“Two years ago,” said
the “Alta California” in 1851, “trade
was a wild unorganized whirl.” Staple goods
went furiously up and down in price like wild-cat
mining stocks. There was no telegraph by which
supplies could be ordered from the East or inquiries
could be answered, and several months must elapse
before an order sent by mail to New York could be filled.
A merchant at Valparaiso once paid twenty thousand
dollars for the information contained in a single
letter from San Francisco.
Consignors in the East were almost
wholly ignorant as to what people needed in California,
and how goods should be stowed for the long voyage
around the Cape. Great quantities of preserved
food it was before the days of canning were
spoiled en route. Coal was shipped in bulk
without any ventilating appliances, and it often took
fire and destroyed the vessels in which it was carried.
One unfortunate woman, the wife of a Cape Cod sea-captain,
was wrecked thrice in this way, having been transferred
from one coal-laden schooner to another, and later
to a third, all of which were set on fire by the heating
of the coal, and burned to the water’s edge.
In one of these adventures she was lashed to a chair
on deck, where she spent five days, in a rough sea,
with smoke and gas pouring from the ship at every
seam. Her final escape was made in a row-boat
which landed at a desolate spot on the coast of Peru.
Elaborate gold-washing machines which
proved to be useless and ready-made houses that nobody
wanted were among the articles shipped to San Francisco.
The rate of interest was very high, capital being scarce,
and storage in warehouses was both insecure, from
the great danger of fire, and extremely expensive.
It was, therefore, nearly impossible for the merchants
to hold their goods for a more favorable market.
In July, 1849, lumber sold at the
enormous rate of five hundred dollars a thousand feet, fifty
times the New England price; but in the following
Spring, immense shipments having arrived, it brought
scarcely enough to pay the freight bills. Tobacco,
which at first sold for two dollars a pound, became
so plentiful afterward that boxes of it were used for
stepping stones, and in one case, as Bret Harte has
related, tobacco actually supplied the foundation
for a wooden house.
Holes in the sidewalk were stopped with bags of rice or beans, with sacks of
coffee, and, on one occasion, with three barrels of revolvers, the supply far
exceeding even the California demand for that article. Potatoes brought
sixty dollars a bushel at wholesale in 1849, but were raised so extensively in
California the next year that the price fell to nothing, and whole cargoes of
these useful vegetables, just arrived from the East, were dumped into the Bay.
In some places near San Francisco it was really feared that a pestilence would
result from huge piles of superfluous potatoes that lay rotting on the ground.
Saleratus, worth in New York four cents a pound, sold at San Francisco in 1848
for fifteen dollars a pound. The menu of a breakfast for two at Sacramento
in the same year was as follows:
1 box of sardines, $16.
1 pound of hard bread, 2.
1 pound of butter, 6.
1/2 pound of cheese, 3.
2 bottles of ale, 16.
------
Total, $43.00
Flour in the mining camps cost four
and even five dollars a pound, and eggs were two dollars
apiece. A chicken brought sixteen dollars; a
revolver, one hundred and fifty dollars; a stove, four
hundred dollars; a shovel, one hundred dollars.
Laudanum was one dollar a drop, brandy twenty dollars
a bottle; and dried apples fluctuated from five cents
to seventy-five cents a pound. It is matter of
history that a bilious miner once gave fifteen dollars
for a small box of Seidlitz powders, and at the Stanislaus
Diggings a jar of raisins, regarded as a cure for the
scurvy then prevailing, sold for their weight in gold,
amounting to four thousand dollars. As showing
the dependence of California upon the East for supplies,
it is significant that even so late as 1853 six thousand
tons of hard bread were imported annually from New
York.
Wages and prices were high, but nobody
complained of them. There was in fact a disdain
of all attempts to cheapen or haggle. Gold dust
poured into San Francisco from the launches and schooners
which plied on the Sacramento River, and almost everybody
in California seemed to have it in plenty. “Money,”
said a Pioneer in a letter written at the end of ’49,
“is about the most valueless article that a
man can have in his possession here.”
As an illustration of the lavish manner
in which business was transacted, it may be mentioned
that the stamp box in the express office of Wells,
Fargo and Company was a sort of common treasury.
Clerks, messengers and drivers dipped into it for
change whenever they wanted a lunch or a drink.
There was nothing secret about this practice, and if
not sanctioned it was at least winked at by the superior
officers. Huge lumps of gold were exhibited in
hotels and gambling houses, and the jingling of coins
rivalled the scraping of the fiddle as the characteristic
music of San Francisco.
The first deposit in the United States
Mint of gold from California was made on December
8, 1848, and between that date and May 1, 1850, there
were presented for coinage gold dust and nuggets valued
at eleven million four hundred and twenty thousand
dollars. A lot of land in San Francisco rose
from fifteen dollars in price to forty thousand dollars.
In September, 1850, bricklayers receiving twelve dollars
a day struck for fourteen dollars, and obtained the
increase. The wages of carpenters varied from
twelve dollars to twenty dollars a day. Those
who did best in California were, as a rule, the small
traders, the mechanics and skilled workmen, and the
professional men who, resisting the temptation to hunt
for gold, made money by being useful to the community.
“It may truly be said,” remarked the “San
Francisco Daily Herald” in 1852, “that
California is the only spot in the world where labor
is not only on an equality with capital, but to a
certain extent is superior to it.”
Women cooks received one hundred dollars
a month, and chambermaids and nurses almost as much.
Washerwomen made fortunes and founded families.
A resident of San Francisco went to the mines for
four weeks, and came back with a bag of gold dust
which, he thought, would astonish his wife, who had
remained in the city; but meanwhile she had been “taking
in washing,” at the rate of twelve dollars a
dozen; and he was crestfallen to find that her gains
were twice as much as his. It was cheaper to have
one’s clothes sent to China or the Sandwich
Islands to be laundered, and some thrifty and patient
persons took that course. A valuable trade sprang
up between China and San Francisco. The solitude
became a village, and the village a city, with startling
rapidity. In less than a year, twelve thousand
people gathered at Sacramento where there had not
been a single soul.
Events and changes followed one another
so rapidly that each year formed an epoch by itself.
In 1853 men spoke of 1849 as of a romantic and half-forgotten
past. An old citizen was one who had been on the
ground a year. When Stephen J. Field offered
himself as a candidate for the newly-created office
of Alcalde at Marysville, the supporters of a rival
candidate objected to Field as being a newcomer.
He had been there only three days. His opponent
had been there six days.
But in 1851 the material progress
of California received a great, though only a temporary,
check. As commerce adjusted itself to the needs
of the community prices and wages fell. A drink
cost fifteen cents (the half of “two bits"),
instead of fifty cents, which had been the usual price,
and the wages of day laborers shrank to five dollars
a day. The change was thus humorously described
by an editor, obviously of Southern extraction:
“About this time the Yankees began to pour into
San Francisco, to invest in corner lots, and speculate
in wooden gingerbread, framed houses and the like.
Prices gradually came down, and money which was once
thrown about so recklessly has now come to be regarded
as an article of considerable importance.”
In San Francisco there was almost
a commercial panic. The city was heavily in debt,
many private fortunes were swept away, property was
insecure, and robbery and murder were common events.
Delano relates that a young man of his acquaintance,
a wild and daring fellow, was offered at this time
a salary of seven hundred dollars a month, to steal
horses and mules in a large, systematic and business-like
manner.
The tone of the San Francisco papers
in 1851 was by no means cheerful. The following
is the description which the “Alta California”
gave of the city in December of that year: “Our
city is certainly an unfortunate one in the matter
of public accommodation. Her wharves are exposed
to tempestuous northers and to the ravages of the
worm; the piles that are driven into the mud for houses
to rest upon are forced out of their perpendicular
and crowded over by pressure of sand used in filling
in other water lots against them; a most valuable
portion of the city survey is converted into a filthy
lake or salt water laguna filled with garbage,
dead animals and refuse matter from the streets; the
streets are narrow and are constructed with sidewalks
so irregular, miserable, and behampered as to drive
off passengers into the middle of the street to take
the chance of being ridden over and trampled under
foot by scores of recklessly driven mules and horses;
with drays, wagons and carriages without number to
deafen, confuse and endanger the unfortunate pedestrian.
A few thin strips of boards, pieces of dry-goods boxes
or barrel staves constitute the sidewalks in some
of our most important thoroughfares, and even this
material is so irregularly and insecurely laid that
the walks are shunned as stumbling places full of
man-traps; more than all this, the sidewalks of the
principal streets in the city are strewn and obstructed
with shop wares.”
The first Vigilance Committee of 1851
checked crime and restored order for a short period,
and the second Vigilance Committee of 1856, together
with the election which followed it, effected a most
decided and lasting improvement in the government
of San Francisco, and especially in the management
of its police. In the brief account already given
of James King and his career, this episode in California
life has been touched upon.
The fires which successively overran
the cities of California, and especially San Francisco,
were another source of disaster to the business world.
There were many small fires in San Francisco and six
conflagrations, all within two years. The first
of these occurred in December, ’49, the loss
being about one million dollars. A characteristic
act at this fire was that of a merchant whose shop
had been burned, but who had saved several hundred
suits of black clothes. Having no place for storing
them, and seeing that they would be stolen or ruined,
he gave them away to the bystanders. “Help
yourselves, gentlemen!” he cried. The invitation
was accepted, and the next day an unusual proportion
of the citizens of San Francisco were observed to
be in mourning.
In May, and again in June, 1850, there
were large fires, and it was after these disasters
that the use of cloth for the sides and roofs of buildings
was prohibited by law. Up to that time the shops
of the city had been constructed very commonly of
that highly inflammable material.
In September, 1850, there was another
but less destructive fire, and on May 4, 1851, occurred
the “great fire,” in which the loss of
property was at least seven million dollars.
It was estimated at the time at fifteen million dollars.
This conflagration produced a night of horror such
as even California had not seen before. The fire
started at eleven P. M., and the flames were fanned
by a strong, westerly breeze. The glow in the
sky was seen at Monterey, one hundred miles
distant. So rapidly did the flames spread that
merchants in some cases removed their stock of goods
four or five times, and yet had them overtaken and
destroyed in the end. Since the burning of Moscow
no other city had suffered so much from fire.
Delicate women, driven from their homes at midnight,
were wandering through the streets, with no protection
from the raw wind except their nightclothes.
A sick man was carried from his bed in a burning house,
and placed in the street, where, amid all the turmoil
of the scene, the roaring of the flames, the shouts,
cries and imprecations of men, amid falling sparks
and cinders, and jostled by the half-frenzied passers-by,
he breathed his last.
Among the brave acts performed at
this fire was that of a clerk who picked up a burning
box which contained canisters of powder, carried it
a block on his shoulder, and threw it into a pool
of water. It was during this fire, also, that
an American flag, released by the burning of the cord
which held it, soared away, above the flames and smoke,
while a cry that was half a cheer and half a sob,
burst from the throats of the crowd beneath it.
But, great as this disaster was, the
merchants rallied from it with true California courage.
“One year here,” wrote the Reverend Mr.
Colton, “will do more for your philosophy than
a lifetime elsewhere. I have seen a man sit and
quietly smoke his cigar while his house went heavenward
in a column of flame.” This was exemplified
in the great fire. Men began to fence in their
lots although the smouldering ruins still emitted an
almost suffocating heat. Contracts for new stores
were made while the old ones were yet burning; and
in many cases the ground was cleared, and temporary
buildings went up before the ashes of the burned buildings
had cooled. Lumber, fortunately, was abundant,
and the morning after the fire every street and lane
leading to the ruined district was crowded with wagons
full of building tools and material. The city
resembled a hive of bees after it has been rifled
of its honey.
The smaller cities suffered almost
as severely from fire. Sacramento was burned
twice and flooded three times before the year 1854.
In The Reincarnation of Smith, Bret Harte describes
the appearance of the city when the river upon which
it is situated suddenly burst its banks and “a
great undulation of yellow water” swept through
the streets of the city. Two other stories, In
the Tules and When the Waters Were Up at “Jules’,"
deal with the floods of 1854 and of 1860, and in the
first of these the escape of Martin Morse, the solitary
inhabitant of the river-bank, is described. “But
one night he awakened with a start. His hand,
which was hanging out of his bunk, was dabbling idly
in water. He had barely time to spring to his
middle in what seemed to be a slowly filling tank
before the door fell out as from inward pressure, and
his whole shanty collapsed like a pack of cards.
But it fell outwards, the roof sliding from over his
head like a withdrawn canopy; and he was swept from
his feet against it, and thence out into what might
have been another world! For the rain had ceased,
and the full moon revealed only one vast, illimitable
expanse of water! As his frail raft swept under
a cottonwood he caught at one of the overhanging limbs,
and, working his way desperately along the bough,
at last reached a secure position in the fork of the
tree.”
Martin Morse was saved eventually;
but another victim of the same flood, and not a fictitious
one, was found dead from exposure and exhaustion in
the tree which he had reached by swimming. So
close, even in small incidents, are Bret Harte’s
stories to the reality of California life!
During this freshet a man and his
wife, who occupied a ranch on the Feather River, had
an experience more remarkable than that of Martin
Morse. They took refuge, first, on the roof of
their house, and then, when the house floated off,
they clung to a piece of timber, and so drifted to
a small island. But here they found a prior occupant
in the person of a grizzly bear, and to escape him
they climbed a tree, whence they were rescued the
next morning.
What with fire and flood added to
the uncertainties and vicissitudes of trade carried
on thousands of miles from the base of supplies, with
no telegraphic communication and only a fortnightly
mail; what with land values rising and falling; with
cities and towns springing up like mushrooms and often
withering as quickly; under these circumstances,
and in a stimulating climate, it is no wonder that
the Californians lived a feverish, and often a reckless
life. The Pioneers could recount more instances
of misfortune and more triumphs over misfortune than
any other people in the world. But suicides were
frequent, they numbered twenty-nine in
San Francisco in a single year, and one
of the first public buildings erected by the State
was an Insane Asylum at Stockton. It was quickly
filled.
Nevertheless, contemporary with the
feverish life of the mining camp and the city was
the life of the farm and the vineyard; and this, too,
was not neglected by Bret Harte. The agricultural
resources of California were beginning to be known
even before the discovery of gold, and many of those
who crossed the Plains in ’49 and ’50 were
bent not upon mining but upon farming. Others,
who failed as miners, or who were thrown out of business
by the hard times of ’51 and ’56, turned
to the fertile valleys and hillsides for support.
Monterey, on the lower coast of central California,
was the sheep county; and flocks of ten thousand from
Ohio and of one hundred thousand from Mexico were
grazing there before 1860. In that year it was
said to contain more sheep than could be found in any
other county in the United States. Tasajara was
known as a “cow county.”
An immigrant from New Jersey, in 1850,
brought thirty thousand fruit trees; and by 1859 the
Foot-Hills in the counties of Yuba, Nevada, El Dorado
and Sacramento were covered with vineyards, interspersed
with vine-clad cottages, where, a few years before,
there had been only the rough and scattered huts of
a few miners.
Immense quantities of wheat were raised,
especially in Humboldt County on the northern coast
of the State, where we hear of crops averaging sixty
bushels to the acre. In 1860 the surplus of wheat,
the quantity, that is, available for exportation,
exceeded three million bushels; and the barley crop
was still larger. The Stanislaus and Santa Clara
Valleys, not far from San Francisco, and southeast
of the city, were also grain-growing districts, as
is recorded in Bret Harte’s story Through
the Santa Clara Wheat.
He describes his heroine as following
her guide between endless rows of stalks, rising ten
and even twelve feet high, like “a long, pillared
conservatory of greenish glass.” “She
also discovered that the close air above her head
was continually freshened by the interchange of lower
temperature from below, as if the whole
vast field had a circulation of its own, and
that the adobe beneath her feet was gratefully cool
to her tread. There was no dust; what had at
first half suffocated her seemed to be some stimulating
aroma of creation that filled the narrow green aisles,
and now imparted a strange vigor and excitement to
her as she walked along.”
So early as 1851 the newspapers began
to publish articles about the opportunities for farming,
and soon afterward the “California Farmer,”
an excellent weekly, was started at Sacramento, and
supplied the community with news in general as well
as with agricultural information. One can imagine
the relief with which in those strenuous days the reader
of the “Farmer” turned from accounts of
robbery, murder, suicide and lynching to gentle disquisitions
upon the rearing of calves, the merits of Durham steers,
and the most approved method of fattening sheep in
winter. The Hubbard squash, then a novelty, was
treated by the “Farmer” as seriously as
the Constitutional Convention, or the expulsion of
foreigners from the mines. Practical subjects,
as for instance, subsoil ploughs, remedies for smut,
and recipes for rhubarb wine, were carefully discussed
by this Pioneer agriculturist; and not infrequently
he rose to higher themes, such as “The Age of
the Earth,” and “The Influence of Females
on Society.”