Sir Spencer Walpole was an excellent
historian and industrious writer. His first important
work, entitled “The History of England from 1815,”
was published at intervals from 1878 to 1886; the first
installment appeared when he was thirty-nine years
old. This in six volumes carried the history
to 1858 in an interesting, accurate, and impartial
narrative. Four of the five chapters of the first
volume are entitled “The Material Condition
of England in 1815,” “Society in England,”
“Opinion in 1815,” “The Last of the
Ebb Tide,” and they are masterly in their description
and relation. During the Napoleonic wars business
was good. The development of English manufactures,
due largely to the introduction of steam as a motive
power, was marked. “Twenty years of war,”
he wrote, “had concentrated the trade of the
world in the British Empire.” Wheat was
dear; in consequence the country gentlemen received
high rents. The clergy, being largely dependent
on tithes, the tenth of the produce, found
their incomes increased as the price of corn advanced.
But the laboring classes, both those engaged in manufactures
and agriculture, did not share in the general prosperity.
Either their wages did not rise at all or did not
advance commensurately with the increase of the cost
of living and the decline in the value of the currency.
Walpole’s detailed and thorough treatment of
this subject is historic work of high value.
In the third volume I was much impressed
with his account of the Reform Act of 1832. We
all have read that wonderful story over and over again,
but I doubt whether its salient points have been better
combined and presented than in Walpole’s chapter.
I had not remembered the reason of the selection of
Lord John Russell to present the bill in the House
of Commons when he was only Paymaster of the Forces,
without a seat in the Cabinet. It will, of course,
be recalled that Lord Grey, the Prime Minister, was
in the House of Lords, and, not so readily I think,
that Althorp was Chancellor of the Exchequer and the
leader of the House of Commons. On Althorp, under
ordinary circumstances, it would have been incumbent
to take charge of this highly important measure, which
had been agreed upon by the Cabinet after counsel
with the King. Russell was the youngest son of
the Duke of Bedford; and the Duke was one of the large
territorial magnates and a proprietor of rotten boroughs.
“A bill recommended by his son’s authority,”
wrote Walpole, “was likely to reassure timid
or wavering politicians.” “Russell,”
Walpole continued, “told his tale in the plainest
language. But the tale which he had to tell required
no extraordinary language to adorn it. The Radicals
had not dared to expect, the Tories, in their wildest
fears, had not apprehended, so complete a measure.
Enthusiasm was visible on one side of the House; consternation
and dismay on the other. At last, when Russell
read the list of boroughs which were doomed to extinction,
the Tories hoped that the completeness of the measure
would insure its defeat. Forgetting their fears,
they began to be amused and burst into peals of derisive
laughter” (III, 208).
Walpole’s next book was the
“Life of Lord John Russell,” two volumes
published in 1889. This was undertaken at the
request of Lady Russell, who placed at his disposal
a mass of private and official papers and “diaries
and letters of a much more private nature.”
She also acceded to his request that she was not to
see the biography until it was ready for publication,
so that the whole responsibility of it would be Walpole’s
alone. The Queen gave him access to three bound
volumes of Russell’s letters to herself, and
sanctioned the publication of certain letters of King
William IV. Walpole wrote the biography in about
two years and a half; and this, considering that at
the time he held an active office, displayed unusual
industry. If I may judge the work by a careful
study of the chapter on “The American Civil War,”
it is a valuable contribution to political history.
Passing over three minor publications,
we come to Walpole’s “History of Twenty-five
Years,” two volumes of which were published in
1904. A brief extract from his preface is noteworthy,
written as it is by a man of keen intelligence, with
great power of investigation and continuous labor,
and possessed of a sound judgment. After a reference
to his “History of England from 1815,”
he said: “The time has consequently arrived
when it ought to be as possible to write the History
of England from 1857 to 1880, as it was twenty years
ago to bring down the narrative of that History to
1856 or 1857.... So far as I am able to judge,
most of the material which is likely to be available
for British history in the period with which these
two volumes are concerned [1856-1870] is already accessible.
It is not probable that much which is wholly new remains
unavailable.” I read carefully these two
volumes when they first appeared, and found them exceedingly
fascinating. Palmerston and Russell, Gladstone
and Disraeli, are made so real that we follow their
contests as if we ourselves had a hand in them.
A half dozen or more years ago an Englishman told
me that Palmerston and Russell were no longer considered
of account in England. But I do not believe one
can rise from reading these volumes without being
glad of a knowledge of these two men whose patriotism
was of a high order. Walpole’s several
characterizations, in a summing up of Palmerston, display
his knowledge of men. “Men pronounced Lord
Melbourne indifferent,” he wrote, “Sir
Robert Peel cold, Lord John Russell uncertain, Lord
Aberdeen weak, Lord Derby haughty, Mr. Gladstone subtle,
Lord Beaconsfield unscrupulous. But they had
no such epithet for Lord Palmerston. He was as
earnest as Lord Melbourne was indifferent, as strong
as Lord Aberdeen was weak, as honest as Lord Beaconsfield
was unscrupulous. Sir Robert Peel repelled men
by his temper; Lord John Russell, by his coldness;
Lord Derby offended them by his pride; Mr. Gladstone
distracted them by his subtlety. But Lord Palmerston
drew both friends and foes together by the warmth
of his manners and the excellence of his heart”
(I, 525).
Walpole’s knowledge of continental
politics was apparently thorough. At all events,
any one who desires two entrancing tales, should read
the chapter on “The Union of Italy,” of
which Cavour and Napoleon III are the heroes; and
the two chapters entitled “The Growth of Prussia
and the Decline of France” and “The Fall
of the Second Empire.” In these two chapters
Napoleon III again appears, but Bismarck is the hero.
Walpole’s chapter on “The American Civil
War” is the writing of a broad-minded, intelligent
man, who could look on two sides.
Of Walpole’s last book, “Studies
in Biography,” published in 1907, I have left
myself no time to speak. Those who are interested
in it should read the review of it in the Nation
early this year, which awards it high and unusual
commendation.
The readers of Walpole’s histories
may easily detect in them a treatment not possible
from a mere closet student of books and manuscripts.
A knowledge of the science of government and of practical
politics is there. For Walpole was of a political
family. He was of the same house as the great
Whig Prime Minister, Sir Robert; and his father was
Home Secretary in the Lord Derby ministry of 1858,
and again in 1866, when he had to deal with the famous
Hyde Park meeting of July 23. On his mother’s
side he was a grandson of Spencer Perceval, the Prime
Minister who in 1812 was assassinated in the lobby
of the House of Commons. Walpole’s earliest
publication was a biography of Perceval.
And Spencer Walpole himself was a
man of affairs. A clerk in the War Office in
1858, private secretary to his father in 1866, next
year Inspector of Fisheries, later Lieutenant-Governor
of the Isle of Man, and from 1893 to 1899 Secretary
to the Post-office. In spite of all this administrative
work his books show that he was a wide, general reader,
apart from his special historical studies. He
wrote in an agreeable literary style, with Macaulay
undoubtedly as his model, although he was by no means
a slavish imitator. His “History of Twenty-five
Years” seems to me to be written with a freer
hand than the earlier history. He is here animated
by the spirit rather than the letter of Macaulay.
I no longer noticed certain tricks of expression which
one catches so easily in a study of the great historian,
and which seem so well to suit Macaulay’s own
work, but nobody else’s.
An article by Walpole on my first
four volumes, in the Edinburgh Review of January,
1901, led to a correspondence which resulted in my
receiving an invitation last May to pass Sunday with
him at Hartfield Grove, his Sussex country place.
We were to meet at Victoria station and take an early
morning train. Seeing Mr. Frederic Harrison the
day previous, I asked for a personal description of
his friend Walpole in order that I might easily recognize
him. “Well,” says Harrison, “perhaps
I can guide you. A while ago I sat next to a lady
during a dinner who took me for Walpole and never
discovered her mistake until, when she addressed me
as Sir Spencer, I undeceived her just as the ladies
were retiring from the table. Now I am the elder
by eight years and I don’t think I look like
Walpole, but that good lady had another opinion.”
Walpole and Harrison met that Saturday evening at the
Academy dinner, and Walpole obtained a personal description
of myself. This caution on both our parts was
unnecessary. We were the only historians traveling
down on the train and could not possibly have missed
one another. I found him a thoroughly genial
man, and after fifteen minutes in the railway carriage
we were well acquainted. The preface to his “History
of Twenty-five Years” told that the two volumes
were the work of five years. I asked him how
he was getting on with the succeeding volumes.
He replied that he had done a good deal of work on
them, and now that he was no longer in an administrative
position he could concentrate his efforts, and he
expected to have the work finished before long.
I inquired if the prominence of his family in politics
hampered him at all in writing so nearly contemporary
history, and he said, “Not a bit.”
An hour of the railroad and a half-hour’s drive
brought us to his home. It was not an ancestral
place, but a purchase not many years back. An
old house had been remodeled with modern improvements,
and comfort and ease were the predominant aspects.
Sir Spencer proposed a “turn” before luncheon,
which meant a short walk, and after luncheon we had
a real walk. I am aware that the English mile
and our own are alike 5280 feet, but I am always impressed
with the fact that the English mile seems longer,
and so I was on this Sunday. For after a good
two hours’ exertion over hills and meadows my
host told me that we had gone only five miles.
Only by direct question did I elicit the fact that
had he been alone he would have done seven miles in
the same time.
There were no other guests, and Lady
Walpole, Sir Spencer, and I had all of the conversation
at luncheon and dinner and during the evening.
We talked about history and literature, English and
American politics, and public men. He was singularly
well informed about our country, although he had only
made one brief visit and then in an official capacity.
English expressions of friendship are now so common
that I will not quote even one of the many scattered
through his volumes, but he displayed everywhere a
candid appreciation of our good traits and creditable
doings. I was struck with his knowledge and love
of lyric poetry. Byron, Shelley, Keats, Tennyson,
Longfellow, and Lowell were thoroughly familiar to
him. He would repeat some favorite passage of
Keats, and at once turn to a discussion of the administrative
details of his work in the post-office. Of course
the day and evening passed very quickly, it
was one of the days to be marked with a white stone, and
when I bade Walpole good-by on the Monday morning I
felt as if I were parting from a warm friend.
I found him broad-minded, intelligent, sympathetic,
affable, and he seemed as strong physically as he was
sound intellectually. His death on Sunday, July
7, of cerebral hemorrhage was alike a shock and a
grief.