RACIAL AND CULTURAL CONTINUITY
That the history of the race is an
unbroken continuum goes without saying. What
this means in the way of transmission of the arts,
the sciences, the religion, the ideas, the customs
of one generation to the next, we shall presently
see. Cultural continuity is made possible by
the more fundamental fact of the actual biological
continuity of the race. This biological continuity
extends back, as far as we can infer from the scientific
evidence, unbrokenly through the half million years
since man has left traces of his presence on earth.
The continuity of life itself goes back to that still
more remote time when man and ape were indistinguishable,
indeed to that postulated epoch when life as it existed
on earth was no more complex than it is as it now
appears in the one-celled animal. Evolution has
taught us that life, however it started, has been
one long continuous process which has increased in
complexity from the unicellular animals to man.
The continuity of the human race is
a contrivance of nature rather than of man. It
is, as it were, a by-product of the sex instinct.
Man is endowed natively with a powerful desire for
sex gratification, and though offspring are the chief
utility of this instinct, desire for reproduction
is not normally its primary stimulus. But while
the production of offspring may thus be said to be
an incidental result of the sex instinct, human reproduction
may be subjected to rational consideration and control,
according as offspring are or are not considered desirable.
The sense of the desirability of offspring
may, in the first place, be determined by social rather
than individual considerations. To the group
or the state a large birth-rate, a steady increase
of the number of births over the number of deaths,
may be made desirable by the need of a large population
for agriculture, herding, or war. In primitive
tribes, superiority in numbers must have been, under
conditions of competitive warfare, a pronounced asset.
In any imperialistic regime, where military conquest
is highly regarded, the maintenance and replenishment
of large armies is a factor that has entered into
reflection on the question of population.
In cases where a small ruling class
is benefited by the labor of a slave or serf class,
there is, at least for the ruling classes, a marked
utility in the increase in population. It means
just so much opportunity for increase of wealth on
the part of landowning and slaveholding or serf-controlling
classes. In any country, increase in the labor
supply means just so much more human energy for the
control of natural resources, so many more units of
energy for the production of national wealth.
Offspring may come to be reflectively
desired by the individual as a means of perpetuating
property, family, or fame. A man cannot nonchalantly
face the prospect of obliteration, and the biological
fact of death may be circumvented by the equally real
fact of reproduction. A man’s individuality,
we have already had occasion to see, is enhanced by
his possessions, and if his fortune or estate is handed
down he shall not altogether have been obliterated
from the earth. Similarly, where a family has
become a great tradition, there may be a deliberate
desire on the part of an individual to have the name
and tradition carried on, to keep the old lineage current
and conspicuous among men. A man may think through
his children to keep his own fame alive in posterity.
At least his name shall be known, and if, as so often
happens, a son follows in his father’s profession,
carries on his father’s business, farm, or philanthropies,
the individual attains at least some measure of vicarious
immortality. His own ways, habits, traditions
are carried on.
A man may, moreover, come to desire
offspring for the pleasures and responsibilities of
domesticity and parenthood. There is a parental
instinct as such, certainly very strong in most women,
and not lacking to some degree in most men. The
joys of caring for and rearing a child have too often
been celebrated in literature and in life by parents
both young and old to need more explicit statement
here.
RESTRICTION OF POPULATION. But
reproduction has been in human history promiscuous,
and increase of population has been less a problem
to moralists and economists than has its restriction.
The danger of over-increase in population was first
powerfully stated by Malthus in his Essay on Population.
Malthus contended in effect that population always
tends to increase up to the limit of subsistence,
and gives indications, unless increase is checked,
of increasing beyond it. In its extreme form,
as it appeared in Malthus’s first edition of
his Essay, it ran somewhat as follows:
As things are now, there is a perpetual
pressure by population on the sources of food.
Vice and misery cut down the number of men when they
grow beyond the food. The increase of men is rapid
and easy; the increase of food is in comparison, slow,
and toilsome. They are to each other as a geometrical
increase to an arithmetical; in North America, the
population double their number in twenty years.
Malthus’s pessimistic prophecy
of the increase of population beyond the means of
subsistence has been subjected to refutation by various
causes. For one thing, among civilized races
at least, the birth-rate is declining. Again,
intensive agriculture has vastly increased the possibilities
of our natural resources. On this point, writes
Kropotkin, who is better acquainted with agricultural
conditions than are most social reformers:
They [market gardeners] have created
a totally new agriculture. They smile when we
boast about the rotation system having permitted us
to take from the field one crop every year, or four
crops each three years, because their ambition is
to have six and nine crape from the very same plot
of land during the twelve months. They do not
understand our talk about good and bad soils, because
they make the soils themselves, and make it in such
quantities as to be compelled yearly to seed some
of it; otherwise it would raise up the levels of their
gardens by half an inch, every year. They aim
at cropping, not five or six tons of grass on the
acre as we do, but from fifty to one hundred tons
of various vegetables on the same space; not 51 pounds
worth of hay, but 100 pounds worth of vegetables of
the plainest description, cabbages and carrots.
Of intensive industry the same might
be said. Where formerly a man could produce only
enough for one man’s consumption, under conditions
of machine production one man’s work can supply
quantities sufficient for many. With a declining
birth-rate and the vastly increased productivity of
industry and agriculture, there is a greatly reduced
danger of the population growing beyond their possible
sustenance by the available food supply.
Under certain economic and social
conditions there are marked variations in the birth-rate.
This may be due to various causes which are, by different
writers, variously assigned. The variation of
the birth-rate among different classes is again a
matter of common observation and statistical certainty.
Higher standards of living are found regularly to
be correlated with a decrease in the number of children
in a family. An important factor in the voluntary
restriction of population is the desire to give children
that are brought into the world adequate education,
environment, and social opportunity.
CULTURAL CONTINUITY. To the very
young the world seems an unprecedented novelty.
It seems scarcely older than their own memories, which
are few and short, and their own experience, which
is necessarily limited and confined. Through
education our experience becomes immeasurably widened;
we can vicariously live through the experiences of
other people through hearing or reading, and can acquire
the racial memory which goes back as far as the records
of history, or anthropological research. As we
grow older we come to learn that our civilization
has a history; that our present has a past. This
past extends back through the countless aeons before
man walked upright. The past of human life on
earth goes back itself over nearly half a million
years. With this long past, the present is continuous,
being as it were, additional pages in process of being
written.
The physical continuity of the race
is insured, as we have just seen, by a mechanism,
which, though it may be subjected to rational consideration,
is instinctive in its operation. The human beings
that people the earth to-day are offspring of human
ancestors reaching back to the appearance of the human
animal in the long process of the evolution of life
on earth. So far as we can see, posterity will
be for countless generations physically similar to
ourselves, as they certainly will, unless all records
or evidences of the fact are obscured, trace their
ancestry continuously back to us.
Not only is there continuity of physical
descent, however, but continuity of cultural achievement.
The past, in any literal temporal sense, is over and
done with. The Romans are physically dead, as
are the generations of barbarians of the Dark Ages,
and all the inhabitants of mediaeval and modern Europe,
save our own contemporaries. Yesterdays are irrevocably
over. The past, in any real sense, exists only
in the form of achievements that have been handed down
to us from previous generations. The only parts
of the past that survive physically are the actual
material products and achievements of bygone generations,
the temples and the cathedrals, the sculptures and
the manuscripts, the roads and the relics of earlier
civilizations. Even these exist in the present;
they are evidences, memorials, mementos of the past.
These heritages from past civilizations may be interesting,
intrinsically, as in the case of paintings and statues,
or useful, as in the case of roads, reservoirs, or
harbors.
But we inherit the past in a more
vital sense. We inherit ways of thought and action,
social systems, scientific and industrial methods,
manners and morals, educational bequests and ideals,
all that we have and are. Without these, each
generation would have to start anew. If the whole
of existing society were destroyed, and a newborn
generation could be miraculously preserved to maturity,
its members would have to start on the same level,
with the same ignorances, uncertainties, and
impotences as primitive savages.
In order to make the nature and variety
of our abject dependence on the past clear, we have
only to consider our language, our laws, our political
and social institutions, our knowledge and education,
our view of this world and the next, our tastes and
the means of gratifying them. On every hand the
past dominates and controls us, for the most part
unconsciously and without protest on our part.
We are in the main its willing adherents. The
imagination of the most radically-minded cannot transcend
any great part of the ideas and customs transmitted
to him. When once we grasp this truth, we shall,
according to our mood, humbly congratulate ourselves
that ... we are permitted to stand on the giant’s
shoulders, and enjoy an outlook that would be quite
hidden to us, if we had to trust to our own short
legs; or we may resentfully chafe at our bonds and,
like Prometheus, vainly strive to wrest ourselves from
the rock of the past, in our eagerness to bring relief
to the suffering children of men.
In any case, whether we bless or curse
the past, we are inevitably its offspring, and it
makes us its own long before we realize it. It
is, indeed, almost all that we can have.
The cultural achievements of the past,
which we inherit chiefly as social habits, are obviously
not transmitted to us physically, as are the original
human traits with which this volume has so far been
chiefly concerned. They are not in our blood;
they are acquired like other habits, through contact
with others and through repeated practice.
We are thus to a very large extent
conditioned by the past. It is as if we had inherited
a fortune composed of various kinds of properties,
houses, books, automobiles, warehouses, musical instruments,
and in addition, trade concessions, business secrets,
formulaes, methods, and good-will. Our activities
will be limited in measure by the extent of the property,
its constituent items, and the repair in which we
keep it. We may squander or misinvest our principal,
as when we use scientific knowledge for dangerous
or dubious aims, for example, for conquest or rapine.
We may add to it, as in the development of the sciences
and industrial arts. We may, so to speak, live
on the income. Such is the case when a society
ceases to be progressive, and fails to add anything
to a highly developed traditional culture, as happened
strikingly in the case of China. Again we may
have inherited “white elephants,” which
may be of absolutely no use to us, encumbrances of
which we cannot easily rid ourselves, influential ideas
which are no longer adequate to our present situation,
obsolete emotions, methods, or institutions.
We may allow our cultural inheritance, through bad
education, to fall into disrepair and decay.
Since we are so dependent on the past,
our attitude toward it, which in turn determines the
use we make of it, is of the most crucial significance.
The several characteristic and varying attitudes toward
the past which are so markedly current are not determined
solely by logical considerations. For individuals
and social groups particular features of their heritage
have great emotional associations. The living
past is composed of habits, traditions, values, which
are vivid and vital issues to those who practice them.
Traditions, customs, or social methods come to have
intrinsic values; they become the center of deep attachments
and strong passion. They are a rich element of
the atmosphere of the present; they are woven into
the intimate fabric of our lives. The awe which
we feel in great cathedrals is historical as well
as religious. Those vast solemn arches are the
voices of the past speaking to us. The moral
appeal of tradition appears with beautiful clarity
in the opening chapter of Pater’s Marius
the Epicurean.
A sense of conscious powers external
to ourselves, pleased or displeased by the right or
wrong conduct of every circumstance of daily life that
conscience, of which the old Roman religion
was a formal, habitual recognition, had become in
him a powerful current of feeling and observance.
The old-fashioned, partly Puritanic awe, the power
of which Wordsworth noted and valued so highly in a
northern peasantry, had its counterpart in the feeling
of the Roman lad, as he passed the spot, “touched
of heaven,” where the lightning had struck dead
an aged laborer in the field: an upright stone,
still with moldering garlands about it, marked the
place. He brought to that system of symbolic
usages, and they in turn developed in him further,
a great seriousness, an impressibility to the sacredness
of time, of life and its events, and the circumstances
of family fellowship of such gifts to men
as fire, water, the earth from labor on which they
live, really understood by him as gifts a
sense of religious responsibility in the reception
of them. It was a religion for the most part of
fear, of multitudinous scruples, of a year-long burden
of forms.
To the past, as it is made familiar
to us through song, study, and traditional practice,
we may experience a piety amounting almost to religious
devotion. In some individuals and in some nations,
this sense for tradition is very strong.
Every one has felt more or less keenly
this sense of being a link in a great tradition, whether
of a college, family, or country. Sometimes this
sense for tradition takes an aesthetic form, as in
the case of ritual, whether social or religious.
Old streets, ivied towers, ancient rooms, become symbols
of great and dignified achievements; ceremonies come
to be invested with a serious beauty and memorable
charm. They become reminders of a “torch
to be carried on,” of a spirit to be cherished
and kept alive, of a history to be carried on or a
purpose or an ideal to be fulfilled. As we shall
see in a moment, this sense for the past, which, as
Santayana says, makes a man loyal to the sources of
his being, has both its virtues and vices. It
is of immense value in preserving continuity and cultural
integration, in keeping many men continuously moving
toward a single fixed end. It may also wrap dangerously
irrelevant habits and institutions in a saving and
illusive halo.
There are, on the other hand, individuals
with very little sense for tradition. This may
be accounted for in some cases by a marked aesthetic
insensibility, which sees in ritual, ceremony, or
habit, merely the literal, without any appreciation
at all of its symbolic significance. In other cases,
individuals are unsusceptible and hostile to tradition,
because they have themselves been socially disinherited.
This is illustrated not infrequently in the case of
foreigners who, for one reason or another, have left
and lost interest in their native land, and become
men without a country.
There are others by temperament rebellious
and iconoclastic, who combine a keen sense of present
difficulties and problems with small reverence, use
for, or interest in the past, and small imaginative
sympathy with it. The past is to them a “sea
of errors.” They regard all past achievements
as bad scribblings which must be erased, so that we
may start with a clean slate. There have been
included among such, great historical reformers.
Bentham’s enthusiasm for progress led him into
most intemperate attacks on history and historical
method. The most noted of the eighteenth-century
philosophers saw nothing but evil in tradition.
Such sentiments were echoed in the early nineteenth
century by Shelley, Godwin, and their circle, as expressed,
for example, in Shelley’s “Hellas”:
“The world’s great age begins
anew,
The golden years return,
The earth doth like a snake renew
Her winter weeds outworn;
Heaven smiles, and faiths and empires
gleam,
Like wrecks of a dissolving dream.
. . . .
. . . . .
“Another Athens shall arise,
And to remoter time
Bequeath, like sunset to the skies,
The splendor of its
prime;
And leave, if nought so bright can
live,
All earth can take or Heaven can
give.”
It is not surprising that men with
an eye fixed on the future should develop a contempt
or an obliviousness of the past. Utopians nearly
always start with “a world various and beautiful
and new.”
Perhaps the chief ingredient in such
discounting of all past history is the rebel temperament
which wants to break away from what it regards as
the chains, the dead weight, the ruts of tradition.
It cheerfully says, “Nous changerons tout
cela,” and does not stop to discriminate
between the roads and the ruts that
have been made by people in the past.
These two temperaments, play a
large part in determining attitudes toward the past.
The one regards with awe and reverence past achievement,
and rests his faith on the experiments which have
been tested and proved by time. The other, to
state the position extremely, regards each day as the
possible glorious dawn of a completely new world.
The first attitude, when intemperately preached and
practiced, becomes an uncritical veneration of the
past; the second, an uncritical disparagement.
We shall briefly examine each.
“’T is strange how Nature
doth contrive
That every little boy
or gal,
That’s born into the world
alive,
Is either a little Liberal,
Or else
a little Conservative!”]
UNCRITICAL VENERATION OF THE PAST.
The extreme form of uncritical veneration of the past
may be said to take the position that old things are
good simply because they are old; new things
are evil simply because they are new. Institutions,
Ideas, Customs are, like wines, supposed to attain
quality with age. A custom, a law, a code of
morals is defined or maintained on the ground of its
ancient and honorable history,
of the great span of years during which it has been
current, of the generation after generation that has
lived under its auspices. The ways of our fathers,
the old time-tested ways, these, we are told, must
be our ways.
The psychological origins of this
position have in part been discussed. There is
in some individuals a highly developed sentiment and
reverence for tradition as such, and an aesthetic
sensibility to the mellowness, ripeness, and charm
that so often accompany old things. The new seems,
as it often is, loud, brassy, vulgar, and hard.
But there are other and equally important causes.
Men trust and cherish the familiar in ideas, customs,
and social organization, just as they trust and cherish
old friends. They know what to expect from them;
they have their well-noted excellences, and, while
they have their defects, these also are definitely
known and can be definitely reckoned with. The
old order may not be perfect, but it is an order,
and an order whose outlines and possibilities are
known and predictable. Change means change to
the unaccustomed and the unfamiliar. And the
unaccustomed and the unfamiliar, as already pointed
out, normally arouse fear. One of the conventional
phrases (which has become conventional because it
is accurate) with which changes have been greeted
is the cliche, “we view with alarm.”
No small part of genuine opposition to change comes
from the cautious and conscientious types of mind
which will not sanction the reckless taking of chances,
especially where the interests of large groups are
concerned, which want to know precisely where a change
will lead. Such a mind holds off from committing
society to making changes that will put a situation
beyond control and lead to unforeseen and uncontrollable
dangers. Especially is this felt by the administrator,
by the man who has experience with the difficulties
of putting ideas in practice, who knows how vastly
more difficult it is to operate with people than with
paper. The man of affairs knows how easy it is
to check and change ideas in one’s mind, but
knows also the uncontrollable momentum of ideas when
they are acted upon by vast numbers of men.
Again, the maintenance of ways that
have been practiced in the past has a large hold over
people, for reasons already discussed in the chapter
on Habit. The old and the accustomed are comfortable
and facile; change means inconvenience and frustration
of habitual desires. This is in part the explanation
of the increasing conservatism of men as they grow
older. Not only do they have a keener sense of
the difficulty of introducing changes, but their own
fixed habits of mind and emotion make part of the
difficulty. They like the old ways and persist
in them just as they like and keep old books, old
friends, and old shoes.
ROMANTIC IDEALIZATION OF THE PAST.
Reverence for the past may also be due to a romantic
idealization of it. In such cases, it is not
an interest in maintaining the present order; it is
rather a contempt for the present and wistful yearning
for the “good old days.” Everyone
indulges more or less in such idealization. Such
halos are made possible because we retain the pleasant
rather than the painful and dreary aspects of our
past experience. The college alumnus returning
to the campus tells of the since unsurpassed intellectual
and athletic feats of the freshman class of which he
was a member. The elderly gentleman sighs over
his newspaper at the bad ways into which the world
is degenerating, and yearns for the old days when
the plays were better, conversation more interesting,
houses more comfortable, and men more loyal.
In similar trivial instances we are all inclined to
indulge in such mythology. The universality and
age of this tendency has been well described by a student
of Greek civilization.
This is the belief of the old school
of every age there was once a “good”
time; and it matters not at all in the study of moral
ideals that no such time can be shown to have existed.
The men of the fourth century [B.C.] say that it was
in the fifth; those of the fifth say it was in the
sixth; and so on infinitely. The same ideal was
at work when William Morris looked to the thirteenth
century, forgetting that Dante looked to a still earlier
period; and both forgot that the men of that earlier
period said the same “not now, indeed,
but before us men were happy.” So simpler
men incline to say that their grandfathers were fine
fellows, but the “old college is going to the
dogs,” or “the House of Commons is not
what it was once,” for reverence and faith and
manliness once ruled the world. The old school
lives upon an ignorance of history; it is genuinely
moved by a simple moral ideal of life and character
which its own imagination has created. And when
evil becomes obvious, it is the new-fangled notions
that are to blame. “Trying new dodges”
has brought Athens down in the world as
Aristophanes in 393 B.C. makes his protagonist say:
“And would it not have saved the
Athenian state,
If she kept to what was good, and
did not try
Always some new plan?"
On a large scale the romantic idealization
of the past has been made into a philosophy of history.
The “golden age,” instead of being put
in a roseate and remote future, is put in an equally
remote and roseate past. The Greek legends were
fond of a golden age when the gods moved among men.
The Garden of Eden is the Christian apotheosis of
the world’s perfections. Various philosophers
have pointed out the fallacy of finding such a mythological
locus for our ideals, and evolution and the general
revelations of history have indicated the completely
mythical character of the golden age. History
may, in general, be said to reveal that, whatever the
imperfections of our own age, we have immeasurably
improved in many pronounced respects over conditions
earlier than our own. The idealized picture of
the Middle Ages with its guardsmen and its courtly
knights and ladies, is coming, with increasing historical
information, to seem insignificant and untrue in comparison
with the unspeakable hardships of the mass of men,
the evil social and sanitary conditions, the plagues
and pestilences which were as much a part of it.
The picture of the ideally gentle and benevolent attitude
of the master to his slaves is by no means regarded
as a typical picture of conditions of slave labor
in the South. We know, positively, on the other
hand, that our medicine and surgery, our scientific
and industrial methods, our production and our resources
are incomparably greater than those of any earlier
period in history, as are the possibilities of the
control of Nature still unrealized.
If there were time I might try to
show that progress in knowledge and its application
to the alleviation of man’s estate is more rapid
now than ever before. But this scarcely needs
formal proof; it is so obvious. A few years ago
an eminent French litterateur, Brunetiere,
declared science bankrupt. This was on the eve
of the discoveries in radio-activity which have opened
up great vistas of possible human readjustments if
we could but learn to control and utilize the inexhaustible
sources of power that lie in the atom. It was
on the eve of the discovery of the function of the
white blood corpuscles, which clears the way for indefinite
advance in medicine. Only a poor discouraged
man of letters could think for a moment that science
was bankrupt. No one entitled to an opinion on
the subject believes that we have made more than a
beginning in penetrating the secrets of the organic
and inorganic worlds.
Even in the face of these facts, reverence
for the past may amount to such religious veneration
that change may come literally to be regarded as sacrilegious.
In primitive tribes the reasons for this insistence
are clear. Rites and rituals are used to secure
the favor of the gods and any departure from traditional
customs is looked upon as fraught with actual danger.
But the past, as it lives in established forms and
practices, is still by many, and in highly advanced
societies, almost religiously cherished, sustained,
and perpetuated. Every college, religion, and
country has its traditional forms of life and practice,
any infringement of which is regarded with the gravest
disapproval. In social life, generally, there are
fixed forms for given occasions, forms of address,
greeting, conversation, and clothes, all that commonly
goes under the name of the “conventions”
or “proprieties.” In law, as is well
known, there is developed sometimes to an almost absurd
degree a ritual of procedure. In religion, traditional
values become embodied in fixed rituals of music,
processional, and prayer. In education, especially
higher education, there has developed a fairly stable
tradition in the granting of degrees, the elements
of a curriculum, the forms of examination, and the
like. To certain types of mind, fixed forms in
all these fields have come to be regarded as of intrinsic
importance. Love of “good form,”
the classicist point of view at its best, may develop
into sheer pedantry and Pharisaism, an insistence on
the fixed form when the intent is changed or forgotten,
a regard for the letter rather than the spirit of
the law. In a large number of cases, the fixed
modes of life and practice which are our inheritance
come to be regarded as symbols of eternal and changeless
values. Thus many highly intelligent men find
ritual in religion and traditional customs in education
or in social life freighted with symbolic significance,
and any infringement of them as almost sacrilegious
in character.
CHANGE SYNONYMOUS WITH EVIL.
Change, again, may be discouraged by those who hold,
with more or less sincerity, that no good can come
of it. Such a position may, and frequently is,
maintained by those in whom fortunate accident of birth,
favored social position, exuberant optimism, or a stanch
and resilient faith, induces the belief that the social
order and social practices, education, law, customs,
economic conditions, science, art, et al.,
are completely satisfactory. Like Pippa, in Browning’s
poem, they are satisfied that “God’s in
His Heaven; all’s right with the world.”
That there are no imperfections, in manners, politics,
or morals, in our present social order, that there
are no improvements which good-will, energy, and intelligence
can effect, few will maintain without qualification.
To do so implies, when sincere, extraordinary blindness
to the facts, for example, of poverty and disease,
which, though they do not happen to touch a particular
individual, are patent and ubiquitous enough.
In the face of undeniable evils the position that the
ways we have inherited are completely adequate to our
contemporary problems cannot be ingenuously maintained.
The position more generally expounded
by the opponents of change is that our present modes
of life give us the best possible results, considering
the limitations of nature and human nature, and that
the customs, institutions, and ideas we now have are
the fruits of a ripe, a mellow, and a time-tested
wisdom, that any radical innovations would, on the
whole, put us in a worse position than that in which
we find ourselves. Persons taking this attitude
discount every suggested improvement on the ground
that, even though intrinsically good, it will bring
a host of inevitable evils with it, and that, all
things considered, we had better leave well enough
alone. Some extreme exponents of this doctrine
maintain, as did some of the Hebrew prophets, that
whatever evils are ours are our own fault, that fault
consisting in a lapse from the accustomed ancient
ways. To continue without abatement the established
ways is the surest road to happiness. Education,
social customs, political organization, these are sound
and wholesome as they are; and modification means
interference with the works and processes of reason.
“All Nature is but art, unknown
to thee;
All chance, direction, which thou
canst not see;
All discord, harmony not understood;
All partial evil, universal good;
And spite of pride, in erring reason’s
spite,
One truth is clear, Whatever is,
is right."
Later Hegel developed an elaborate
philosophy of history in which he tried to demonstrate
that the history of the past was one long exemplification
of reason; that each event that happened was part
of the great cosmic scheme, an indispensable syllable
of the Divine Idea as it moved through history; each
action part of the increasing purpose that runs through
the ages. That these contentions are, to say the
least, extreme, will appear presently in the statement
of the opposite position which sees nothing in the
past but a long succession of blunders, evils, and
stupidities.
“ORDER” VERSUS
CHANGE. Finally, genuine opposition to change
arises from those who fear the instability which it
implies. Continuation in established ways makes
for integration, discipline, and stability. It
makes possible the converging of means toward an end,
it cumulates efforts resulting in definite achievement.
In so far as we do accomplish anything of significance,
we must move along stable and determinate lines; we
must be able to count on the future. It has already
been pointed out that it is man’s docility to
learning, his long period of infancy which makes
his eventual achievements possible. But it is
man’s persistence in the habits he has acquired
that is in part responsible for his progress.
In individual life, the utility of persistence, and
concentration of effort upon a definite piece of work,
have been sufficiently stressed by moralists, both
popular and professional. “A rolling stone
gathers no moss,” is as true psychologically
as it is physically. Any outstanding accomplishment,
whether in business, scholarship, science, or literature,
demands perseverance in definite courses of action.
We are inclined, and usually with reason, to suspect
the effectiveness of a man who has half a dozen professions
in half as many years. Such vacillations produce
whimsical and scattered movements; but they are fruitless
in results; they literally “get nowhere.”
Just as, in the case of individuals,
any significant achievements require persistent convergence
of means toward a definite end, so is it in the case
of social groups. No great business organizations
are built up through continual variations of policy.
Similarly, in the building up of a university, a government
department, a state, or a social order, consecutive
and disciplined persistence in established ways is
a requisite of progress. Without such continuous
organization of efforts toward fixed goals, action
becomes frivolous and fragmentary, a wind along a
waste. The history of the English people has
elicited the admiration of philosophers and historians
because it has been such a gradual and deliberate
movement, such a measured and certain progress toward
political and social freedom. To those who appreciate
the value of unity of action, of the assured fruits
of cumulative and consistent action along a given
path, change as such seems fraught with danger.
Nor is it specific dangers they fear so much as the
loss of moral fiber, the scattering of energies, the
waste and futility that are frequently the net result
of casual driftings with every wind that blows.
No one has more eloquently expressed this view than
Edmund Burke in his Reflections on the French Revolution:
But one of the first and most leading
principles on which the commonwealth and the laws
are consecrated, is lest the temporary possessors
and life-renters in it, unmindful of what they have
received from their ancestors, or of what is due to
their posterity, should act as if they were the entire
masters; that they should think it among their rights
to cut off the entail, or commit waste on the inheritance,
by destroying at their pleasure the whole original
fabric of their society; hazarding to leave to those
who come after them a ruin instead of a habitation and
teaching these successors as little to respect their
contrivances, as they had themselves respected the
institutions of their forefathers. By this unprincipled
facility of changing the state as often, and as much,
and in as many ways, as there are floating fancies
or fashions, the whole chain and continuity of the
commonwealth would be broken. No one generation
could link with the other. Men would be little
better than the flies of a summer.
To avoid, therefore, the evils of
inconstancy and versatility, ten thousand times worse
than those of obstinacy and the blindest prejudice,
we have consecrated the state, that no man should approach
to look into its defects or corruptions, but with
due caution; that he should never dream of beginning
its reformation by its subversion; that he should
approach to the faults of the state as to the wounds
of a father, with pious awe and trembling solicitude.
PERSONAL OR CLASS OPPOSITION TO CHANGE.
Sincere fear of the possible evils of novelty in the
disorganization which it promotes, habituation to
established ways, or a sentimental and aesthetic allegiance
to them all these are factors that determine
genuine opposition to change. But aversion to
change may be generalized into a philosophical attitude
by those who have special personal or class reasons
for disliking specific changes. The hand-workers
in the early nineteenth century stoned the machinists
and machines which threw them out of employment.
Every change does discommode some class or classes
of persons, and part of the opposition to specific
changes comes from those whom they would adversely
affect. It is not surprising that liquor interests
should be opposed to prohibition, that theatrical
managers should have protested against a tax on the
theater, or those with great incomes against an excess
profits tax. Selfish opposition to specific changes
is, indeed, frequently veiled in the disguise of plausible
reasons for opposition to change in general. Those
who fear the results to their own personal or class
interests of some of the radical social legislation
of our own day may disguise those more or less consciously
realized motives under the form of impartial philosophical
opposition to social change in general. They
may find philosophical justification for maintaining
unmodified an established order which redounds to their
own advantage.
UNCRITICAL DISPARAGEMENT. The
other extreme is represented by the position that
old things are bad because they are old, and
new things good because they are new. This
is illustrated in an extreme though trivial form by
faddists of every kind. There are people who
chiefly pride themselves on being up-to-the-minute,
and exhibit an almost pathological fear of being behind
the times. This thirst for the novel is seen
on various levels, from those who wear the newest styles,
and dine at the newest hotels, to those who make a
point of reading only the newest books, hearing only
the newest music, and discussing the latest theories.
For such temperaments, and more or less to most people,
there is an intrinsic glamour about the word “new.”
The physical qualities that are so often associated
with newness are carried over into social and intellectual
matters, where they do not so completely apply.
The new is bright and unfrayed; it has not yet suffered
senility and decay. The new is smart and striking;
it catches the eye and the attention. Just as
old things are dog-eared, worn, and tattered, so are
old institutions, habits, and ideas. Just as
we want the newest books and phonographs, the latest
conveniences in housing and sanitation, so we want
the latest modernities in political, social, and intellectual
matters. Especially about new ideas, there is
the freshness and infinite possibility of youth; every
new idea is as yet an unbroken promise. It has
not been subjected to the frustrations, disillusions,
and compromises to which all theory is subjected in
the world of action. Every new idea is an experiment,
a possibility, a hope. It may be the long-awaited
miracle; it may be the prayed-for solution of all
our difficulties.
This susceptibility to the novel is
peculiarly displayed by those who see nothing but
evil in the old. Against the outworn past with
its disillusions, its errors, its evils, and its hypocrisies,
the new shines out in glorious contrast. There
are persons who combine a very genuine sense of present
evils with a resilient belief in the possibilities
of change. The classic instance of this is seen
in the Messianic idea. Even in the worst of times,
the pious Jew could count on the saving appearance
of the Messiah. Every Utopian is as sure of the
salvation promised by his prize solution as he is of
the evils which it is intended to rectify. The
ardent Socialist may equally divide his energies between
pointing out the evils of the capitalist system, and
the certain bliss of his Socialist republic.
The past is nothing but a festering mass of evils;
industry is nothing but slavery, religion nothing but
superstition, education nothing but dead traditional
formalism, social life nothing but hypocrisy.
Where the past is so darkly conceived,
there comes an uncritical welcoming of anything new,
anything that will take men away from it. Nothing
could be worse than the present or past; anything
as yet untried may be better. As Karl Marx told
the working classes: “The proletarians have
nothing to lose but their chains. They have a
world to win.”
The past is, by its ruthless critics,
conceived not infrequently as enchaining or enslaving.
Particularly, the radical insists, are men enslaved
by habits of thought, feeling, and action which are
totally inadequate to our present problems and difficulties.
War-like emotions, he points out, may have been useful
in an earlier civilization, but are now a total disutility.
Belief in magic may have been an asset to primitive
man in his ignorance; it is not to modern man with
his science. The institution of private property
may have had its values in building up civilization;
its utility is over. We still make stereotyped
and archaic reactions where the situation has utterly
changed. The institutions, ideas, and habits of
the past are at once so compelling and so obsolete
that we must make a clear break with the past; we
must start with a clean slate. To continue, so
we are told, is merely going further and further along
the wrong paths; it is like continuing with a broken
engine, or without a rudder.
CRITICAL EXAMINATION OF THE PAST.
That both positions just discussed are extreme, goes
without saying. The past is neither all good
nor all bad; it has achieved as well as it has erred.
But it is, in any case, all we have. Without the
knowledge, the customs, the institutions we have inherited,
we should have no advantage at all over our ancestors
of ten thousand years ago. Biologically we have
not changed. The past is our basic material.
Each generation starts with what it finds in the way
of cultural achievement, and builds upon that.
Antiquity deserveth that reverence,
that men should take a stand thereupon, and discover
what is the best way; but when the discovery is well-taken,
then to make progression. And to speak truly,
antiquitas soeculi iuventus mundi. These
times are the ancient times, when the world is ancient,
and not those which we account ancient ordine retrogrado,
by a computation backwards from ourselves.
The past, save what we discover in
our generation, is our sole storehouse of materials.
And a very small part of our useful knowledge in the
industrial arts, in science, in social organization
and administration does come from our own generation.
It is the accumulated experience of generations of
men. We can, out of this mass of materials, select
whatever is useful in clarifying the issues of the
present, whatever helps us to accomplish those purposes
which we have, after critical consideration, decided
to be useful and serviceable. If, for example,
we decide to build a bridge, it is of importance that
we know all that men have in the past discovered of
mechanical relations and industrial art which will
enable us to build a bridge well. If we want
to establish an educational system in some backward
portion of the world, it is useful for us to know
what methods men have used in similar situations.
Whatever we decide to do, we are so much the better
off, if we know all that men before us have learned
in analogous instances.
But to use the inheritance of the
past implies an analysis of present problems, and
an acceptance of the course to be pursued. The
experience of the past, the heritage of knowledge
that has come down to us, is so various and extensive
that choices must be made. The historian in writing
even a comprehensive history of a country must still
make choices and omissions. Similarly, in using
knowledge inherited from the past as materials, we
must have specific problems to govern our choice.
The statistician could collect innumerable statistics;
he collects only those which have a bearing on his
subject. The lawyer searches out that part of
the legal tradition which is applicable to his own
case. Without some lead or clue we should lose
ourselves in the multifariousness of transmitted knowledge
at our disposal.
To use the past as an instrument for
furthering present purposes implies neither veneration
nor disparagement of it. We neither condemn nor
praise the past as a whole; we regard specific institutions,
customs, or ideas, as adequate or inadequate, as serviceable
or disserviceable. In general, it may be said
that the value of any still extant part of the past,
be it a work of art, a habit, a tradition, has very
little to do with its origin. The instinct of
eating is still useful though it has a long history.
The works of the Old Masters are not really great
because they are old, nor are the works of contemporaries
either good or bad because they are new. Man himself
is to be estimated no differently, whether he is descended
from the angels or the apes.
If we would appreciate our own morals
and religion we are often advised to consider primitive
man and his institutions. If we would evaluate
marriage or property, we are often directed to study
our remote ancestors.... Such considerations
as these have diverse effects according to our temperaments.
They quite uniformly produce, however, disillusionment
and sophistication.... This exaltation of the
past, as the ancestral home of all that we are, may
make us regret our loss of illusions and our disconcerting
enlightenment.... We may break with the past,
scorn an inheritance so redolent of blood and lust
and superstition, revel in an emancipation unguided
by the discipline of centuries, strive to create a
new world every day, and imagine that, at last, we
have begun to make progress.
The standards of value of the things
we have or do or say, the approvals or disapprovals
we should logically accord them, are determined not
by their history, not by their past, but by their
uses in the living present in which we live. An
institution may have served the purposes of a bygone
generation; it does not follow that it thereby serves
our own. The reverse may similarly be true.
For us the specific features of our social inheritance
depend upon the ends or purposes which we reflectively
decide upon and accept. Whether capital punishment
is good or evil; whether private property is an adequate
or inadequate institution for social welfare; whether
marriage is a perfect or an imperfect institution;
whether collective bargaining, competitive industry,
old age insurance, income taxes, nationalization of
railroads are useful or pernicious depends neither
on their age nor their novelty. Their value is
determined by their relevancy to our own ideals, by
the extent to which they hinder or promote the results
which we consciously desire.
The past may be studied with a view
to clarifying present issues. In the first place,
we may study past successes and failures in order
to guide our actions in present similar situations.
A man setting out to organize and administer a newspaper
will benefit by the experiences others have had in
the same situation. In the same way, we can learn
from past history something, at least, bearing on
present political and social issues. It is true
enough that history has been much misused for the
drawing of lessons and guidance. As Professor
Robinson says:
To-day, however, one rarely finds
a historical student who would venture to recommend
statesmen, warriors, and moralists to place any confidence
whatsoever in historical analogies and warnings, for
the supposed analogies usually prove illusive on inspection,
and the warnings impertinent. Whether or no Napoleon
was ever able in his own campaigns to make any practical
use of the accounts he had read of those of Alexander
and Cæsar, it is quite certain that Admiral Togo
would have derived no useful hints from Nelson’s
tactics at Alexandria or Trafalgar. Our situation
is so novel that it would seem as if political and
military precedents of even a century ago could have
no possible value. As for our present “anxious
morality,” as Maeterlinck calls it, it seems
equally clear that the sinful extravagances of
Sardanapalus and Nero, and the conspicuous public virtue
of Aristides and the Horatii, are alike impotent to
promote it.
But situations are, within limits,
duplicated in historical processes, and it is illuminating
at least to see wherein men failed and wherein they
succeeded in the things they set themselves to do.
The history of labor legislation certainly testifies
to the effectiveness of “collective bargaining”
in securing improved labor conditions, as the history
of strikes does also to the public loss and injury
incident to this kind of industrial warfare.
If compulsory arbitration has been a successful method
of dealing with labor difficulties in Australia in
the past, we can, by a careful study and comparison
of conditions there and conditions current in our
country at the present, illuminate and clarify our
own problems. A campaign manager in one presidential
campaign does not forget what was effective in the
last, nor does he hesitate to profit by his mistakes
or those of others.
An impartial survey of the heritage
of the past undertakes critically to examine institutions,
customs, ideas still current with a view to determining
their relevancy and utility to our present needs.
This demands, on the one hand, clarity as to what
those needs are, and, on the other hand, freedom from
prejudice for or against existing modes of life simply
because they have a history. A critical examination
of the past amounts practically to a taking stock,
a summary of our social assets and liabilities.
We shall find our ideas, for example, and our customs,
a strange mixture of useful preservations, and absurd
or positively harmful relics of the past. Ideas
which were natural and useful enough in the situation
in which they originated, live on into a totally changed
situation, along with other ideas, like that of gravitation,
which are as true and as useful now as when they were
first enunciated. Many customs and institutions
which may be found to have as great utility now as
when they were first practiced generations ago, the
customs and institutions, let us say, of family life,
may be found persisting along with customs and institutions,
like excess legal formalism (or, as their opponents
claim, a bi-cameral legislative system or a two-party
system) which may come generally to be regarded as
impediments to progress. The unprejudiced observer,
scientifically interested in preserving those forms
and mechanisms of social life which are of genuine
service to his own generation, will not condemn or
applaud “the past” en masse.
He will, rather, examine it in specific detail.
He will not, for example, dismiss classical education,
because it is classical or old. He will rather
try experimentally to determine the actual consequences
in the case of those who study the classics.
He will examine the claims made for the study, try
in specific cases to find out whether those claims
are fulfilled, and condemn or approve the study, say,
of Latin and Greek, according to his estimate of the
desirability or undesirability of those consequences.
If he finds, for example, that the study of Latin does
promote general literary appreciation, his decision
that it should or should not be continued will depend
on his opinion of the value of general literary appreciation
as compared with other values in an industrial civilization.
Similarly, with “freedom of contract,”
“freedom of the seas,” military service,
bi-cameral systems, party caucuses, presidential veto,
and all the other political and social heritages of
the past.
But a man who impartially examines
the past will usually exhibit also an appreciation
of its attainments and a sense of the present good
to which it has been instrumental. He will not
glibly dismiss institutions, habits, methods of life
that are the slow accumulations of centuries.
He will have a sense of the continuous efforts and
energies that have gone into the making of contemporary
civilization. He will have, in suggesting ruthless
innovations, a sobering sense of the gradual evolution
that has made present institutions, habits, ideas,
what they are.
The student of the past knows, moreover,
that the present without its background of history
is literally meaningless. In the words of a well-known
student of the development of human culture:
Progress, degradation, survival, modification,
are all modes of the connection that binds together
the complex network of civilization. It needs
but a glance into the trivial details of our own daily
life to set us thinking how far we are really its
originators, and how far but the transmitters and
modifiers of the results of long past ages. Looking
round the rooms we live in, we may try here how far
he who knows only his own time can be capable of rightly
comprehending even that. Here is the honeysuckle
of Assyria, there the fleur-de-lis
of Anjou, a cornice with a Greek border runs round
the ceiling, the style of Louis XIV and its parent
the Renaissance share the looking glass between them.
Transformed, shifted or mutilated, such elements of
art still carry their history plainly stamped upon
them.... It is thus even with the fashion of
the clothes men wear. The ridiculous little tails
of the German postilion’s coat show of themselves
how they came to dwindle to such absurd rudiments;
but the English clergyman’s bands no longer
so convey their history to the eye, and look unaccountable
enough till one has seen the intermediate stages through
which they came down from the more serviceable wide
collars, such as Milton wears in his portrait, and
which gave their name to the “band-box”
they used to be kept in. In fact, the books of
costume showing how one garment grew or shrank by gradual
stages and passed into another, illustrate with much
force and clearness the nature of the change and growth,
revival and decay, which go on from year to year in
more important matters of life. In books, again,
we see each writer not for and by himself, but occupying
his proper place in history; we look through each
philosopher, mathematician, chemist, poet, into the
background of his education through Leibnitz
into Descartes, through Dalton into Priestly, through
Milton into Homer.
Besides understanding the present
better in terms of its history, there is much in the
heritage of the past, especially of its finished products,
that the citizen of contemporary civilization will
wish preserved for its own sake. The works of
art, of music, and of literature which are handed down
to us are “possessions forever.”
Whatever be the limitations of our social inheritance,
as instruments for the solution of our difficulties,
those finished products which constitute the “best
that has been known and thought” in the world
are beyond cavil. They may not solve our problems,
but they immensely enrich and broaden our lives.
They are enjoyed because they are intrinsically beautiful,
but also because they widen men’s sympathies
and broaden the scope of contemporary purposes and
ideals.
The culture that this transmission
of racial experience makes possible, can be made perfect
by the critical spirit alone, and, indeed, may be
said to be one with it. For who is the true critic
but he who bears within himself the dreams and ideas
and feelings of myriad generations, and to whom no
form of thought is alien, no emotional impulse obscure.
And who is the true man of culture, if not he in whom
fine scholarship and fastidious rejection... develops
that spirit of disinterested curiosity which is the
real spirit, as it is the real fruit of the intellectual
life, and thus attains to intellectual clarity; and
having learned the best that is known and thought in
the world, lives it is not fanciful to
say so among the Immortals.
The student of Greek life knows that
the Greeks in their view of Nature and of morals,
in their conception of the way life should be lived,
in their discrimination of the beautiful, have still
much to teach us. He knows, however much we may
have outlived the hierarchy of obedience which constitutes
mediaeval social and political life, we should do well
to recover the humility in living, the craftsmanship
in industry, and precision in thinking which constituted
so conspicuous features of mediaeval civilization.
He knows that progress is not altogether measured
by flying machines and wireless telegraphy. He
is aware that speed and quantity, the key values in
an industrial civilization, are not the only values
that ever have been, or ever should be cherished by
mankind.
LIMITATIONS OF THE PAST. Along with
a sensitive appreciation of the achievements and values
of the past, goes, in the impartial critic, an acknowledgment
of its limitations. We can appreciate the distinctive
contributions of Greek culture without setting up
Greek life as an ultimate ideal. We know that
with all the beauty attained and expressed in their
art and, to a certain extent, in their civilization,
the Athenians yet sacrificed the majority to a life
of slavery in order that the minority might lead a
life of the spirit, that their religion had its notable
crudities and cruelties, that their science was trivial,
and their control of Nature negligible. In the
words of one of their most thoroughgoing admirers:
The harmony of the Greeks contained
in itself the factors of its own destruction.
And in spite of the fascination which constantly fixes
our gaze on that fairest and happiest halting place
in the secular march of man, it was not there, any
more than here, that he was destined to find an ultimate
reconciliation and repose.
Again, we know the many beautiful
features of mediaeval life through its painting and
poetry and religion. We know Saint Francis and
are familiar with the heroic records of saintliness
and renunciation. We know, the great cathedrals,
the pageantry and splendor, the exquisite handicraft,
the tapestries and illuminated manuscripts, the vast
learning and the incomparable dialectic. We know
also the social injustices, the misery and squalor
the ignorance in which the mass of the people lived.
We can stop, therefore, neither in
perpetual adoration of nor perpetual caviling at the
past. Each age had its special excellences and
its special defects, both from the point of view of
the ideals then current, and those current in our own
day. In so far as the past is dead and over with,
we cannot legitimately criticize it with standards
of our own day. We cannot blame the Greeks for
sanctioning slavery, nor criticize James I because
he was not a thoroughgoing democrat. But in so
far as the past still lives, it is open to critical
examination and revision. Traditions, customs,
ideas, and institutions inherited from the past, which
still control us, are subject to modification.
We are justified in welcoming changes and modifications
which, after careful inquiry, seem clearly to promise
betterment in the life of the group. Thus to welcome
changes which upon experimental evidence show clearly
the benefits that will accrue to the group, is not
radicalism. Nor is opposition to changes on the
ground that upon critical examination they give promise
of harmful consequences, conservatism. Verdicts
for or against change reached on such a basis reflect
the spirit and technique of experimental science.
They reflect the desire to settle a course of action
on the basis of its results in practice rather than
on any preconceived prejudices in favor either of
stability or change. To the critical mind, neither
stability nor change is an end in itself. There
is no hypnotism about “things as they are”;
no lure about things as they have not yet been.
The problem is shifted to a detailed and thoroughgoing
inquiry into the consequences of specific changes
in social habits, ideas and institutions, education,
business, and industry. Whether changes should
or should not win critical approval depends on the
kind of ideals or purposes we set ourselves and, secondly,
on the practicability of the proposed changes.
Change may thus be opposed or approved, in a given
case, on the grounds of desirability or feasibility.
Whether a change is or is not desirable depends on
the ideals of the individual or the group. Whether
it is or is not feasible is a matter open increasingly
to scientific determination. Thus a city may
hire experts to discover what kind of transportation
or educational system will best serve the city’s
needs. But whether it will or will not spend
the money necessary depends on the social interests
current.
EDUCATION AS THE TRANSMITTER OF THE
PAST. Education is the process by which society undertakes
the transmission of its social heritage. Indeed
the main function of education in static societies
is the initiation of the young into already established
customs and traditions. It is the method used
to hand down those social habits which the influential
and articulate classes in a society regard as important
enough to have early fixed in its young members.
The past is simply transmitted, handed down en
masse. It is a set of patterns to be imitated,
of ideals to be continued, of mechanisms for attaining
the fixed purposes which are current in the group.
In progressive societies education
may be used not simply to hand down habits of doing,
feeling, and thinking, from the older generation to
the younger, but to make habitual in the young reflective
consideration of the ends which must be attained,
and reflective inquiry into the means for attaining
them. The past will not be handed down in indiscriminate
completeness. The present and its problems are
regarded as the standard of importance, and the past
is considered as an incomparable reservoir of materials
and methods which may contribute to the ends sought
in the present. But there is so much material
and so little time, that selection must be made.
Many things in the past, interesting on their own merits,
must be omitted in favor of those habits, traditions,
and recorded files of knowledge which are most fruitful
and enlightening in the attainment of contemporary
purposes. What those purposes are depends, of
course, on ideals of the group in control of the process
of education. But these purposes of ideals may
be derived from present situations and not taken merely
because they have long been current in the group.
Thus, in a predominantly industrial civilization,
it may be found more advisable and important to transmit
the scientific and technical methods of control which
men have acquired in recent generations than the traditional
liberal arts. Science may be found more important
than the humanities, medicine than moral theory.
Even such education that tends to call itself “liberal”
or “cultural” is effective and genuine
education just in so far as it does illuminate the
world in which we live. The religion and art,
the literature and life of the past broaden the meaning
and the background of our lives. They are valuable
just because they do enrich the lives of those who
are exposed to their influence. If studying the
great literature and the art of the past did not clarify
the mind and emancipate the spirit, enabling men to
live more richly in the present, they would hardly
be as studiously cherished and transmitted as they
are. We are, after all, living in the present.
The culture of the past either does or does not illuminate
it. If it does not it is a competing environment,
a shadow world in which we may play truant from actuality,
but which brings neither “sweetness nor light”
to the actual world in which we live.