The next morning, which was Saturday, I put Thrombley in charge of the routine work of the Embassy, but first instructed him to answer all inquiries about me with the statement, literally true, that I was too immersed in work of clearing up matters left unfinished after the death of the former Ambassador for any social activities.  Then I called the Hickock ranch in the west end of Sam Houston Continent, mentioning an invitation the Colonel and his daughter had extended me, and told them I would be out to see them before noon that same day.  With Hoddy Ringo driving the car, I arrived about 1000, and was welcomed by Gail and her father, who had flown out the evening before, after the barbecue.

Hoddy, accompanied by a Ranger and one of Hickock’s ranch hands, all three disguised in shabby and grease-stained cast-offs borrowed at the ranch, and driving a dilapidated aircar from the ranch junkyard, were sent to visit the slum village of Bonneyville.  They spent all day there, posing as a trio of range tramps out of favor with the law.

I spent the day with Gail, flying over the range, visiting Hickock’s herd camps and slaughtering crews.  It was a pleasant day and I managed to make it constructive as well.

Because of their huge size ­they ran to a live weight of around fifteen tons ­and their uncertain disposition, supercows are not really domesticated.  Each rancher owned the herds on his own land, chiefly by virtue of constant watchfulness over them.  There were always a couple of helicopters hovering over each herd, with fast fighter planes waiting on call to come in and drop fire-bombs or stun-bombs in front of them if they showed a disposition to wander too far.  Naturally, things of this size could not be shipped live to the market; they were butchered on the range, and the meat hauled out in big ’copter-trucks.

Slaughtering was dangerous and exciting work.  It was done with medium tanks mounting fifty-mm guns, usually working at the rear of the herd, although a supercow herd could change directions almost in a second and the killing-tanks would then find themselves in front of a stampede.  I saw several such incidents.  Once Gail and I had to dive in with our car and help turn such a stampede.

We got back to the ranch house shortly before dinner.  Gail went at once to change clothes; Colonel Hickock and I sat down together for a drink in his library, a beautiful room.  I especially admired the walls, panelled in plastic-hardened supercow-leather.

“What do you think of our planet now, Mr. Silk?” Colonel Hickock asked.

“Well, Colonel, your final message to the State was part of the briefing I received,” I replied.  “I must say that I agree with your opinions.  Especially with your opinion of local political practices.  Politics is nothing, here, if not exciting and exacting.”

“You don’t understand it though.”  That was about half-question and half-statement.  “Particularly our custom of using politicians as clay pigeons.”

“Well, it is rather unusual....”

“Yes.”  The dryness in his tone was a paragraph of comment on my understatement.  “And it’s fundamental to our system of government.

“You were out all afternoon with Gail; you saw how we have to handle the supercow herds.  Well, it is upon the fact that every rancher must have at his disposal a powerful force of aircraft and armor, easily convertible to military uses, that our political freedom rests.  You see, our government is, in effect, an oligarchy of the big landowners and ranchers, who, in combination, have enough military power to overturn any Planetary government overnight.  And, on the local level, it is a paternalistic feudalism.

“That’s something that would have stood the hair of any Twentieth Century ‘Liberal’ on end.  And it gives us the freest government anywhere in the galaxy.

“There were a number of occasions, much less frequent now than formerly, when coalitions of big ranches combined their strength and marched on the Planetary government to protect their rights from government encroachment.  This sort of thing could only be resorted to in defense of some inherent right, and never to infringe on the rights of others.  Because, in the latter case, other armed coalitions would have arisen, as they did once or twice during the first three decades of New Texan history, to resist.

“So the right of armed intervention by the people when the government invaded or threatened their rights became an acknowledged part of our political system.

“And ­this arises as a natural consequence ­you can’t give a man with five hundred employees and a force of tanks and aircraft the right to resist the government, then at the same time deny that right to a man who has only his own pistol or machete.”

“I notice the President and the other officials have themselves surrounded by guards to protect them from individual attack,” I said.  “Why doesn’t the government, as such, protect itself with an army and air force large enough to resist any possible coalition of the big ranchers?”

“Because we won’t let the government get that strong!” the Colonel said forcefully.  “That’s one of the basic premises.  We have no standing army, only the New Texas Rangers.  And the legislature won’t authorize any standing army, or appropriate funds to support one.  Any member of the legislature who tried it would get what Austin Maverick got, a couple of weeks ago, or what Sam Saltkin got, eight years ago, when he proposed a law for the compulsory registration and licensing of firearms.  The opposition to that tax scheme of Maverick’s wasn’t because of what it would cost the public in taxes, but from fear of what the government could do with the money after they got it.

“Keep a government poor and weak and it’s your servant; let it get rich and powerful and it’s your master.  We don’t want any masters here on New Texas.”

“But the President has a bodyguard,” I noted.

“Casualty rate was too high,” Hickock explained.  “Remember, the President’s job is inherently impossible:  he has to represent all the people.”

I thought that over, could see the illogical logic, but ...  “How about your rancher oligarchy?”

He laughed.  “Son, if I started acting like a master around this ranch in the morning, they’d find my body in an irrigation ditch before sunset.

“Sure, if you have a real army, you can keep the men under your thumb ­use one regiment or one division to put down mutiny in another.  But when you have only five hundred men, all of whom know everybody else and all of them armed, you just act real considerate of them if you want to keep on living.”

“Then would you say that the opposition to annexation comes from the people who are afraid that if New Texas enters the Solar League, there will be League troops sent here and this ... this interesting system of insuring government responsibility to the public would be brought to an end?”

“Yes.  If you can show the people of this planet that the League won’t interfere with local political practices, you’ll have a 99.95 percent majority in favor of annexation.  We’re too close to the z’Srauff star-cluster, out here, not to see the benefits of joining the Solar League.”

We left the Hickock ranch on Sunday afternoon and while Hoddy guided our air-car back to New Austin, I had a little time to revise some of my ideas about New Texas.  That is, I had time to think during those few moments when Hoddy wasn’t taking advantage of our diplomatic immunity to invent new air-ground traffic laws.

My thoughts alternated between the pleasure of remembering Gail’s gay company and the gloom of understanding the complete implications of the Colonel’s clarifying lectures.  Against the background of his remarks, I could find myself appreciating the Ghopal-Klueng-Natalenko reasoning:  the only way to cut the Gordian knot was to have another Solar League Ambassador killed.

And, whenever I could escape thinking about the fact that the next Ambassador to be the clay pigeon was me, I found myself wondering if I wanted the League to take over.  Annexation, yes; New Texas customs would be protected under a treaty of annexation.  But the “justified conquest” urged by Machiavelli, Jr.?  No.

I was still struggling with the problem when we reached the Embassy about 1700.  Everyone was there, including Stonehenge, who had returned two hours earlier with the good news that the fleet had moved into position only sixty light-minutes off Capella IV.  I had reached the point in my thinking where I had decided it was useless to keep Hoddy and Stonehenge apart except as an exercise in mental agility.  Inasmuch as my brain was already weight-lifting, swinging from a flying trapeze to elusive flying rings while doing triple somersaults and at the same time juggling seven Indian clubs, I skipped the whole matter.

But I’m fairly certain that it wasn’t till then that Hoddy had a chance to deliver his letter-of-credence to Stonehenge.

After dinner, we gathered in my office for our coffee and a final conference before the opening of the trial the next morning.

Stonehenge spoke first, looking around the table at everyone except me.

“No matter what happens, we have the fleet within call.  Sir Rodney’s been active picking up those z’Srauff meteor-mining boats.  They no longer have a tight screen around the system.  We do.  I don’t think that anyone, except us, knows that the fleet’s where it is.”

No matter what happens, I thought glumly, and the phrase explained why he hadn’t been able to look at me.

“Well, boss, I gave you my end of it, comin’ in,” Hoddy said.  “Want me to go over it again?  All right.  In Bonneyville, we found half a dozen people who can swear that Kettle-Belly Sam Bonney was making preparations to protect those three brothers an hour before Ambassador Cumshaw was shot.  The whole town’s sorer than hell at Kettle-Belly for antagonizing the Hickock outfit and getting the place shot up the way it was.  And we have witnesses that Kettle-Belly was in some kind of deal with the z’Srauff, too.  The Rangers gathered up eight of them, who can swear to the preparations and to the fact that Kettle-Belly had z’Srauff visitors on different occasions before the shooting.”

“That’s what we want,” Stonehenge said.  “Something that’ll connect this murder with the z’Srauff.”

“Well, wait till you hear what I’ve got,” Parros told him.  “In the first place, we traced the gun and the air-car.  The Bonney brothers bought them both from z’Srauff merchants, for ridiculously nominal prices.  The merchant who sold the aircar is normally in the dry-goods business, and the one who sold the auto-rifle runs a toy shop.  In their whole lives, those three boys never had enough money among them to pay the list price of the gun, let alone the car.  That is, not until a week before the murder.”

“They got prosperous, all of a sudden?” I asked.

“Yes.  Two weeks before the shooting, Kettle-Belly Sam’s bank account got a sudden transfusion:  some anonymous benefactor deposited 250,000 pesos ­about a hundred thousand dollars ­to his credit.  He drew out 75,000 of it and some of the money turned up again in the hands of Switchblade and Jack-High and Turkey-Buzzard.  Then, a week before you landed here, he got another hundred thousand from the same anonymous source and he drew out twenty thousand of that.  We think that was the money that went to pay for the attempted knife-job on Hutchinson.  Two days before the barbecue, the waiter deposited a thousand at the New Austin Packers’ and Shippers’ Trust.”

“Can you get that introduced as evidence at the trial?” I asked.

“Sure.  Kettle-Belly banks at a town called Crooked Creek, about forty miles from Bonneyville.  We have witnesses from the bank.

“I also got the dope on the line the Bonney brothers are going to take at the trial.  They have a lawyer, Clement A. Sidney, a member of what passes for the Socialist Party on this planet.  The defense will take the line of full denial of everything.  The Bonneys are just three poor but honest boys who are being framed by the corrupt tools of the Big Ranching Interests.”

Hoddy made an impolite noise.  “Whatta we got to worry about, then?” he demanded.  “They’re a cinch for conviction.”

“I agree with that,” Stonehenge said.  “If they tried to base their defense on political conviction and opposition by the Solar League, they might have a chance.  This way, they haven’t.”

“All right, gentlemen,” I said, “I take it that we’re agreed that we must all follow a single line of policy and not work at cross-purposes to each other?”

They all agreed to that instantly, but with a questioning note in their voices.

“Well, then, I trust you all realize that we cannot, under any circumstances, allow those three brothers to be convicted in this court,” I added.

There was a moment of startled silence, while Hoddy and Stonehenge and Parros and Thrombley were understanding what they had just heard.  Then Stonehenge cleared his throat and said: 

“Mr. Ambassador!  I’m sure that you have some excellent reasons for that remarkable statement, but I must say ­”

“It was a really colossal error on somebody’s part,” I said, “that this case was allowed to get into the Court of Political Justice.  It never should have.  And if we take a part in the prosecution, or allow those men to be convicted, we will establish a precedent to support the principle that a foreign Ambassador is, on this planet, defined as a practicing local politician.

“I will invite you to digest that for a moment.”

A moment was all they needed.  Thrombley was horrified and dithered incoherently.  Stonehenge frowned and fidgeted with some papers in front of him.  I could see several thoughts gathering behind his eyes, including, I was sure, a new view of his instructions from Klueng.

Even Hoddy got at least part of it.  “Why, that means that anybody can bump off any diplomat he doesn’t like....” he began.

“That is only part of it, Mr. Ringo,” Thrombley told him.  “It also means that a diplomat, instead of being regarded as the representative of his own government, becomes, in effect, a functionary of the government of New Texas.  Why, all sorts of complications could arise....”

“It certainly would impair, shall we say, the principle of extraterritoriality of Embassies,” Stonehenge picked it up.  “And it would practically destroy the principle of diplomatic immunity.”

“Migawd!” Hoddy looked around nervously, as though he could already hear an army of New Texas Rangers, each with a warrant for Hoddy Ringo, battering at the gates.

“We’ll have to do something!” Gomez, the Secretary of the Embassy, said.

“I don’t know what,” Stonehenge said.  “The obvious solution would be, of course, to bring charges against those Bonney Boys on simple first-degree murder, which would be tried in an ordinary criminal court.  But it’s too late for that now.  We wouldn’t have time to prevent their being arraigned in this Political Justice court, and once a defendant is brought into court, on this planet, he cannot be brought into court again for the same act.  Not the same crime, the same act.”

I had been thinking about this and I was ready.  “Look, we must bring those Bonney brothers to trial.  It’s the only effective way of demonstrating to the public the simple fact that Ambassador Cumshaw was murdered at the instigation of the z’Srauff.  We dare not allow them to be convicted in the Court of Political Justice, for the reasons already stated.  And to maintain the prestige of the Solar League, we dare not allow them to go unpunished.”

“We can have it one way,” Parros said, “and maybe we can have it two ways.  But I’m damned if I can see how we can have it all three ways.”

I wasn’t surprised that he didn’t see it; he hadn’t had the same urgency goading him which had forced me to find the answer.  It wasn’t an answer that I liked, but I was in the position where I had no choice.

“Well, here’s what we have to do, gentlemen,” I began, and from the respectful way they regarded me, from the attention they were giving my words, I got a sudden thrill of pride.  For the first time since my scrambled arrival, I was really Ambassador Stephen Silk.