Faithful to our promise, this first
part has indicated the general causes which bring
all marriages to the crises which we are about to
describe; and, in tracing the steps of this conjugal
preamble, we have also pointed out the way in which
the catastrophe is to be avoided, for we have pointed
out the errors by which it is brought about.
But these first considerations would
be incomplete if, after endeavoring to throw some
light upon the inconsistency of our ideas, of our
manners and of our laws, with regard to a question
which concerns the life of almost all living beings,
we did not endeavor to make plain, in a short peroration,
the political causes of the infirmity which pervades
all modern society. After having exposed the
secret vices of marriage, would it not be an inquiry
worthy of philosophers to search out the causes which
have rendered it so vicious?
The system of law and of manners which
so far directs women and controls marriage in France,
is the outcome of ancient beliefs and traditions which
are no longer in accordance with the eternal principles
of reason and of justice, brought to light by the great
Revolution of 1789.
Three great disturbances have agitated
France; the conquest of the country by the Romans,
the establishment of Christianity and the invasion
of the Franks. Each of these events has left a
deep impress upon the soil, upon the laws, upon the
manners and upon the intellect of the nation.
Greece having one foot on Europe and
the other on Asia, was influenced by her voluptuous
climate in the choice of her marriage institutions;
she received them from the East, where her philosophers,
her legislators and her poets went to study the abstruse
antiquities of Egypt and Chaldea. The absolute
seclusion of women which was necessitated under the
burning sun of Asia prevailed under the laws of Greece
and Ionia. The women remained in confinement within
the marbles of the gyneceum. The country was
reduced to the condition of a city, to a narrow territory,
and the courtesans who were connected with art and
religion by so many ties, were sufficient to satisfy
the first passions of the young men, who were few
in number, since their strength was elsewhere taken
up in the violent exercises of that training which
was demanded of them by the military system of those
heroic times.
At the beginning of her royal career
Rome, having sent to Greece to seek such principles
of legislation as might suit the sky of Italy, stamped
upon the forehead of the married woman the brand of
complete servitude. The senate understood the
importance of virtue in a republic, hence the severity
of manners in the excessive development of the marital
and paternal power. The dependence of the woman
on her husband is found inscribed on every code.
The seclusion prescribed by the East becomes a duty,
a moral obligation, a virtue. On these principles
were raised temples to modesty and temples consecrated
to the sanctity of marriage; hence, sprang the institution
of censors, the law of dowries, the sumptuary laws,
the respect for matrons and all the characteristics
of the Roman law. Moreover, three acts of feminine
violation either accomplished or attempted, produced
three revolutions! And was it not a grand event,
sanctioned by the decrees of the country, that these
illustrious women should make their appearances on
the political arena! Those noble Roman women,
who were obliged to be either brides or mothers, passed
their life in retirement engaged in educating the
masters of the world. Rome had no courtesans
because the youth of the city were engaged in eternal
war. If, later on, dissoluteness appeared, it
merely resulted from the despotism of emperors; and
still the prejudices founded upon ancient manners
were so influential that Rome never saw a woman on
a stage. These facts are not put forth idly in
scanning the history of marriage in France.
After the conquest of Gaul, the Romans
imposed their laws upon the conquered; but they were
incapable of destroying both the profound respect
which our ancestors entertained for women and the ancient
superstitions which made women the immediate oracles
of God. The Roman laws ended by prevailing, to
the exclusion of all others, in this country once
known as the “land of written law,” or
Gallia togata, and their ideas of marriage
penetrated more or less into the “land of customs.”
But, during the conflict of laws with
manners, the Franks invaded the Gauls and gave
to the country the dear name of France. These
warriors came from the North and brought the system
of gallantry which had originated in their western
regions, where the mingling of the sexes did not require
in those icy climates the jealous precautions of the
East. The women of that time elevated the privations
of that kind of life by the exaltation of their sentiments.
The drowsy minds of the day made necessary those varied
forms of delicate solicitation, that versatility of
address, the fancied repulse of coquetry, which belong
to the system whose principles have been unfolded in
our First Part, as admirably suited to the temperate
clime of France.
To the East, then, belong the passion
and the delirium of passion, the long brown hair,
the harem, the amorous divinities, the splendor, the
poetry of love and the monuments of love.
To the West, the liberty of wives, the sovereignty
of their blond locks, gallantry, the fairy life of
love, the secrecy of passion, the profound ecstasy
of the soul, the sweet feelings of melancholy and
the constancy of love.
These two systems, starting from opposite
points of the globe, have come into collision in France;
in France, where one part of the country, Languedoc,
was attracted by Oriental traditions, while the other,
Languedoil, was the native land of a creed which attributes
to woman a magical power. In the Languedoil,
love necessitates mystery, in the Languedoc, to see
is to love.
At the height of this struggle came
the triumphant entry of Christianity into France,
and there it was preached by women, and there it consecrated
the divinity of a woman who in the forests of Brittany,
of Vendée and of Ardennes took, under the name of
Notre-Dame, the place of more than one idol in the
hollow of old Druidic oaks.
If the religion of Christ, which is
above all things a code of morality and politics,
gave a soul to all living beings, proclaimed that
equality of all in the sight of God, and by such principles
as these fortified the chivalric sentiments of the
North, this advantage was counterbalanced by the fact,
that the sovereign pontiff resided at Rome, of which
seat he considered himself the lawful heir, through
the universality of the Latin tongue, which became
that of Europe during the Middle Ages, and through
the keen interest taken by monks, writers and lawyers
in establishing the ascendency of certain codes, discovered
by a soldier in the sack of Amalfi.
These two principles of the servitude
and the sovereignty of women retain possession of
the ground, each of them defended by fresh arguments.
The Salic law, which was a legal error,
was a triumph for the principle of political and civil
servitude for women, but it did not diminish the power
which French manners accorded them, for the enthusiasm
of chivalry which prevailed in Europe supplanted the
party of manners against the party of law.
And in this way was created that strange
phenomenon which since that time has characterized
both our national despotism and our legislation; for
ever since those epochs which seemed to presage the
Revolution, when the spirit of philosophy rose and
reflected upon the history of the past, France has
been the prey of many convulsions. Feudalism,
the Crusades, the Reformation, the struggle between
the monarchy and the aristocracy. Despotism and
Priestcraft have so closely held the country within
their clutches, that woman still remains the subject
of strange counter-opinions, each springing from one
of the three great movements to which we have referred.
Was it possible that the woman question should be
discussed and woman’s political education and
marriage should be ventilated when feudalism threatened
the throne, when reform menaced both king and barons,
and the people, between the hierarchy and the empire,
were forgotten? According to a saying of Madame
Necker, women, amid these great movements, were like
the cotton wool put into a case of porcelain.
They were counted for nothing, but without them everything
would have been broken.
A married woman, then, in France presents
the spectacle of a queen out at service, of a slave,
at once free and a prisoner; a collision between these
two principles which frequently occurred, produced
odd situations by the thousand. And then, woman
was physically little understood, and what was actually
sickness in her, was considered a prodigy, witchcraft
or monstrous turpitude. In those days these creatures,
treated by the law as reckless children, and put under
guardianship, were by the manners of the time deified
and adored. Like the freedmen of emperors, they
disposed of crowns, they decided battles, they awarded
fortunes, they inspired crimes and revolutions, wonderful
acts of virtue, by the mere flash of their glances,
and yet they possessed nothing and were not even possessors
of themselves. They were equally fortunate and
unfortunate. Armed with their weakness and strong
in instinct, they launched out far beyond the sphere
which the law allotted them, showing themselves omnipotent
for evil, but impotent for good; without merit in
the virtues that were imposed upon them, without excuse
in their vices; accused of ignorance and yet denied
an education; neither altogether mothers nor altogether
wives. Having all the time to conceal their passions,
while they fostered them, they submitted to the coquetry
of the Franks, while they were obliged like Roman
women, to stay within the ramparts of their castles
and bring up those who were to be warriors. While
no system was definitely decided upon by legislation
as to the position of women, their minds were left
to follow their inclinations, and there are found
among them as many who resemble Marion Delorme as those
who resemble Cornelia; there are vices among them,
but there are as many virtues. These were creatures
as incomplete as the laws which governed them; they
were considered by some as a being midway between man
and the lower animals, as a malignant beast which
the laws could not too closely fetter, and which nature
had destined, with so many other things, to serve
the pleasure of men; while others held woman to be
an angel in exile, a source of happiness and love,
the only creature who responded to the highest feelings
of man, while her miseries were to be recompensed
by the idolatry of every heart. How could the
consistency, which was wanting in a political system,
be expected in the general manners of the nation?
And so woman became what circumstances
and men made her, instead of being what the climate
and native institutions should have made her; sold,
married against her taste, in accordance with the Patria
potestas of the Romans, at the same time that she
fell under the marital despotism which desired her
seclusion, she found herself tempted to take the only
reprisals which were within her power. Then she
became a dissolute creature, as soon as men ceased
to be intently occupied in intestine war, for the
same reason that she was a virtuous woman in the midst
of civil disturbances. Every educated man can
fill in this outline, for we seek from movements like
these the lessons and not the poetic suggestion which
they yield.
The Revolution was too entirely occupied
in breaking down and building up, had too many enemies,
or followed perhaps too closely on the deplorable
times witnessed under the regency and under Louis XV,
to pay any attention to the position which women should
occupy in the social order.
The remarkable men who raised the
immortal monument which our codes present were almost
all old-fashioned students of law deeply imbued with
a spirit of Roman jurisprudence; and moreover they
were not the founders of any political institutions.
Sons of the Revolution, they believed, in accordance
with that movement, that the law of divorce wisely
restricted and the bond of dutiful submission were
sufficient améliorations of the previous marriage
law. When that former order of things was remembered,
the change made by the new legislation seemed immense.
At the present day the question as
to which of these two principles shall triumph rests
entirely in the hands of our wise legislators.
The past has teaching which should bear fruit in the
future. Have we lost all sense of the eloquence
of fact?
The principles of the East resulted
in the existence of eunuchs and seraglios; the spurious
social standing of France has brought in the plague
of courtesans and the more deadly plague of our marriage
system; and thus, to use the language of a contemporary,
the East sacrifices to paternity men and the principle
of justice; France, women and modesty. Neither
the East nor France has attained the goal which their
institutions point to; for that is happiness.
The man is not more loved by the women of a harem
than the husband is sure of being in France, as the
father of his children; and marrying is not worth
what it costs. It is time to offer no more sacrifice
to this institution, and to amass a larger sum of
happiness in the social state by making our manners
and our institution conformable to our climate.
Constitutional government, a happy
mixture of two extreme political systems, despotism
and democracy, suggests by the necessity of blending
also the two principles of marriage, which so far clash
together in France. The liberty which we boldly
claim for young people is the only remedy for the
host of evils whose source we have pointed out, by
exposing the inconsistencies resulting from the bondage
in which girls are kept. Let us give back to
youth the indulgence of those passions, those coquetries,
love and its terrors, love and its delights, and that
fascinating company which followed the coming of the
Franks. At this vernal season of life no fault
is irreparable, and Hymen will come forth from the
bosom of experiences, armed with confidence, stripped
of hatred, and love in marriage will be justified,
because it will have had the privilege of comparison.
In this change of manners the disgraceful
plague of public prostitution will perish of itself.
It is especially at the time when the man possesses
the frankness and timidity of adolescence, that in
his pursuit of happiness he is competent to meet and
struggle with great and genuine passions of the heart.
The soul is happy in making great efforts of whatever
kind; provided that it can act, that it can stir and
move, it makes little difference, even though it exercise
its power against itself. In this observation,
the truth of which everybody can see, there may be
found one secret of successful legislation, of tranquillity
and happiness. And then, the pursuit of learning
has now become so highly developed that the most tempestuous
of our coming Mirabeaus can consume his energy either
in the indulgence of a passion or the study of a science.
How many young people have been saved from debauchery
by self-chosen labors or the persistent obstacles
put in the way of a first love, a love that was pure!
And what young girl does not desire to prolong the
delightful childhood of sentiment, is not proud to
have her nature known, and has not felt the secret
tremblings of timidity, the modesty of her secret
communings with herself, and wished to oppose them
to the young desires of a lover inexperienced as herself!
The gallantry of the Franks and the pleasures which
attend it should then be the portion of youth, and
then would naturally result a union of soul, of mind,
of character, of habits, of temperament and of fortune,
such as would produce the happy equilibrium necessary
for the felicity of the married couple. This
system would rest upon foundations wider and freer,
if girls were subjected to a carefully calculated system
of disinheritance; or if, in order to force men to
choose only those who promised happiness by their
virtues, their character or their talents, they married
as in the United States without dowry.
In that case, the system adopted by
the Romans could advantageously be applied to the
married women who when they were girls used their
liberty. Being exclusively engaged in the early
education of their children, which is the most important
of all maternal obligations, occupied in creating
and maintaining the happiness of the household, so
admirably described in the fourth book of Julie,
they would be in their houses like the women of ancient
Rome, living images of Providence, which reigns over
all, and yet is nowhere visible. In this case,
the laws covering the infidelity of the wife should
be extremely severe. They should make the penalty
disgrace, rather than inflict painful or coercive
sentences. France has witnessed the spectacle
of women riding asses for the pretended crime of magic,
and many an innocent woman has died of shame.
In this may be found the secret of future marriage
legislation. The young girls of Miletus delivered
themselves from marriage by voluntary death; the senate
condemned the suicides to be dragged naked on a hurdle,
and the other virgins condemned themselves for life.
Women and marriage will never be respected
until we have that radical change in manners which
we are now begging for. This profound thought
is the ruling principle in the two finest productions
of an immortal genius. Emile and La Nouvelle
Heloise are nothing more than two eloquent pleas
for the system. The voice there raised will resound
through the ages, because it points to the real motives
of true legislation, and the manners which will prevail
in the future. By placing children at the breast
of their mothers, Jean-Jacques rendered an immense
service to the cause of virtue; but his age was too
deeply gangrened with abuses to understand the lofty
lessons unfolded in those two poems; it is right to
add also that the philosopher was in these works overmastered
by the poet, and in leaving in the heart of Julie
after her marriage some vestiges of her first love,
he was led astray by the attractiveness of a poetic
situation, more touching indeed, but less useful than
the truth which he wished to display.
Nevertheless, if marriage in France
is an unlimited contract to which men agree with a
silent understanding that they may thus give more
relish to passion, more curiosity, more mystery to
love, more fascination to women; if a woman is rather
an ornament to the drawing-room, a fashion-plate,
a portmanteau, than a being whose functions in the
order politic are an essential part of the country’s
prosperity and the nation’s glory, a creature
whose endeavors in life vie in utility with those
of men I admit that all the above theory,
all these long considerations sink into nothingness
at the prospect of such an important destiny!
But after having squeezed a pound
of actualities in order to obtain one drop of philosophy,
having paid sufficient homage to that passion for
the historic, which is so dominant in our time, let
us turn our glance upon the manners of the present
period. Let us take the cap and bells and the
coxcomb of which Rabelais once made a sceptre, and
let us pursue the course of this inquiry without giving
to one joke more seriousness than comports with it,
and without giving to serious things the jesting tone
which ill befits them.