There were three great European nations
in ancient days, each of which furnished history with
a hero: the Greeks, the Carthaginians, and the
Romans.
Alexander was the hero of the Greeks.
He was King of Macedon, a country lying north of Greece
proper. He headed an army of his countrymen, and
made an excursion for conquest and glory into Asia.
He made himself master of all that quarter of the
globe, and reigned over it in Babylon, till he brought
himself to an early grave by the excesses into which
his boundless prosperity allured him. His fame
rests on his triumphant success in building up for
himself so vast an empire, and the admiration which
his career has always excited among mankind is heightened
by the consideration of his youth, and of the noble
and generous impulses which strongly marked his character.
The Carthaginian hero was Hannibal.
We class the Carthaginians among the European nations
of antiquity; for, in respect to their origin, their
civilization, and all their commercial and political
relations, they belonged to the European race, though
it is true that their capital was on the African side
of the Mediterranean Sea. Hannibal was the great
Carthaginian hero. He earned his fame by the energy
and implacableness of his hate. The work of his
life was to keep a vast empire in a state of continual
anxiety and terror for fifty years, so that his claim
to greatness and glory rests on the determination,
the perseverance, and the success with which he fulfilled
his function of being, while he lived, the terror
of the world.
The Roman hero was Caesar. He
was born just one hundred years before the Christian
era. His renown does not depend, like that of
Alexander, on foreign conquests, nor, like that of
Hannibal, on the terrible energy of his aggressions
upon foreign foes, but upon his protracted and dreadful
contests with, and ultimate triumphs over, his rivals
and competitors at home. When he appeared upon
the stage, the Roman empire already included nearly
all of the world that was worth possessing. There
were no more conquests to be made. Caesar did,
indeed, enlarge, in some degree, the boundaries of
the empire; but the main question in his day was,
who should possess the power which preceding conquerors
had acquired.
The Roman empire, as it existed in
those days, must not be conceived of by the reader
as united together under one compact and consolidated
government. It was, on the other hand, a vast
congeries of nations, widely dissimilar in every respect
from each other, speaking various languages, and having
various customs and laws. They were all, however,
more or less dependent upon, and connected with, the
great central power. Some of these countries
were provinces, and were governed by officers appointed
and sent out by the authorities at Rome. These
governors had to collect the taxes of their provinces,
and also to preside over and direct, in many important
respects, the administration of justice. They
had, accordingly, abundant opportunities to enrich
themselves while thus in office, by collecting more
money than they paid over to the government at home,
and by taking bribes to favor the rich man’s
cause in court. Thus the more wealthy and prosperous
provinces were objects of great competition among
aspirants for office at Rome. Leading men would
get these appointments, and, after remaining long
enough in their provinces to acquire a fortune, would
come back to Rome, and expend it in intrigues and
maneuvers to obtain higher offices still.
Whenever there was any foreign war
to be carried on with a distant nation or tribe, there
was always a great eagerness among all the military
officers of the state to be appointed to the command.
They each felt sure that they should conquer in the
contest, and they could enrich themselves still more
rapidly by the spoils of victory in war, than by extortion
and bribes in the government of a province in peace.
Then, besides, a victorious general coming back to
Rome always found that his military renown added vastly
to his influence and power in the city. He was
welcomed with celebrations and triumphs; the people
flocked to see him and to shout his praise. He
placed his trophies of victory in the temples, and
entertained the populace with games and shows, and
with combats of gladiators or of wild beasts, which
he had brought home with him for this purpose in the
train of his army. While he was thus enjoying
his triumph, his political enemies would be thrown
into the back ground and into the shade; unless, indeed,
some one of them might himself be earning the same
honors in some other field, to come back in due time,
and claim his share of power and celebrity in his turn.
In this case, Rome would be sometimes distracted and
rent by the conflicts and contentions of military
rivals, who had acquired powers too vast for all the
civil influences of the Republic to regulate or control.
There had been two such rivals just
before the time of Caesar, who had filled the world
with their quarrels. They were Marius and Sylla.
Their very names have been, in all ages of the world,
since their day, the symbols of rivalry and hate.
They were the representatives respectively of the
two great parties into which the Roman state, like
every other community in which the population at large
have any voice in governing, always has been, and
probably always will be divided, the upper and the
lower; or, as they were called in those days, the patrician
and the plebeian. Sylla was the patrician; the
higher and more aristocratic portions of the community
were on his side. Marius was the favorite of
the plebeian masses. In the contests, however,
which they waged with each other, they did not trust
to the mere influence of votes. They relied much
more upon the soldiers they could gather under their
respective standards and upon their power of intimidating,
by means of them, the Roman assemblies. There
was a war to be waged with Mithridates, a very powerful
Asiatic monarch, which promised great opportunities
for acquiring fame and plunder. Sylla was appointed
to the command. While he was absent, however,
upon some campaign in Italy, Marius contrived to have
the decision reversed, and the command transferred
to him Two officers, called tribunes, were sent to
Sylla’s camp to inform him of the change.
Sylla killed the officers for daring to bring him
such a message, and began immediately to march toward
Rome. In retaliation for the murder of the tribunes,
the party of Marius in the city killed some of Sylla’s
prominent friends there, and a general alarm spread
itself throughout the population. The Senate,
which was a sort of House of Lords, embodying mainly
the power and influence of the patrician party, and
was, of course, on Sylla’s side, sent out to
him, when he had arrived within a few miles of the
city, urging him to come no further. He pretended
to comply; he marked out the ground for a camp; but
he did not, on that account, materially delay his march.
The next morning he was in possession of the city.
The friends of Marius attempted to resist him, by
throwing stones upon his troops from the roofs of
the houses. Sylla ordered every house from which
these symptoms of resistance appeared to be set on
fire. Thus the whole population of a vast and
wealthy city were thrown into a condition of extreme
danger and terror, by the conflicts of two great bands
of armed men, each claiming to be their friends.
Marius was conquered in this struggle,
and fled for his life. Many of the friends whom
he left behind him were killed. The Senate were
assembled, and, at Sylla’s orders, a decree was
passed declaring Marius a public enemy, and offering
a reward to any one who would bring his head back
to Rome.
Marius fled, friendless and alone,
to the southward, hunted every where by men who were
eager to get the reward offered for his head.
After various romantic adventures and narrow escapes,
he succeeded in making his way across the Mediterranean
Sea, and found at last a refuge in a hut among the
ruins of Carthage. He was an old man, being now
over seventy years of age.
Of course, Sylla thought that his
great rival and enemy was now finally disposed of,
and he accordingly began to make preparations for his
Asiatic campaign. He raised his army, built and
equipped a fleet, and went away. As soon as he
was gone, Marius’s friends in the city began
to come forth, and to take measures for reinstating
themselves in power. Marius returned, too, from
Africa, and soon gathered about him a large army.
Being the friend, as he pretended, of the lower classes
of society, he collected vast multitudes of revolted
slaves, outlaws, and other desperadoes, and advanced
toward Rome. He assumed, himself, the dress,
and air, and savage demeanor of his followers.
His countenance had been rendered haggard and cadaverous
partly by the influence of exposures, hardships, and
suffering upon his advanced age, and partly by the
stern and moody plans and determinations of revenge
which his mind was perpetually revolving. He
listened to the deputations which the Roman Senate
sent out to him from time to time, as he advanced toward
the city, but refused to make any terms. He moved
forward with all the outward deliberation and calmness
suitable to his years, while all the ferocity of a
tiger was burning within.
As soon as he had gained possession
of the city, he began his work of destruction.
He first beheaded one of the consuls, and ordered his
head to be set up, as a public spectacle, in the most
conspicuous place in the city. This was the beginning.
All the prominent friends of Sylla, men of the highest
rank and station, were then killed, wherever they
could be found, without sentence, without trial, without
any other accusation, even, than the military decision
of Marius that they were his enemies, and must die.
For those against whom he felt any special animosity,
he contrived some special mode of execution. One,
whose fate he wished particularly to signalize, was
thrown down from the Tarpeian Rock.
The Tarpeian Rock was a precipice
about fifty feet high, which is still to be seen in
Rome, from which the worst of state criminals were
sometimes thrown. They were taken up to the top
by a stair, and were then hurled from the summit,
to die miserably, writhing in agony after their fall,
upon the rocks below.
The Tarpeian Rock received its name
from the ancient story of Tarpeia. The tale is,
that Tarpeia was a Roman girl, who lived at a time
in the earliest periods of the Roman history, when
the city was besieged by an army from are of the neighboring
nations. Besides their shields, the story is
that the soldiers had golden bracelets upon their arms.
They wished Tarpeia to open the gates and let them
in. She promised to do so if they would give
her their bracelets; but, as she did not know the
name of the shining ornaments, the language she used
to designate them was, “Those things you have
upon your arms.” The soldiers acceded to
her terms; she opened the gates, and they, instead
of giving her the bracelets, threw their shields
upon her as they passed, until the poor girl was crushed
down with them and destroyed. This was near the
Tarpeian Rock, which afterward took her name.
The rock is now found to be perforated by a great
many subterranean passages, the remains, probably,
of ancient quarries. Some of these galleries are
now walled up; others are open; and the people who
live around the spot believe, it is said, to this
day, that Tarpeia herself sits, enchanted, far in the
interior of these caverns, covered with gold and jewels,
but that whoever attempts to find her is fated by
an irresistible destiny to lose his way, and he never
returns. The last story is probably as true as
the other.
Marius continued his executions and
massacres until the whole of Sylla’s party had
been slain or put to flight. He made every effort
to discover Sylla’s wife and child, with a view
to destroying them also, but they could not be found.
Some friends of Sylla, taking compassion on their
innocence and helplessness, concealed them, and thus
saved Marius from the commission of one intended crime.
Marius was disappointed, too, in some other cases,
where men whom he had intended to kill destroyed themselves
to baffle his vengeance. One shut himself up in
a room with burning charcoal, and was suffocated with
the fumes. Another bled himself to death upon
a public altar, calling down the judgments of the
god to whom he offered this dreadful sacrifice, upon
the head of the tyrant whose atrocious cruelty he
was thus attempting to evade.
By the time that Marius had got fairly
established in his new position, and was completely
master of Rome, and the city had begun to recover a
little from the shock and consternation produced by
his executions, he fell sick. He was attacked
with an acute disease of great violence. The
attack was perhaps produced, and was certainly aggravated
by, the great mental excitements through which he
had passed during his exile, and in the entire change
of fortune which had attended his return. From
being a wretched fugitive, hiding for his life among
gloomy and desolate ruins, he found himself suddenly
transferred to the mastery of the world. His
mind was excited, too, in respect to Sylla, whom he
had not yet reached or subdued, but who was still
prosecuting his war against Mithridates. Marius
had had him pronounced by the Senate an enemy to his
country, and was meditating plans to reach him in his
distant province, considering his triumph incomplete
as long as his great rival was at liberty and alive.
The sickness cut short these plans, but it only inflamed
to double violence the excitement and the agitations
which attended them.
As the dying tyrant tossed restlessly
upon his bed, it was plain that the delirious ravings
which he began soon to utter were excited by the same
sentiments of insatiable ambition and ferocious hate
whose calmer dictates he had obeyed when well.
He imagined that he had succeeded in supplanting Sylla
in his command, and that he was himself in Asia at
the head of his armies. Impressed with this idea,
he stared wildly around; he called aloud the name
of Mithridates; he shouted orders to imaginary troops;
he struggled to break away from the restraints which
the attendants about his bedside imposed, to attack
the phantom foes which haunted him in his dreams.
This continued for several days, and when at last
nature was exhausted by the violence of these paroxysms
of phrensy, the vital powers which had been for seventy
long years spending their strength in deeds of selfishness,
cruelty, and hatred, found their work done, and sunk
to revive no more.
Marius left a son, of the same name
with himself, who attempted to retain his father’s
power; but Sylla, having brought his war with Mithridates
to a conclusion, was now on his return from Asia, and
it was very evident that a terrible conflict was about
to ensue. Sylla advanced triumphantly through
the country, while Marius the younger and his partisans
concentrated their forces about the city, and prepared
for defense. The people of the city were divided,
the aristocratic faction adhering to the cause of
Sylla, while the democratic influences sided with
Marius. Political parties rise and fall, in almost
all ages of the world, in alternate fluctuations,
like those of the tides. The faction of Marius
had been for some time in the ascendency, and it was
now its turn to fall. Sylla found, therefore,
as he advanced, every thing favorable to the restoration
of his own party to power. He destroyed the armies
which came out to oppose him. He shut up the young
Marius in a city not far from Rome, where he had endeavored
to find shelter and protection, and then advanced
himself and took possession of the city. There
he caused to be enacted again the horrid scenes of
massacre and murder which Marius had perpetrated before,
going, however, as much beyond the example which he
followed as men usually do in the commission of crime.
He gave out lists of the names of men whom he wished
to have destroyed, and these unhappy victims of his
revenge were to be hunted out by bands of reckless
soldiers, in their dwellings, or in the places of
public resort in the city, and dispatched by the sword
wherever they could be found. The scenes which
these deeds created in a vast and populous city can
scarcely be conceived of by those who have never witnessed
the horrors produced by the massacres of civil war.
Sylla himself went through with this work in the most
cool and unconcerned manner, as if he were performing
the most ordinary duties of an officer of state.
He called the Senate together one day, and, while he
was addressing them, the attention of the Assembly
was suddenly distracted by the noise of outcries and
screams in the neighboring streets from those who
were suffering military execution there. The senators
started with horror at the sound. Sylla, with
an air of great composure and unconcern, directed
the members to listen to him, and to pay no attention
to what was passing elsewhere. The sounds that
they heard were, he said, only some correction which
was bestowed by his orders on certain disturbers of
the public peace.
Sylla’s orders for the execution
of those who had taken an active part against him
were not confined to Rome. They went to the neighboring
cities and to distant provinces, carrying terror and
distress every where. Still, dreadful as these
evils were, it is possible for us, in the conceptions
which we form, to overrate the extent of them.
In reading the history of the Roman empire during
the civil wars of Marius and Sylla, one might easily
imagine that the whole population of the country was
organized into the two contending armies, and were
employed wholly in the work of fighting with and massacring
each other. But nothing like this can be true.
It is obviously but a small part, after all, of an
extended community that can be ever actively and personally
engaged in these deeds of violence and blood.
Man is not naturally a ferocious wild beast.
On the contrary, he loves, ordinarily, to live in
peace and quietness, to till his lands and tend his
flocks, and to enjoy the blessings of peace and repose.
It is comparatively but a small number in any age
of the world, and in any nation, whose passions of
ambition, hatred, or revenge become so strong as that
they love bloodshed and war. But these few, when
they once get weapons into their hands, trample recklessly
and mercilessly upon the rest. One ferocious
human tiger, with a spear or a bayonet to brandish,
will tyrannize as he pleases over a hundred quiet
men, who are armed only with shepherds’ crooks,
and whose only desire is to live in peace with their
wives and their children.
Thus, while Marius and Sylla, with
some hundred thousand armed and reckless followers,
were carrying terror and dismay wherever they went,
there were many millions of herdsmen and husbandmen
in the Roman world who were dwelling in all the peace
and quietness they could command, improving with their
peaceful industry every acre where corn would ripen
or grass grow. It was by taxing and plundering
the proceeds of this industry that the generals and
soldiers, the consuls and praetors, and proconsuls
and propraetors, filled their treasuries, and fed their
troops, and paid the artisans for fabricating their
arms. With these avails they built the magnificent
edifices of Rome, and adorned its environs with sumptuous
villas. As they had the power and the arms in
their hands, the peaceful and the industrious had no
alternative but to submit. They went on as well
as they could with their labors, bearing patiently
every interruption, returning again to till their fields
after the desolating march of the army had passed
away, and repairing the injuries of violence, and
the losses sustained by plunder, without useless repining.
They looked upon an armed government as a necessary
and inevitable affliction of humanity, and submitted
to its destructive violence as they would submit to
an earthquake or a pestilence. The tillers of
the soil manage better in this country at the present
day. They have the power in their own hands,
and they watch very narrowly to prevent the organization
of such hordes of armed desperadoes as have held the
peaceful inhabitants of Europe in terror from the earliest
periods down to the present day.
When Sylla returned to Rome, and took
possession of the supreme power there, in looking
over the lists of public men, there was one whom he
did not know, at first what to do with. It was
the young Julius Caesar, the subject of this history.
Caesar was, by birth, patrician, having descended
from a long line of noble ancestors. There had
been, before his day, a great many Caesars who had
held the highest offices of the state, and many of
them had been celebrated in history. He naturally,
therefore, belonged to Sylla’s side, as Sylla
was the representative of the patrician interest.
But then Caesar had personally been inclined toward
the party of Marius. The elder Marius had married
his aunt, and, besides, Caesar himself had married
the daughter of Cinna, who had been the most efficient
and powerful of Marius’s coadjutors and friends.
Caesar was at this time a very young man, and he was
of an ardent and reckless character, though he had,
thus far, taken no active part in public affairs.
Sylla overlooked him for a time, but at length was
about to put his name on the list of the proscribed.
Some of the nobles, who were friends both of Sylla
and of Caesar too, interceded for the young man; Sylla
yielded to their request, or, rather, suspended his
decision, and sent orders to Caesar to repudiate his
wife, the daughter of Cinna. Her name was Cornelia.
Caesar absolutely refused to repudiate his wife.
He was influenced in this decision partly by affection
for Cornelia, and partly by a sort of stern and indomitable
insubmissiveness, which formed, from his earliest years,
a prominent trait in his character, and which led
him, during all his life, to brave every possible
danger rather than allow himself to be controlled.
Caesar knew very well that, when this his refusal
should be reported to Sylla, the next order would
be for his destruction. He accordingly fled.
Sylla deprived him of his titles and offices, confiscated
his wife’s fortune and his own patrimonial estate,
and put his name upon the list of the public enemies.
Thus Caesar became a fugitive and an exile. The
adventures which befell him in his wanderings will
be described in the following chapter.
Sylla was now in the possession of
absolute power. He was master of Rome, and of
all the countries over which Rome held sway. Still
he was nominally not a magistrate, but only a general
returning victoriously from his Asiatic campaign,
and putting to death, somewhat irregularly, it is
true, by a sort of martial law persons whom he found,
as he said, disturbing the public peace. After
having thus effectually disposed of the power of his
enemies, he laid aside, ostensibly, the government
of the sword, and submitted himself and his future
measures to the control of law. He placed himself
ostensibly at the disposition of the city. They
chose him dictator, which was investing him with absolute
and unlimited power. He remained on this, the
highest pinnacle of worldly ambition, a short time,
and then resigned his power, and devoted the remainder
of his days to literary pursuits and pleasures.
Monster as he was in the cruelties which he inflicted
upon his political foes, he was intellectually of
a refined and cultivated mind, and felt an ardent
interest in the promotion of literature and the arts.
The quarrel between Marius and Sylla,
in respect to every thing which can make such a contest
great, stands in the estimation of mankind as the
greatest personal quarrel which the history of the
world has ever recorded. Its origin was in the
simple personal rivalry of two ambitious men.
It involved, in its consequences, the peace and happiness
of the world. In their reckless struggles, the
fierce combatants trampled on every thing that came
in their way, and destroyed mercilessly, each in his
turn, all that opposed them. Mankind have always
execrated their crimes, but have never ceased to admire
the frightful and almost superhuman energy with which
they committed them.