mark the stocks
from which this family springs, and they are said
to be notable for their longevity, healthiness,
and disinclination for excesses of all kinds.
It is scarcely necessary to remark that a mother,
however highly intelligent, is by no means an
infallible judge as to the presence or absence
in her children of so shy, subtle, and elusive
an impulse as that of sex. At the same time I
am by no means disposed to question the existence
in individuals, and even in families or stocks,
of a relatively weak sexual impulse, which, while
still enabling procreation to take place, is accompanied
by no strong attraction to the opposite sex and no
marked inclination for marriage. (Adler, op. cit.,
, found such a condition transmitted from
mother to daughter.) Such persons often possess
a delicate type of beauty. Even, however, when
the health is good there seems usually to be a certain
lack of vitality.
It seems to me that a state of sexual
anesthesia, relative or absolute, cannot be considered
as anything but abnormal. To take even the lowest
ground, the satisfaction of the reproductive function
ought to be at least as gratifying as the evacuation
of the bowels or bladder; while, if we take, as we
certainly must, higher ground than this, an act which
is at once the supreme fact and symbol of love and
the supreme creative act cannot under normal conditions
be other than the most pleasurable of all acts, or
it would stand in violent opposition to all that we
find in nature.
How natural the sexual impulse is
in women, whatever difficulties may arise in regard
to its complete gratification, is clearly seen when
we come to consider the frequency with which in young
women we witness its more or less instinctive manifestations.
Such manifestations are liable to occur in a specially
marked manner in the years immediately following the
establishment of puberty, and are the more impressive
when we remember the comparatively passive part played
by the female generally in the game of courtship,
and the immense social force working on women to compel
them to even an unnatural extension of that passive
part. The manifestations to which I allude not
only occur with most frequency in young girls, but,
contrary to the common belief, they seem to occur chiefly
in innocent and unperverted girls. The more vicious
are skillful enough to avoid the necessity for any
such open manifestations. We have to bear this
in mind when confronted by flagrant sexual phenomena
in young girls.
“A young girl,” says Hammer
("Ueber die Sinnlichkeit gesünder Jungfrauen,”
Die Neue Generation, Aug., 1911), “who
has not previously adopted any method of self-gratification
experiences at the beginning of puberty, about
the time of the first menstruation and the sprouting
of the pubic hair, in the absence of all stimulation
by a man, spontaneous sexual tendencies of both
local and psychic nature. On the psychic side
there is a feeling of emptiness and dissatisfaction,
a need of subjection and of serving, and, if the
opportunity has so far been absent, the craving
to see masculine nudity and to learn the facts of
procreation. Side by side with these wishes,
there are at the same time inhibitory desires,
such as the wish to keep herself pure, either
for a man whom she represents to herself as the ‘ideal,’
or for her parents, who must not be worried, or as
a member of a chosen people in whose spirit she
must live and die, or out of love to Jesus or
to some saint. On the physical side, there
is the feeling of fresh power and energy, of enterprise;
the agreeable tension of the genital regions, which
easily become moist. Then there is the feeling
of overirritability and excess of tension, and
the need of relieving the tension through pinches,
blows, tight lacing, and so forth. If the girl
remains innocent of sex satisfaction, there takes
place during sleep, at regular intervals of about
three days, more or less the relief and emission
of the tense glands, not corresponding to the menstrual
period, but to intercourse, and serving better than
sexual instruction to represent to her the phenomena
of intercourse. If at this period actual
intercourse takes place, it is, as a rule, free
from pain, as also is the introduction of the speculum.
Without any seduction from without, the chaste girl
now frequently finds a way to relieve the excessive
tension without the aid of a man. It is self-abuse
that leads gradually to the production of pain
in defloration. The menstrual phenomena correspond
to birth; self-gratification or relief during sleep
to intercourse.” This statement of
the matter is somewhat too absolute and unqualified.
Under the artificial conditions of civilization
the inhibitory influences of training speedily work
powerfully, and more or less successfully, in banishing
sexual phenomena into the subconscious, sometimes
to work all the mischief there which Freud attributes
to them. It must also be said (as I have
pointed out in the discussion of Auto-erotism in another
volume) that sexual dreams seem to be the exception
rather than the rule in innocent girls. It
remains true that sexual phenomena in girls at
puberty must not be regarded as morbid or unnatural.
There is also very good reason for believing (even
apart from the testimony of so experienced a gynecologist
as Hammer) that on the physical side sexual processes
tend to be accomplished with a facility that is
often lost in later years with prolonged chastity.
This is true alike of intercourse and of childbirth.
(See vol. vi of these Studies, ch.
xii.)
Even, however, in the case of adults
the active part played by women in real life in matters
of love by no means corresponds to the conventional
ideas on these subjects. No doubt nearly every
woman receives her sexual initiation from an older
and more experienced man. But, on the other hand,
nearly every man receives his first initiation through
the active and designed steps taken by an older and
more experienced woman. It is too often forgotten
by those who write on these subjects that the man who
seduces a woman has usually himself in the first place
been “seduced” by a woman.
A well-known physician in Chicago tells
me that on making inquiry of 25 middle-class married
men in succession be found that 16 had been first
seduced by a woman. An officer in the Indian Medical
Service writes to me as follows: “Once
at a club in Burma we were some 25 at table and
the subject of first intercourse came up. All
had been led astray by servants save 2, whom their
sisters’ governesses had initiated.
We were all men in the ‘service,’ so the
facts may be taken to be typical of what occurs in
our stratum of society. All had had sexual
relations with respectable unmarried girls, and
most with the wives of men known to their fathers,
in some instances these being old enough to be their
lovers’ mothers. Apparently up to the
age of 17 none had dared to make the first advances,
yet from the age of 13 onward all had had ample
opportunity for gratifying their sexual instincts with
women. Though all had been to public schools
where homosexuality was known to occur, yet (as
I can assert from intimate knowledge) none had
given signs of inversion or perversion in Burma.”
In Russia, Tchlenoff, investigating
the sexual life of over 2000 Moscow students of
upper and middle class (Archives d’Anthropologie
Criminelle, Oct.-Nov., 1908), found that in half
of them the first coitus took place between 14
and 17 years of age; in 41 per cent, with prostitutes,
in 39 per cent, with servants, and in 10 per cent,
with married women. In 41 per cent, the young
man declared that he had taken the initiative, in 25
per cent, the women took it, and in 23 per cent,
the incitement came from a comrade.
The histories I have recorded in Appendix
B (as well as in the two following volumes of
these Studies) very well illustrate the
tendency of young girls to manifest sexual impulses
when freed from the constraint which they feel
in the presence of adult men and from the fear
of consequences. These histories show especially
how very frequently nurse-maids and servant-girls
effect the sexual initiation of the young boys
intrusted to them. How common this impulse
is among adolescent girls of low social class
is indicated by the fact that certainly the majority
of middle-class men can recall instances from
their own childhood. (I here leave out of
account the widespread practice among nurses of
soothing very young children in their charge by manipulating
the sexual organs.)
A medical correspondent, in emphasizing
this point, writes that “many boys will
tell you that, if a nurse-girl is allowed to sleep
in the same room with them, she will attempt sexual
manipulations. Either the girl gets into bed
with the boy and pulling him on to her tickles
the penis and inserts it into the vulva, making
the boy imitate sexual movements, or she simply masturbates
the child, to get him excited and interested, often
showing him the female sexual opening in herself
or in his sisters, teaching him to finger it.
In fact, a nurse-girl may ruin a boy, chiefly,
I think, because she has been brought up to regard
the sexual organs as a mystery, and is in utter ignorance
about them. She thus takes the opportunity
of investigating the boy’s penis to find
out how it works, etc., in order to satisfy her
curiosity. I know of a case in which a nurse in
a fashionable London Square garden used to collect
all the boys and girls (gentlemen’s children)
in a summer-house when it grew dark, and, turning
up her petticoats, invite all the boys to look at and
feel her vulva, and also incite the older boys
of 12 or 14 to have coitus with her. Girls
are afraid of pregnancy, so do not allow an adult
penis to operate. I think people should take on
a far higher class of nurses, than they do.”
“Children ought never to be allowed,
under any circumstances whatever,” wrote
Lawson Tait (Diseases of Women, 1889, ,
“to sleep with servants. In every instance
where I have found a number of children affected
[by masturbation] the contagion has been traced
to a servant.” Freud has found (Neurologisches
Centralblatt, N, 1896) that in cases of
severe youthful hysteria the starting point may
frequently be traced to sexual manipulations by
servants, nurse-girls, and governesses.
“When I was about 8 or 9,”
a friend writes, “a servant-maid of our
family, who used to carry the candle out of my bedroom,
often drew down the bedclothes and inspected my
organs. One night she put the penis in her
mouth. When I asked her why she did it her answer
was that ‘sucking a boy’s little dangle’
cured her of pains in her stomach. She said
that she had done it to other little boys, and
declared that she liked doing it. This girl was
about 16; she had lately been ‘converted.’
Another maid in our family used to kiss me warmly
on the naked abdomen when I was a small boy.
But she never did more than that. I have heard
of various instances of servant-girls tampering
with boys before puberty, exciting the penis to
premature erection by manipulation, suction, and
contact with their own parts.” Such overstimulation
must necessarily in some cases have an injurious influence
on the boy’s immature nervous system. Thus,
Hutchinson (Archives of Surgery, vol.
iv, describes a case of amblyopia in a
boy, developing after he had been placed to sleep
in a servant-girl’s room.
Moll (Kontraere Sexualempfindung,
third edition, 1899, refers to the frequency
with which servant-girls (between the ages of
18 and 30) carry on sexual practices with young boys
(between 5 and 13) committed to their care.
More than a century earlier Tissot, in his famous
work on onanism, referred to the frequency with
which servant-girls corrupt boys by teaching them
to masturbate; and still earlier, in England, the
author of Onania gave many such cases.
We may, indeed, go back to the time of Rabelais,
who (as Dr. Kiernan reminds me) represents the governesses
of Gargantua, when he was a child, as taking pleasure
in playing with his penis till it became wet, and
joking with each other about it. (Gargantua,
book i, chapter ix.)
The prevalence of such manifestations
among servant-girls witnesses to their prevalence
among lower-class girls generally. In judging
such acts, even when they seem to be very deliberate,
it is important to remember that at this age unreasoning
instinct plays a very large part in the manifestations
of the sexual impulse. This is clearly indicated
by the phenomena observed in the insane.
Thus, as we have seen (page 214), Schroeter has found
that, among girls of low social class under 20
years of age, spontaneous periodical sexual manifestations
at menstrual epochs occurred in as large a proportion
as 72 per cent. Among girls of better social
position these impulses are inhibited, or at all events
modified, by good taste or good feeling, the influences
of tradition or education; it is only to the latter
that children should be intrusted.
Hoche mentions a case in which
a man was accused of repeatedly exhibiting his
sexual organs to the servant-girl at a house; she
enjoyed the spectacle (Neurologisches Centralblatt,
1896, N. It may well be that in some
cases of self-exhibition the offender has good
reason, on the ground of previous experience, for
thinking that he is giving pleasure. “When
we used to go to bathe while I was at school,”
writes a correspondent, “girls from a poor
quarter of the lower town (some quite 16) often followed
us and stood to watch about a hundred yards from
the river. They used to ‘giggle’
and ‘pass remarks.’ I have seen girls
of this class peeping through chinks of a palisade
around a bathing-place on the Thames.”
A correspondent who has given special attention to
the point tells me of the great interest displayed
by young girls of the people in Italy in the sexual
organs of men.
Curiosity-whether in the
form of the desire for knowledge or the desire
for sensation-is, of course, not confined
to young girls and women of lower social strata,
though in them it is less often restrained by
motives of self-respect and good feeling. “At
the age of 8,” writes a correspondent, “I
was one day playing in a spare room with a girl
of about 12 or 13. She gave me a penholder,
and, crouching upon her hands and knees, with her
posterior toward me, invited me to introduce the
instrument into the vulva. This was the first
time I had seen the female parts, and, as I appeared
to be somewhat repelled, she coaxed me to comply
with her desire. I did as she directed, and she
said that it gave her pleasure. Several times
after I repeated the same act at her request.
A friend tells me that when he was 10 a girl of 16
asked him to lace up her boots. While he was kneeling
at her feet his hand touched her ankle. She
asked him to put his hand higher, and repeated
‘Higher, higher,’ till he touched the
pudenda, and finally, at her request, put
his finger into the vestibule. This girl
was very handsome and amiable, and a favorite
of the boy’s mother. No one suspected this
propensity.” Again, a correspondent
(a man of science) tells me of a friend who lately,
when dining out, met a girl, the daughter of a country
vicar; he was not specially attracted to her and paid
her no special attention. “A few days
afterward he was astonished to receive a call
from her one afternoon (though his address is not
discoverable from any recognized source).
She sat down as near to him as she could, and
rested her hand on his thigh, etc., while talking
on different subjects and drinking tea. Then without
any verbal prelude she asked him to have connection
with her. Though not exactly a Puritan, he
is not the man to jump at such an offer from a
woman he is not in love with, so, after ascertaining
that the girl was virgo intacta, he declined
and she went away. A fortnight or so later
he received a letter from her in the country,
making no reference to what had passed, but giving
an account of her work with her Sunday-school
class. He did not reply, and then came a
curt note asking him to return her letter. My
friend feels sure she was devoted to auto-erotic performances,
but, having become attracted to him, came to the
conclusion she would like to try normal intercourse.”
Wolbarst, studying the prevalence of
gonorrhea among boys in New York (especially,
it would appear, in quarters where the foreign-born
elements-mainly Russian Jew and south Italian-are
large), states: “In my study of this
subject there have been observed 3 cases of gonorrheal
urethritis, in boys aged, respectively, 4, 10,
and 12 years, which were acquired in the usual
manner, from girls ranging between 10 and 12 years
of age. In each case, according to the story
told by the victim, the girl made the first advances,
and in I case, that of the 4-year-old boy, the
act was consummated in the form of an assault, by a
girl 12 years old, in which the child was threatened
with injury unless he performed his part.”
(A.L. Wolbarst, Journal of the American
Medical Association, Sep, 1901.) In a further
series of cases (Medical Record, Oc,
1910) Wolbarst obtained similar results, though
he recognizes also the frequency of precocious
sexuality in the young boys themselves.
Gibb states, concerning assaults on
children by women: “It is undeniably
true that they occur much more frequently than is
generally supposed, although but few of the cases
are brought to public notice, owing to the difficulty
of proving the charge.” (W.T.
Gibb, article “Indecent Assaults upon Children,”
in A. McLane Hamilton’s System of Legal
Medicine, vol. i, .) Gibb’s
opinion carries weight, since he is medical adviser
for the New York Society for the Protection of
Children, and compelled to sift the evidence carefully
in such cases.
It should be mentioned that, while a
sexual curiosity exercised on younger children
is, in girls about the age of puberty, an ill-regulated,
but scarcely morbid, manifestation, in older women
it may be of pathological origin. Thus, Kisch
records the case of a refined and educated lady
of 30 who had been married for nine years, but
had never experienced sexual pleasure in coitus.
For a long time past, however, she had felt a
strong desire to play with the genital organs
of children of either sex, a proceeding which
gave her sexual pleasure. She sought to resist
this impulse as much as possible, but during menstruation
it was often irresistible. Examination showed
an enlarged and retroflexed uterus and anesthesia
of vagina. (Kisch, Die Sterilitaet des Weibes,
1886, .) The psychological mechanism by which
an anesthetic vagina leads to a feeling of repulsion
for normal coitus and normal sexual organs, and
directs the sexual feelings toward more infantile
forms of sexuality, is here not difficult to trace.
It is not often that the sexual attempts
of girls and young women on boys-notwithstanding
their undoubted frequency-become of medico-legal
interest. In France in the course of ten years
(1874 to 1884) only 181 women, who were mostly
between 20 and 30 years of age, were actually
convicted of sexual attempts on children below
15. (Paul Bernard, “Viols et attentats
a la Pudeur,” Archives de l’Anthropologie
Criminelle, 1887.) Lop ("Attentats a
la Pudeur commis par des Femmes
sur des Petits Enfants,” id., Aug.,
1896) brings together a number of cases chiefly committed
by girls between the ages of 18 and 20. In
England such accusations against a young woman
or girl may easily be circumvented. If she
is under 16 she is protected by the Criminal Law
Amendment Act and cannot be punished. In any case,
when found out, she can always easily bring the
sympathy to her side by declaring that she is
not the aggressor, but the victim. Cases of violent
sexual assault upon girls, Lawson Tait remarks, while
they undoubtedly do occur, are very much rarer
than the frequency with which the charge is made
would lead us to suspect. At one time, by
arrangement with the authority, 70 such charges at
Birmingham were consecutively brought before Lawson
Tait. These charges were all made under the
Criminal Law Amendment Act. In only 6 of
these cases was he able to advise prosecution, in all
of which cases conviction was obtained. In
7 other cases in which the police decided to prosecute
there was either no conviction or a very light
sentence. In at least 26 cases the charge was
clearly trumped up. The average age of these
girls was 12. “There is not a piece
of sexual argot that ever had before reached my ears,”
remarks Mr. Tait, “but was used by these children
in the descriptions given by them of what had
been done to them; and they introduced, in addition,
quite a new vocabulary on the subject. The
minute and detailed descriptions of the sexual act
given by chits of 10 and 11 would do credit to
the pages of Mirabeau. At first sight it
is a puzzle to see how children so young obtained
their information.” “About the use
of the word ‘seduced,’” the
same writer remarks, “I wish to say that the
class of women from amongst whom the great bulk
of these cases are drawn seem to use it in a sense
altogether different from that generally employed.
It is not with them a process in which male villainy
succeeds by various arts in overcoming female virtue
and reluctance, but simply a date at which an incident
in their lives occurs for the first time; and,
according to their use of the phrase, the ancient
legend of the Sacred Scriptures, had it ended
in the more ordinary and usual way by the virtue of
Joseph yielding to the temptation offered, would
have to read as a record of the seduction of Mrs.
Potiphar.”
With reference to Lawson Tait’s
observation that violent assaults on women, while
they do occur, are very much rarer than the frequency
with which such charges are made would lead us to
believe, it may be remarked that many medico-legal
authorities are of the same opinion. (See, e.g.,
G. Vivian Poore’s Treatise on Medical
Jurisprudence, 1901, . This writer also
remarks: “I hold very strongly that
a woman may rape a man as much as a man may rape
a woman.”) There can be little doubt that the
plea of force is very frequently seized on by women
as the easiest available weapon of defense when
her connection with a man has been revealed.
She has been so permeated by the current notion
that no “respectable” woman can possibly
have any sexual impulses of her own to gratify
that, in order to screen what she feels to be
regarded as an utterly shameful and wicked, as well
as foolish, act, she declares it never took place
by her own will at all. “Now, I ask
you, gentlemen,” I once heard an experienced
counsel address the jury in a criminal case, “as
men of the world, have you ever known or heard
of a woman, a single woman, confess that she had
had sexual connection and not declare that force
had been used to compel her to such connection?”
The statement is a little sweeping, but in this
matter there is some element of truth in the “man
of the world’s” opinion. One may
refer to the story (told by Etienne de Bourbon,
by Francisco de Osuna in a religious work, and
by Cervantes in Don Quixote, part ii, ch.
xlv) concerning a magistrate who, when a girl came
before him to complain of rape, ordered the accused
young man either to marry her or pay her a sum
of money. The fine was paid, and the magistrate
then told the man to follow the girl and take the
money from her by force; the man obeyed, but the girl
defended herself so energetically that he could
not secure the money. Then the judge, calling
the parties before him again, ordered the fine
to be returned: “Had you defended your chastity
as well as you have defended your money it could
not have been taken away from you.”
In most cases of “rape,” in the case of
adults, there has probably been some degree of
consent, though that partial assent may have been
basely secured by an appeal to the lower nervous
centers alone, with no participation of the intelligence
and will. Freud (Zur Psychopathologie des
Alltagslebens, considers that on this
ground the judge’s decision in Don Quixote
is “psychologically unjust,” because in
such a case the woman’s strength is paralyzed
by the fact that an unconscious instinct in herself
takes her assailant’s part against her own
conscious resistance. But it must be remembered
that the factor of instinct plays a large part
even when no violence is attempted.
Such facts and considerations as these
tend to show that the sexual impulse is by no means
so weak in women as many would lead us to think.
It would appear that, whereas in earlier ages there
was generally a tendency to credit women with an unduly
large share of the sexual impulse, there is now a
tendency to unduly minimize the sexual impulse in women.