The Gods of Egypt.
Se. Antiquity and Extent of Egyptian Civilization.
The ancient Egyptians have been the
object of interest to the civilized world in all ages;
for Egypt was the favorite home of civilization, science,
and religion. It was a little country, the gift
of the river Nile; a little strip of land not more
than seven miles wide, but containing innumerable
cities and towns, and in ancient times supporting
seven millions of inhabitants. Renowned for its
discoveries in art and science, it was the world’s
university; where Moses and Pythagoras, Herodotus
and Plato, all philosophers and lawgivers, went to
school. The Egyptians knew the length of the
year and the form of the earth; they could calculate
eclipses of the sun and moon; were partially acquainted
with geometry, music, chemistry, the arts of design,
medicine, anatomy, architecture, agriculture, and
mining. In architecture, in the qualities of
grandeur and massive proportions, they are yet to be
surpassed. The largest buildings elsewhere erected
by man are smaller than their pyramids; which are
also the oldest human works still remaining, the beauty
of whose masonry, says Wilkinson, has not been surpassed
in any subsequent age. An obelisk of a single
stone now standing in Egypt weighs three hundred tons,
and a colossus of Ramses II. nearly nine hundred.
But Herodotus describes a monolithic temple, which
must have weighed five thousand tons, and which was
carried the whole length of the Nile, to the Delta.
And there is a roof of a doorway at Karnak, covered
with sandstone blocks forty feet long. Sculpture
and bas-reliefs three thousand five hundred years
old, where the granite is cut with exquisite delicacy,
are still to be seen throughout Egypt. Many inventions,
hitherto supposed to be modern, such as glass, mosaics,
false gems, glazed tiles, enamelling, were well known
to the Egyptians. But, for us, the most fortunate
circumstance in their taste was their fondness for
writing. No nation has ever equalled them in
their love for recording all human events and transactions.
They wrote down all the details of private life with
wonderful zeal, method, and regularity. Every
year, month, and day had its record, and thus Egypt
is the monumental land of the earth. Bunsen says
that “the genuine Egyptian writing is at least
as old as Menes, the founder of the Empire; perhaps
three thousand years before Christ.” No
other human records, whether of India or China, go
back so far. Lepsius saw the hieroglyph of the
reed and inkstand on the monuments of the fourth dynasty,
and the sign of the papyrus roll on that of the twelfth
dynasty, which was the last but one of the old Empire.
“No Egyptian,” says Herodotus, “omits
taking accurate note of extraordinary and striking
events.” Everything was written down.
Scribes are seen everywhere on the monuments, taking
accounts of the products of the farms, even to every
single egg and chicken. “In spite of the
ravages of time, and though systematic excavation
has scarcely yet commenced,” says Bunsen, “we
possess chronological records of a date anterior to
any period of which manuscripts are preserved, or
the art of writing existed in any other quarter.”
Because they were thus fond of recording everything,
both in pictures and in three different kinds of writing;
because they were also fond of building and excavating
temples and tombs in the imperishable granite; because,
lastly, the dryness of the air has preserved for us
these paintings, and the sand which has buried the
monuments has prevented their destruction,-we
have wonderfully preserved, over an interval of forty-five
centuries, the daily habits, the opinions, and the
religious faith of that ancient time.
The oldest mural paintings disclose
a state of the arts of civilization so advanced as
to surprise even those who have made archaeology a
study, and who consequently know how few new things
there are under the sun. It is not astonishing
to find houses with doors and windows, with verandas,
with barns for grain, vineyards, gardens, fruit-trees,
etc. We might also expect, since man is
a fighting animal, to see, as we do, pictures of marching
troops, armed with spears and shields, bows, slings,
daggers, axes, maces, and the boomerang; or to notice
coats of mail, standards, war-chariots; or to find
the assault of forts by means of scaling-ladders.
But these ancient tombs also exhibit to us scenes of
domestic life and manners which would seem to belong
to the nineteenth century after our era, rather than
to the fifteenth century before it. Thus we see
monkeys trained to gather fruit from the trees in
an orchard; houses furnished with a great variety
of chairs, tables, ottomans, carpets, couches, as
elegant and elaborate as any used now. There are
comic and genre pictures of parties, where
the gentlemen and ladies are sometimes represented
as being the worse for wine; of dances where ballet-girls
in short dresses perform very modern-looking pirouettes;
of exercises in wrestling, games of ball, games of
chance like chess or checkers, of throwing knives
at a mark, of the modern thimblerig, wooden dolls for
children, curiously carved wooden boxes, dice, and
toy-balls. There are men and women playing on
harps, flutes, pipes, cymbals, trumpets, drums, guitars,
and tambourines. Glass was, till recently, believed
to be a modern invention, unknown to the ancients.
But we find it commonly used as early as the age of
Osertasen I., more than three thousand eight hundred
years ago; and we have pictures of glass-blowing and
of glass bottles as far back as the fourth dynasty.
The best Venetian glass-workers are unable to rival
some of the old Egyptian work; for the Egyptians could
combine all colors in one cup, introduce gold between
two surfaces of glass, and finish in glass details
of feathers, etc., which it now requires a microscope
to make out. It is evident, therefore, that they
understood the use of the magnifying-glass. The
Egyptians also imitated successfully the colors of
precious stones, and could even make statues thirteen
feet high, closely resembling an emerald. They
also made mosaics in glass, of wonderfully brilliant
colors. They could cut glass, at the most remote
periods. Chinese bottles have also been found
in previously unopened tombs of the eighteenth dynasty,
indicating commercial intercourse reaching as far
back as that epoch. They were able to spin and
weave, and color cloth; and were acquainted with the
use of mordants, the wonder in modern calico-printing.
Pliny describes this process as used in Egypt, but
evidently without understanding its nature. Writing-paper
made of the papyrus is as old as the Pyramids.
The Egyptians tanned leather and made shoes; and the
shoemakers on their benches are represented working
exactly like ours. Their carpenters used axes,
saws, chisels, drills, planes, rulers, plummets, squares,
hammers, nails, and hones for sharpening. They
also understood the use of glue in cabinet-making,
and there are paintings of veneering, in which a piece
of thin dark wood is fastened by glue to a coarser
piece of light wood. Their boats were propelled
by sails on yards and masts, as well as by oars.
They used the blow-pipe in the manufacture of gold
chains and other ornaments. They had rings of
gold and silver for money, and weighed it in scales
of a careful construction. Their hieroglyphics
are carved on the hardest granite with a delicacy and
accuracy which indicates the use of some metallic cutting
instrument, probably harder than our best steel.
The siphon was known in the fifteenth century before
Christ. The most singular part of their costume
was the wig, worn by all the higher classes, who constantly
shaved their heads, as well as their chins,-which
shaving of the head is supposed by Herodotus to be
the reason of the thickness of the Egyptian skull.
They frequently wore false beards. Sandals, shoes,
and low boots, some very elegant, are found in the
tombs. Women wore loose robes, ear-rings, finger-rings,
bracelets, armlets, anklets, gold necklaces. In
the tombs are found vases for ointment, mirrors, combs,
needles. Doctors and drugs were not unknown to
them; and the passport system is no modern invention,
for their deeds contain careful descriptions of the
person, exactly in the style with which European travellers
are familiar. We have only mentioned a small
part of the customs and arts with which the tombs of
the Egyptians show them to have been familiar.
These instances are mostly taken from Wilkinson, whose
works contain numerous engravings from the monuments
which more than verify all we have said.
The celebrated French Egyptologist,
M. Mariette, has very much enlarged our knowledge
of the more ancient dynasties, by his explorations,
first under a mission from the French government,
and afterward from that of Egypt. The immense
temples and palaces of Thebes are all of a date at
least B.C. 1000. We know the history of Egypt
very well as far back as the time of the Hyksos, or
to the eighteenth dynasty. M. Mariette has discovered
statues and Sphinxes which he believes to have been
the work of the Hyksos, the features being wholly
different from that of the typical Egyptian.
Four of these Sphinxes, found by Mariette on the site
of the old Tanis, have the regular body of a lion,
according to the canon of Egyptian art, but the human
heads are wholly un-Egyptian. Mariette, in describing
them, says that in the true Egyptian Sphinx there is
always a quiet majesty, the eye calm and wide open,
a smile on the lips, a round face, and a peculiar
coiffure with wide open wings. Nothing of this
is to be found in these Sphinxes. Their eyes
are small, the nose aquiline, the cheeks hard, the
mouth drawn down with a grave expression.
These Shepherd Kings, the Hyksos,
ruled Lower Egypt, according to Manetho, five hundred
and eleven years, which, according to Renan, brings
the preceding dynasty (the fourteenth of Manetho)
as early as B.C. 2000. Monuments of the twelfth
and thirteenth dynasties are common. The oldest
obelisk dates B.C. 2800. Thanks to the excavations
of M. Mariette, we now have a large quantity of sculptures
and statues of a still earlier epoch. M. Renan
describes tombs visited by himself, which he considers
to be the oldest known, and which he regards as being
B.C. 4000, where were represented all the details
of domestic life. The tone of these pictures
was glad and gay; and, what is remarkable, they had
no trace of the funeral ritual or the god Osiris.
These were not like tombs, but rather like homes.
To secure the body from all profanation, it was concealed
in a pit, carefully hidden in the solid masonry.
These tombs belong to the six first dynasties.
The great antiquity of Egyptian civilization
is universally admitted; but to fix its chronology
and precise age becomes very difficult, from the fact
that the Egyptians had no era from which to date forward
or backward. This question we shall return to
in a subsequent section of this chapter.
Se. Religious Character of the Egyptians.
Their Ritual.
But, wonderful as was the civilization
of Egypt, it is not this which now chiefly interests
us. They were prominent among all ancient nations
for their interest in religion, especially of the
ceremonial part of religion, or worship. Herodotus
says: “They are of all men the most excessively
attentive to the worship of the gods.” And
beside his statement to that effect, there is evidence
that the origin of much of the theology, mythology,
and ceremonies of the Hebrews and Greeks was in Egypt.
“The names of almost all the gods,” says
Herodotus, “came from Egypt into Greece”
(Euterpe, 50). The Greek oracles, especially that
of Dodona, he also states to have been brought from
Egypt (I-57), and adds, moreover, that the Egyptians
were the first who introduced public festivals, processions,
and solemn supplications, which the Greeks learned
from them. “The Egyptians, then,”
says he, “are beyond measure scrupulous in matters
of religion (Se. They invented the calendar,
and connected astrology therewith.” “Each
month and day,” says Herodotus (I, “is
assigned to some particular god, and each person’s
birthday determines his fate.” He testifies
(I that “the Egyptians were also the first
to say that the soul of man is immortal, and that
when the body perishes it transmigrates through every
variety of animal.” It seems apparent, also,
that the Greek mysteries of Eleusis were taken from
those of Isis; the story of the wanderings of Ceres
in pursuit of Proserpine being manifestly borrowed
from those of Isis in search of the body of Osiris.
With this testimony of Herodotus modern writers agree.
“The Egyptians,” says Wilkinson, “were
unquestionably the most pious nation of all antiquity.
The oldest monuments show their belief in a future
life. And Osiris, the Judge, is mentioned in
tombs erected two thousand years before Christ.”
Bunsen tells us that “it has at last been ascertained
that all the great gods of Egypt are on the oldest
monuments,” and says: “It is a great
and astounding fact, established beyond the possibility
of doubt, that the empire of Menes on its first appearance
in history possessed an established mythology, that
is, a series of gods. Before the empire of Menes,
the separate Egyptian states had their temple worship
regularly organized.”
Everything among the Egyptians, says
M. Maury, took the stamp of religion. Their
writing was so full of sacred symbols that it could
scarcely be used for any purely secular purpose.
Literature and science were only branches of theology.
Art labored only in the service of worship and to
glorify the gods. Religious observances were so
numerous and so imperative, that the most common labors
of daily life could not be performed without a perpetual
reference to some priestly regulation. The Egyptian
only lived to worship. His fate in the future
life was constantly present to him. The sun,
when it set, seemed to him to die; and when it rose
the next morning, and tricking its beams flamed once
more in the forehead of the sky, it was a perpetual
symbol of a future resurrection. Religion penetrated
so deeply into the habits of the land, that it almost
made a part of the intellectual and physical organization
of its inhabitants. Habits continued during many
generations at last become instincts, and are transmitted
with the blood. So religion in Egypt became an
instinct. Unaltered by the dominion of the Persians,
the Ptolemies, and Romans, it was, of all polytheisms,
the most obstinate in its resistance to Christianity,
and retained its devotees down to the sixth century
of our era.
There were more festivals in Egypt
than among any other ancient people, the Greeks not
excepted. Every month and day was governed by
a god. There were two feasts of the New-Year,
twelve of the first days of the months, one of the
rising of the dog-star (Sirius, called Sothis), and
others to the great gods, to seed-time and harvest,
to the rise and fall of the Nile. The feast of
lamps at Sais was in honor of Neith, and was kept
throughout Egypt. The feast of the death of Osiris;
the feast of his resurrection (when people called
out, “We have found him! Good luck!");
feasts of Isis (one of which lasted four days); the
great feast at Bubastis, greatest of all,-these
were festivals belonging to all Egypt. On one
of them as many as seven hundred thousand persons sailed
on the Nile with music. At another, the image
of the god was carried to the temple by armed men,
who were resisted by armed priests in a battle in
which many were often killed.
The history of the gods was embodied
in the daily life of the people. In an old papyrus
described by De Rouge, it is said: “On
the twelfth of Chorak no one is to go out of doors,
for on that day the transformation of Osiris into
the bird Wennu took place; on the fourteenth of Toby
no voluptuous songs must be listened to, for Isis
and Nepthys bewail Osiris on that day. On the
third of Mechir no one can go on a journey, because
Set then began a war.” On another day no
one must go out. Another was lucky, because on
it the gods conquered Set; and a child born on that
day was supposed to live to a great age.
Every temple had its own body of priests.
They did not constitute an exclusive caste, though
they were continued in families. Priests might
be military commanders, governors of provinces, judges,
and architects. Soldiers had priests for sons,
and the daughters of priests married soldiers.
Of three brothers, one was a priest, another a soldier,
and a third held a civil employment. Joseph,
a stranger, though naturalized in the country, received
as a wife the daughter of the High-Priest of On, or
Heliopolis.
The priests in Egypt were of various
grades, as the chief priests or pontiffs, prophets,
judges, scribes, those who examined the victims, keepers
of the robes, of the sacred animals, etc.
Women also held offices in the temple
and performed duties there, though not as priestesses.
The priests were exempt from taxes,
and were provided for out of the public stores.
They superintended sacrifices, processions, funerals,
and were initiated into the greater and lesser mysteries;
they were also instructed in surveying. They
were particular in diet, both as to quantity and quality.
Flesh of swine was particularly forbidden, and also
that of fish. Beans were held in utter abhorrence,
also peas, onions, and garlic, which, however, were
offered on the altar. They bathed twice a day
and twice in the night, and shaved the head and body
every three days. A great purification took place
before their fasts, which lasted from seven to forty-two
days.
They offered prayers for the dead.
The dress of the priests was simple,
chiefly of linen, consisting of an under-garment and
a loose upper robe, with full sleeves, and the leopard-skin
above; sometimes one or two feathers in the head.
Chaplets and flowers were laid upon
the altars, such as the lotus and papyrus, also grapes
and figs in baskets, and ointment in alabaster vases.
Also necklaces, bracelets, and jewelry, were offered
as thanksgivings and invocations.
Oxen and other animals were sacrificed,
and the blood allowed to flow over the altar.
Libations of wine were poured on the altar. Incense
was offered to all the gods in censers.
Processions were usual with the Egyptians;
in one, shrines were carried on the shoulders by long
staves passed through rings. In others the statues
of the gods were carried, and arks like those of the
Jews, overshadowed by the wings of the goddess of
truth spread above the sacred beetle.
The prophets were the most highly
honored of the priestly order. They studied the
ten hieratical books. The business of the stolists
was to dress and undress the images, to attend to
the vestments of the priests, and to mark the beasts
selected for sacrifice. The scribes were to search
for the Apis, or sacred bull, and were required to
possess great learning.
The priests had no sinecure; their
life was full of minute duties and restrictions.
They seldom appeared in public, were married to one
wife, were circumcised like other Egyptians, and their
whole time was occupied either in study or the service
of their gods. There was a gloomy tone to the
religion of Egypt, which struck the Greeks, whose worship
was usually cheerful. Apuleius says “the
gods of Egypt rejoice in lamentations, those of Greece
in dances.” Another Greek writer says, “The
Egyptians offer their gods tears.”
Until Swedenborg arrived, and
gave his disciples the precise measure and form of
the life to come, no religion has ever taught an immortality
as distinct in its outline and as solid in its substance
as that of the Egyptians. The Greek and Roman
hereafter was shadowy and vague; that of Buddhism
remote; and the Hebrew Beyond was wholly eclipsed and
overborne by the sense of a Divine presence and power
immanent in space and time. To the Egyptian,
this life was but the first step, and a very short
one, of an immense career. The sun (Ra) alternately
setting and rising, was the perpetually present type
of the progress of the soul, and the Sothiac period
(symbolized by the Phoenix) of 1421 years from one
heliacal rising of Sirius at the beginning of the
fixed Egyptian year to the next, was also made to
define the cycle of human transmigrations.
Two Sothiac periods correspond nearly to the three
thousand years spoken of by Herodotus, during which
the soul transmigrates through animal forms before
returning to its human body. Then, to use the
Egyptian language, the soul arrived at the ship of
the sun and was received by Ra into his solar splendor.
On some sarcophagi the soul is symbolized by a
hawk with a human head, carrying in his claws two
rings, which probably signify the two Sothiac cycles
of its transmigrations.
The doctrine of the immortality of
the soul, says Mr. Birch, is as old as the inscriptions
of the twelfth dynasty, many of which contain extracts
from the Ritual of the Dead. One hundred and forty-six
chapters of this Ritual have been translated by Mr.
Birch from the text of the Turin papyrus, the most
complete in Europe. Chapters of it are found on
mummy-cases, on the wraps of mummies, on the walls
of tombs, and within the coffins on papyri. This
Ritual is all that remains of the Hermetic Books which
constituted the library of the priesthood. Two
antagonist classes of deities appear in this liturgy
as contending for the soul of the deceased,-Osiris
and his triad, Set and his devils. The Sun-God,
source of life, is also present.
An interesting chapter of the Ritual
is the one hundred and twenty-fifth, called the Hall
of the Two Truths. It is the process of “separating
a person from his sins,” not by confession and
repentance, as is usual in other religions, but by
denying them. Forty-two deities are said to be
present to feed on the blood of the wicked. The
soul addresses the Lords of Truth, and declares that
it has not done evil privily, and proceeds to specifications.
He says: “I have not afflicted any.
I have not told falsehoods. I have not made the
laboring man do more than his task. I have not
been idle. I have not murdered. I have not
committed fraud. I have not injured the images
of the gods. I have not taken scraps of the bandages
of the dead. I have not committed adultery.
I have not cheated by false weights. I have not
kept milk from sucklings. I have not caught the
sacred birds.” Then, addressing each god
by name, he declares: “I have not been
idle. I have not boasted. I have not stolen.
I have not counterfeited, nor killed sacred beasts,
nor blasphemed, nor refused to hear the truth, nor
despised God in my heart.” According to
some texts, he declares, positively, that he has loved
God, that he has given bread to the hungry, water
to the thirsty, garments to the naked, and an asylum
to the abandoned.
Funeral ceremonies among the Egyptians
were often very imposing. The cost of embalming,
and the size and strength of the tomb, varied with
the position of the deceased. When the seventy
days of mourning had elapsed, the body in its case
was ferried across the lake in front of the temple,
which represented the passage of the soul over the
infernal stream. Then came a dramatic representation
of the trial of the soul before Osiris. The priests,
in masks, represented the gods of the underworld.
Typhon accuses the dead man, and demands his punishment.
The intercessors plead for him. A large pair
of scales is set up, and in one scale his conduct is
placed in a bottle, and in the other an image of truth.
These proceedings are represented on the funeral papyri.
One of these, twenty-two feet in length, is in Dr.
Abbott’s collection of Egyptian antiquities,
in New York. It is beautifully written, and illustrated
with careful drawings. One represents the Hall
of the Two Truths, and Osiris sitting in judgment,
with the scales of judgment before him.
Many of the virtues which we are apt
to suppose a monopoly of Christian culture appear
as the ideal of these old Egyptians. Brugsch says
a thousand voices from the tombs of Egypt declare
this. One inscription in Upper Egypt says:
“He loved his father, he honored his mother,
he loved his brethren, and never went from his home
in bad-temper. He never preferred the great man
to the low one.” Another says: “I
was a wise man, my soul loved God. I was a brother
to the great men and a father to the humble ones,
and never was a mischief-maker.” An inscription
at Sais, on a priest who lived in the sad days of
Cambyses, says: “I honored my father, I
esteemed my mother, I loved my brothers. I found
graves for the unburied dead. I instructed little
children. I took care of orphans as though they
were my own children. For great misfortunes were
on Egypt in my time, and on this city of Sais.”
Some of these declarations, in their
“self-pleasing pride” of virtue, remind
one of the noble justification of himself by the Patriarch
Job. Here is one of them, from the tombs of Ben-Hassan,
over a Nomad Prince:-
“What I have done I will say.
My goodness and my kindness were ample. I never
oppressed the fatherless nor the widow. I did
not treat cruelly the fishermen, the shepherds, or
the poor laborers. There was nowhere in my time
hunger or want. For I cultivated all my fields,
far and near, in order that their inhabitants might
have food. I never preferred the great and powerful
to the humble and poor, but did equal justice to all.”
A king’s tomb at Thebes gives
us in few words the religious creed of a Pharaoh:-
“I lived in truth, and fed my
soul with justice. What I did to men was done
in peace, and how I loved God, God and my heart well
know. I have given bread to the hungry, water
to the thirsty, clothes to the naked, and a shelter
to the stranger. I honored the gods with sacrifices,
and the dead with offerings.”
A rock at Lycopolis pleads for an
ancient ruler thus: “I never took the child
from its mother’s bosom, nor the poor man from
the side of his wife.” Hundreds of stones
in Egypt announce as the best gifts which the gods
can bestow on their favorites, “the respect of
men, and the love of women." Religion, therefore,
in Egypt, connected itself with morality and the duties
of daily life. But kings and conquerors were not
above the laws of their religion. They were obliged
to recognize their power and triumphs as not their
own work, but that of the great gods of their country.
Thus, on a monumental stele discovered at Karnak by
M. Mariette, and translated by De Rouge, is an
inscription recording the triumphs of Thothmes III.,
of the eighteenth dynasty (about B.C. 1600), which
sounds like the song of Miriam or the Hymn of Deborah.
We give some stanzas in which the god Amun addresses
Thothmes:-
“I am come: to
thee have I given to strike down Syrian princes;
Under thy feet they lie throughout
the breadth of their country,
Like to the Lord of Light,
I made them see thy glory,
Blinding their eyes with light,
O earthly image of Amun!
“I am come: to
thee have I given to strike down Asian peoples;
Captive now thou hast led
the proud Assyrian chieftains;
Decked in royal robes, I made
them see thy glory;
In glittering arms and fighting,
high in thy lofty chariot.
“I am come: to
thee have I given to strike down western nations;
Cyprus and the Ases have both
heard thy name with terror;
Like a strong-horned bull
I made them see thy glory;
Strong with piercing horns,
so that none can stand before him.
“I am come: to
thee have I given to strike down Lybian archers;
All the isles of the Greeks
submit to the force of thy spirit;
Like a regal lion, I made
them see thy glory;
Couched by the corpse he has
made, down in the rocky valley.
“I am come: to
thee have I given to strike down the ends of the ocean.
In the grasp of thy hand is
the circling zone of the waters;
Like the soaring eagle, I
have made them see thy glory,
Whose far-seeing eye there
is none can hope to escape from.”
A similar strain of religious poetry
is in the Papyrus of Sallier, in the British Museum.
This is an epic by an Egyptian poet named Pentaour,
celebrating the campaigns of Ramses II., the Sesostris
of the Greeks, of the nineteenth dynasty. This
great king had been called into Syria to put down
a formidable revolt of the Kheta (the Hittites
of the Old Testament). The poem seems to have
been a famous one, for it had the honor of being carved
in full on the walls at Karnak, a kind of immortality
which no other epic poet has ever attained. It
particularly describes an incident in the war, when,
by a stratagem of the enemy, King Ramses found himself
separated from the main body of his army and attacked
by the enemy in full force. Pentaour describes
him in this situation as calling on Amun, God of Thebes,
for help, recounting the sacrifices he had offered
to him, and asking whether he would let him die in
this extremity by the ignoble hands of these Syrian
tribes. “Have I not erected to thee great
temples? Have I not sacrificed to thee thirty
thousand oxen? I have brought from Elephantina
obelisks to set up to thy name. I invoke thee,
O my father, Amun. I am in the midst of a throng
of unknown tribes, and alone. But Amun is better
to me than thousands of archers and millions of horsemen.
Amun will prevail over the enemy.” And,
after defeating his foes, in his song of triumph,
the king says, “Amun-Ra has been at my right
and my left in the battles; his mind has inspired
my own, and has prepared the downfall of my enemies.
Amun-Ra, my father, has brought the whole world to
my feet."
Thus universal and thus profound was
the religious sentiment among the Egyptians.
Se. Theology of Egypt.
Sources of our Knowledge concerning it.
As regards the theology of the Egyptians
and their system of ideas, we meet with difficulty
from the law of secrecy which was their habit of mind.
The Egyptian priesthood enveloped with mystery every
opinion, just as they swathed the mummies, fold above
fold, in preparing them for the tomb. The names
and number of their gods we learn from the monuments.
Their legends concerning them come to us through Plutarch,
Herodotus, Diodorus, and other Greek writers.
Their doctrine of a future life and future judgment
is apparent in their ceremonies, the pictures on the
tombs, and the papyrus Book of the Dead. But what
these gods mean, what are their offices, how
they stand related to each other and to mankind, what
is the ethical bearing of the religion, it is not so
easy to learn.
Nevertheless, we may find a clew to
a knowledge of this system, if in no other way, at
least by ascertaining its central, ruling idea, and
pursuing this into its details. The moment that
we take this course, light will begin to dawn upon
us. But before going further, let us briefly inquire
into the sources of our knowledge of Egyptian mythology.
The first and most important place
is occupied by the monuments, which contain the names
and tablets of the gods of the three orders. Then
come the sacred books of the Egyptians, known to us
by Clemens Alexandrinus. From him we
learn that the Egyptians in his time had forty-two
sacred books in five classes. The first class,
containing songs or hymns in praise of the gods, were
very old, dating perhaps from the time of Menes.
The other books treated of morals, astronomy, hieroglyphics,
geography, ceremonies, the deities, the education
of priests, and medicine. Of these sacred Hermaic
books, one is still extant, and perhaps it is as interesting
as any of them. We have two copies of it, both
on papyrus, one found by the French at Thebes, the
other by Champollion in Turin. And Lepsius considers
this last papyrus to be wholly of the date of the
eighteenth or nineteenth dynasty, consequently fifteen
hundred or sixteen hundred years before Christ, and
the only example of an Egyptian book transmitted from
the times of the Pharaohs. Bunsen believes it
to belong to the fourth class of Hermaic books, containing
Ordinances as to the First Fruits, Sacrifices, Hymns,
and Prayers. In this book the deceased is the
person who officiates. His soul journeying on
gives utterance to prayers, confessions, invocations.
The first fifteen chapters, which make a connected
whole, are headed, “Here begins the Sections
of the Glorification in the Light of Osiris.”
It is illustrated by a picture of a procession, in
which the deceased soul follows his own corpse as chief
mourner, offering prayers to the Sun-God. Another
part of the book is headed, “The Book of Deliverance,
in the Hall of twofold Justice,” and contains
the divine judgments on the deceased. Forty-two
gods occupy the judgment-seat. Osiris, their
president, bears on his breast the small tablet of
chief judge, containing a figure of Justice. Before
him are seen the scales of divine judgment. In
one is placed the statue of Justice, and in the other
the heart of the deceased, who stands in person by
the balance containing his heart, while Anubis watches
the other scale. Horus examines the plummet indicating
which way the beam inclines. Thoth, the Justifier
the Lord of the Divine Word, records the sentence.
Se. Central Idea of Egyptian
Theology and Religion. Animal Worship.
We now proceed to ask what is the
IDEA of Egyptian mythology and theology?
We have seen that the idea of the
religion of India was Spirit; the One, the Infinite,
the Eternal; a pure spiritual Pantheism, from which
the elements of time and space are quite excluded.
The religion of Egypt stands at the opposite pole
of thought as its antagonist. Instead of Spirit,
it accepts Body; instead of Unity, Variety; instead
of Substance, Form. It is the physical reaction
from Brahmanism. Instead of the worship of abstract
Deity, it gives us the most concrete divinity, wholly
incarnated in space and time. Instead of abstract
contemplation, it gives us ceremonial worship.
Instead of the absorption of man into God, it gives
us transmigration through all bodily forms. It
so completely incarnates God, as to make every type
of animal existence divine; hence the worship of animals.
It makes body so sacred, that the human body must
not be allowed to perish. As the Brahman, contemplating
eternity, forgot time, and had no history, so on the
other hand the Egyptian priest, to whom every moment
of time is sacred, records everything and turns every
event into history; and as it enshrines the past time
historically on monuments, so it takes hold of future
time prophetically through oracles.
The chief peculiarity about the religion
of Egypt, and that which has always caused the greatest
astonishment to foreigners, was the worship of animals.
Herodotus says (Book II. Se, “That
all animals in Egypt, wild and tame, are accounted
sacred, and that if any one kills these animals wilfully
he is put to death.” He is, however, mistaken
in asserting that all animals are sacred; for
many were not so, though the majority were. Wilkinson
gives a list of the animals of Egypt to the number
of over one hundred, more than half of which were
sacred, and the others not. As hunting and fishing
were favorite sports of the Egyptians, it is apparent
that there must have been animals whom it was lawful
to kill. Nevertheless, it is certain that animal
worship is a striking peculiarity of the Egyptian
system. Cows were sacred to Isis, and Isis was
represented in the form of a cow. The gods often
wore the heads of animals; and Kneph, or Amun, with
the ram’s head, is one of the highest of the
gods, known among the Greeks as Jupiter Ammon.
The worship of Apis, the sacred bull of Memphis, the
representative of Osiris, was very important among
the Egyptian ceremonies. Plutarch says that he
was a fair and beautiful image of the soul of Osiris.
He was a bull with black hair, a white spot on his
forehead, and some other special marks. He was
kept at Memphis in a splendid temple. His festival
lasted seven days, when a great concourse of people
assembled. When he died his body was embalmed
and buried with great pomp, and the priests went in
search of another Apis, who, when discovered by the
marks, was carried to Memphis, carefully fed and exercised,
and consulted as an oracle. The burial-place
of the Apis bulls was, a few years ago, discovered
near Memphis. It consists of an arched gallery
hewn in the rock, two thousand feet long and twenty
feet in height and breadth. On each side is a
series of recesses, each containing a large sarcophagus
of granite, fifteen by eight feet, in which the body
of a sacred bull was deposited. In 1852 thirty
of these had been already found. Before this
tomb is a paved road with lions ranged on each side,
and before this a temple with a vestibule.
In different parts of Egypt different
animals were held sacred. The animal sacred in
one place was not so regarded in another district.
These sacred animals were embalmed by the priests
and buried, and the mummies of dogs, wolves, birds,
and crocodiles are found by thousands in the tombs.
The origin and motive of this worship is differently
explained. It is certain that animals were not
worshipped in the same way as the great gods, but
were held sacred and treated with reverence as containing
a divine element. So, in the East, an insane
person is accounted sacred, but is not worshipped.
So the Roman Catholics distinguish between Dulia and
Latria, between the worship of gods and reverence
of saints. So, too, Protestants consider the
Bible a holy book and the Sabbath a holy day, but without
worshipping them. It is only just to make a similar
distinction on behalf of the Egyptians. The motives
usually assigned for this worship-motives
of utility-seem no adequate explanation.
“The Egyptians,” says Wilkinson, “may
have deified some animals to insure their preservation,
some to prevent their unwholesome meat being used
as food.” But no religion was ever established
in this way. Man does not worship from utilitarian
considerations, but from an instinct of reverence.
It is possible, indeed, that such a reverential instinct
may have been awakened towards certain animals, by
seeing their vast importance arising from their special
instincts and faculties. The cow and the ox, the
dog, the ibis, and the cat, may thus have appeared
to the Egyptians, from their indispensable utility,
to be endowed with supernatural gifts. But this
feeling itself must have had its root in a yet deeper
tendency of the Egyptian mind. They reverenced
the mysterious manifestation of God in all outward
nature. No one can look at an animal, before
custom blinds our sense of strangeness, without a
feeling of wonder at the law of instinct, and the special,
distinct peculiarity which belongs to it. Every
variety of animals is a manifestation of a divine
thought, and yet a thought hinted rather than expressed.
Each must mean something, must symbolize something.
But what does it mean? what does it symbolize?
Continually we seem just on the point of penetrating
the secret; we almost touch the explanation, but are
baffled. A dog, a cat, a snake, a crocodile, a
spider,-what does each mean? why were they
made? why this infinite variety of form, color, faculty,
character? Animals thus in their unconscious being,
as expressions of God’s thoughts, are mysteries,
and divine mysteries.
Now every part of the religion of
Egypt shows how much they were attracted toward variety,
toward nature, toward the outward manifestations of
the Divine Spirit. These tendencies reached their
utmost point in their reverence for animal life.
The shallow Romans, who reverenced only themselves,
and the Greeks, who worshipped nothing but human nature
more or less idealized, laughed at this Egyptian worship
of animals and plants. “O sacred nation!
whose gods grow in gardens!” says Juvenal.
But it certainly shows a deeper wisdom to see something
divine in nature, and to find God in nature, than
to call it common and unclean. And there is more
of truth in the Egyptian reverence for animal individuality,
than in the unfeeling indifference to the welfare
of these poor relations which Christians often display.
When Jesus said that “not a sparrow falls to
the ground without your Father,” he showed all
these creatures to be under the protection of their
Maker. It may be foolish to worship animals, but
it is still more foolish to despise them.
That the belief in transmigration
is the explanation of animal worship is the opinion
of Bunsen. The human soul and animal soul, according
to this view, are essentially the same,-therefore
the animal was considered as sacred as man. Still,
we do not worship man. Animal worship,
then, must have had a still deeper root in the sense
of awe before the mystery of organized life.
Se. Sources of Egyptian Theology. Age of the Empire and Affinities of the
Race.
But whence came this tendency in the
human mind? Did it inhere in the race, or was
it the growth of external circumstances? Something,
perhaps, may be granted to each of these causes.
The narrow belt of fertile land in Egypt, fed by the
overflowing Nile, quickened by the tropical sun, teeming
with inexhaustible powers of life, continually called
the mind anew to the active, creative powers of nature.
And yet it may be suspected that the law of movement
by means of antagonism and reaction may have had its
influence also here. The opinion is now almost
universal, that the impulse of Egyptian civilization
proceeded from Asia. This is the conclusion of
Bunsen at the end of his first volume. “The
cradle of the mythology and language of Egypt,”
says he, “is Asia. This result is arrived
at by the various ethnological proofs of language
which finds Sanskrit words and forms in Egypt, and
of comparative anatomy, which shows the oldest Egyptian
skulls to have belonged to Caucasian races.”
If, then, Egyptian civilization proceeded from Central
Asia, Egyptian mythology and religion probably came
as a quite natural reaction from the extreme spiritualism
of the Hindoos. The question which remains is,
whether they arrived at their nature-worship directly
or indirectly; whether, beginning with Fetichism,
they ascended to their higher conceptions of the immortal
gods; or, beginning with spiritual existence, they
traced it downward into its material manifestations;
whether, in short, their system was one of evolution
or emanation. For every ancient theogony, cosmogony,
or ontogony is of one kind or the other. According
to the systems of India and of Platonism, the generation
of beings is by the method of emanation. Creation
is a falling away, or an emanation from the absolute.
But the systems of Greek and Scandinavian mythology
are of the opposite sort. In these, spirit is
evolved from matter; matter up to spirit works.
They begin with the lowest form of being,-night,
chaos, a mundane egg,-and evolve the higher
gods therefrom.
It is probable that we find in Egypt
a double tendency. One is the Asiatic spiritualism,
the other the African naturalism. The union of
the ideal and the real, of thought and passion, of
the aspirations of the soul and the fire of a passionate
nature, of abstract meditation and concrete life, had
for its result the mysterious theology and philosophy
which, twenty centuries after its burial under the
desert sands, still rouses our curiosity to penetrate
the secret of this Sphinx of the Nile.
We have seen in a former section that
the institutions of Egypt, based on a theocratic monarchy,
reach back into a dim and doubtful antiquity.
Monuments, extending through thirty-five centuries,
attest an age preceding all written history.
These monuments, so far as deciphered by modern Egyptologists,
have confirmed the accuracy of the lists of kings
which have come to us from Manetho. We have no
monument anterior to the fourth dynasty, but at that
epoch we find the theocracy fully organized.
The general accuracy of Manetho’s list has been
demonstrated by the latest discoveries of M. Mariette,
and has rendered doubtful the idea of any of the dynasties
being contemporaneous.
The main chronological points, however, are by no means as yet
fixed. Thus, the beginning of the first dynasty is placed by Boeckh at
B.C. 5702, by Lepsius B.C. 3892, by Bunsen B.C. 3623, by Brugsch B.C. 4455, by
Lauth B.C. 4157, by Duncker 3233. The period of the builders of the great
Pyramids is fixed by Bunsen at B.C. 3229, by Lepsius at B.C. 3124, by Brugsch at
B.C. 3686, by Lauth at B.C. 3450, and by Boeckh at B.C. 4933.
The Egyptian priests told Herodotus
that there were three hundred and thirty-one kings,
from Menes to Moeris, whose names they read out of
a book. After him came eleven others, of whom
Sethos was the last. From Osiris to Amasis they
counted fifteen thousand years, though Herodotus did
not believe this statement. If the three hundred
and forty-two kings really existed, it would make
Menes come B.C. 9150,-at an average of
twenty-five years’ reign to each king. Diodorus
saw in Egypt a list of four hundred and seventy-nine
kings. But he says in another place that Menes
lived about four thousand seven hundred years before
his time. Manetho tells us that from Menes there
were thirty dynasties, who reigned five thousand three
hundred and sixty-six years. But he gives a list
of four hundred and seventy-two kings in these dynasties,
to the time of Cambyses. The contradictions are
so great, and the modes of reconciling Manetho, Herodotus,
Diodorus, Eratosthenes, and the monuments are so inadequate,
that we must regard the whole question of the duration
of the monarchy as unsettled. But from the time
when the calendar must have been fixed, from the skill
displayed in the Pyramids, and other reasons independent
of any chronology, Duncker considers the reign of Menes
as old as B.C. 3500.
The history of Egypt is divided into
three periods, that of the old, the middle, and the
new monarchy. The first extends from the foundation
of the united kingdom by Menes to the conquest of
the country by the Hyksos. The second is from
this conquest by the Hyksos till their expulsion.
The third, from the re-establishment of the monarchy
by Amosis to its final conquest by Persia. The
old monarchy contained twelve dynasties; the Hyksos
or middle monarchy, five; the new monarchy, thirteen:
in all, thirty.
The Hyksos, or Shepherd Kings, were
at first supposed to be the Hebrews: but this
hypothesis adapted itself to none of the facts.
A recent treatise by M. Chabas shows that the
Hyksos were an Asiatic people, occupying the country
to the northeast of Egypt. After conquering Lower
Egypt, Apapi was king of the Hyksos and Tekenen-Ra
ruled over the native Egyptians of the South.
A papyrus, as interpreted by M. Chabas, narrates that
King Apapi worshipped only the god Sutech (Set), and
refused to allow the Egyptian gods to be adored.
This added to the war of races a war of religion,
which resulted in the final expulsion of the Shepherds,
about B.C. 1700. The Hyksos are designated on
the monuments and in the papyri as the “Scourge”
or “Plague,” equivalent in Hebrew to the
Tzir’ah, commonly translated “hornet,”
but evidently the same as the Hebrew tzavaath,
“plague,” and the Arabic tzeria,
“scourge,” or “plague."
According to the learned Egyptologist,
Dr. Brugsch, the Hebrew slaves in Egypt are referred
to in a papyrus in the British Museum of the date of
Ramses II. (B.C. 1400), in a description by a scribe
named Pinebsa of the new city of Ramses. He tells
how the slaves throng around him to present petitions
against their overseers. Another papyrus reads
(Lesley, “Man’s Origin and Destiny"):
“The people have erected twelve buildings.
They made their tale of bricks daily, till they were
finished.” The first corroboration of the
biblical narrative which the Egyptian monuments afford,
and the first synchronism between Jewish and Egyptian
history, appear in the reign of Ramses II., about
B.C. 1400, in the nineteenth dynasty.
It appears from the monuments and
from the historians that somewhere about B.C. 2000,
or earlier, this great movement of warlike nomadic
tribes occurred, which resulted in the conquest of
Lower Egypt by the pastoral people known as Hyksos.
It was perhaps a movement of Semitic races, the Bedouins
of the desert, like that which nearly three thousand
years after united them as warriors of Islam to overflow
North Africa, Syria, Persia, and Spain. They
oppressed Egypt for five hundred years (Brugsch), and
appear on the monuments under the name of Amu (the
herdsmen) or of Aadu (the hated ones). Their
kings resided at Tanis (in Egyptian Avaris), in the
Delta. That their conquests had a religious motive,
and were made, like that of Mohammed, in the interest
of monotheism, seems possible. At all events,
we find one of them, Apapi, erecting a temple to Sutech
(the Semitic Baal), and refusing to allow the worship
of other deities.
The majority of Egyptologists believe
that the Hebrews entered Egypt while these Hyksos
kings, men of the same Semitic family and monotheistic
tendencies, were ruling in Lower Egypt. The bare
subterranean temple discovered by M. Mariette, with
the well near it filled with broken statues of the
Egyptian gods, is an indication of those tendencies.
The “other king, who knew not Joseph,”
was a king of the eighteenth dynasty, who conquered
the Hyksos and drove them out of Egypt. Apparently
the course of events was like that which many centuries
later occurred in Spain. In both cases, the original
rulers of the land, driven to the mountains, gradually
reconquered their country step by step. The result
of this reconquest of the country would also be in
Egypt, as it was in Spain, that the Semitic remnants
left in the land would be subject to a severe and
oppressive rule. The Jews in Egypt, like the Moors
in Spain, were victims of a cruel bondage. Then
began the most splendid period of Egyptian history,
during the seventeenth, sixteenth, fifteenth, and
fourteenth centuries before Christ. The Egyptian
armies overran Syria, Asia Minor, and Armenia as far
as the Tigris.
Ramses II., the most powerful monarch
of this epoch, is probably the king whose history
is given by Herodotus and other Greek writers under
the name of Sesostris. M. de Rouge believes himself
able to establish this identity. He found in
the Museum at Vienna a stone covered with inscriptions,
and dedicated by a person whose name is given as Ramses
Mei-Amoun, exactly in the hieroglyphics of the great
king. But this person’s name is also written
elsewhere on the stone Ses, and a third time
as Ses Mei-amoun, showing that Ses was
a common abbreviation of Ramses. It is also written
Sesu, or Sesesu, which is very like the
form in which Diodorus writes Sesostris, namely, Sesoosis.
Now Ramses II., whose reign falls about B.C. 1400,
erected a chain of fortresses to defend the northeastern
border of Egypt against the Syrian nomads. One
of these fortresses was named from the King Ramses,
and another Pachtum. The papyri contain accounts
of these cities. One papyrus, in the British
Museum, is a description by a scribe named Pinebsa,
of the aspect of the city Ramses, and of the petitions
of the laborers for relief against their overseers.
These laborers are called Apuru, Hebrews.
In a papyrus of the Leyden Museum, an officer reports
to his superior thus: “May my lord be pleased.
I have distributed food to the soldiers and to the
Hebrews, dragging stones for the great city Ramses
Meia-moum. I gave them food monthly.”
This corresponds with the passage (Exodus :
“They built for Pharaoh treasure-cities, Pithom
and Raamses."
The birth of Moses fell under the
reign of Ramses II. The Exodus was under that
of his successor, Menepthes. This king had fallen
on evil times; his power was much inferior to that
of his great predecessor; and he even condescended
to propitiate the anti-Egyptian element, by worshipping
its gods. He has left his inscription on the
monuments with the title, “Worshipper of Sutech-Baal
in Tanis.” The name of Moses is Egyptian,
and signifies “the child.”
“Joseph,” says Brugsch,
“was never at the court of an Egyptian Pharaoh,
but found his place with the Semitic monarchs, who
reigned at Avaris-Tanis in the Delta, and whose power
extended from this point as far as Memphis and Heliopolis.”
The “king who knew not Joseph” was evidently
the restored Egyptian dynasty of Thebes. These
monarchs would be naturally averse to all the Palestinian
inhabitants of the land. And the monuments of
their reigns represent the labors of subject people,
under task-masters, cutting, carrying, and laying
stones for the walls of cities.
To what race do the Egyptians belong?
The only historic document which takes us back so
far as this is the list of nations in the tenth chapter
of Genesis. We cannot, indeed, determine the time
when it was written. But Bunsen, Ebers,
and other ethnologists are satisfied that the author
of this chapter had a knowledge of the subject derived
either from the Phoenicians or the Egyptians.
Ewald places his epoch with that of the early Jewish
kings. According to this table the Egyptians were
descended from Ham, the son of Noah, and were consequently
of the same original stock with the Japhetic and Semitic
nations. They were not negroes, though their
skin was black, or at least dark. According to
Herodotus they came from the heart of Africa; according
to Genesis (chap. x.) from Asia. Which is the
correct view?
The Egyptians themselves recognized
no relationship with the negroes, who only appear
on the monuments as captives or slaves.
History, therefore, helps us little
in this question of race. How is it with Comparative
Philology and Comparative Anatomy?
The Coptic language is an idiom of
the old Egyptian tongue, which seems to belong to
no known linguistic group. It is related to other
African languages only through the lexicon, and similarly
with the Indo-European. Some traces of grammatic
likeness to the Semitic may be found in it; yet the
view of Bunsen and Schwartz, that in very ancient times
it arose from the union of Semitic and Indo-European
languages, remains only a hypothesis. Merx
(in Schenkel’s Bibel-Lexicon) says this view
“rests upon a wish formed in the interest of
the Philosophy of History; and the belief of a connection
between these tongues is not justified by any scientific
study of philology. No such ethnological affinity
can be granted,-a proof of which is that
all facts in its favor are derived from common roots,
none from common grammar.” Benfey, however,
assumed two great branches of Semitic nationalities,
one flowing into Africa, the other into Western Asia.
Ebers gives some striking resemblances between
Egyptian and Chaldaic words, and says he possesses
more than three hundred examples of this kind; and
in Bunsen’s fifth volume are comparative tables
which give as their result that a third part of the
old Egyptian words in Coptic literature are Semitic,
and a tenth part Indo-European. If these statements
are confirmed, they may indicate some close early
relations between these races.
The anatomy of the mummies seems to
show a wide departure from negro characteristics.
The skull, chin, forehead, bony system, facial angle,
hair, limbs, are all different. The chief resemblances
are in the flat nose, and form of the backbone.
Scientific ethnologists have therefore usually decided
that the old Egyptians were an Asiatic people who
had become partially amalgamated with the surrounding
African tribes. Max Duncker comes to this conclusion,
and says that the Berber languages are the existing
representatives of the old Egyptian. This is
certainly true as concerns the Copts, whose very name
is almost identical with the word “Gupti,”
the old name from which the Greeks formed the term
AEgypti. Alfred Maury (Revue d. D. Mondes,
September, 1867) says that, “according to all
appearances, Egypt was peopled from Asia by that Hamitic
race which comprised the tribes of Palestine, Arabia,
and Ethiopia. Its ancient civilization was, consequently,
the sister of that which built Babylon and Nineveh.
In the valley of the Nile, as in those of the Euphrates
and the Tigris, religion gave the motive to civilization,
and in all the three nations there was a priesthood
in close alliance with an absolute monarchy.”
M. de Rouge is of the same opinion. In his examination
of the monuments of the oldest dynasties, he finds
the name given to the Egyptians by themselves to be
merely “the Men” (Rut),-a word
which by the usual interchange of R with L, and of
T with D, is identical with the Hebrew Lud (plural
Ludim), whom the Book of Genesis declares to have been
a son of Misraim. This term was applied by the
Israelites to all the races on the southeast shore
of the Mediterranean. It is, therefore, believed
by M. de Rouge that the Egyptians were of the same
family with these Asiatic tribes on the shores of
Syria. Here, then, as in so many other cases,
a new civilization may have come from the union of
two different races,-one Asiatic, the other
African. Asia furnished the brain, Africa the
fire, and from the immense vital force of the latter
and the intellectual vigor of the former sprang that
wonderful civilization which illuminated the world
during at least five thousand years.
Se. The Three Orders of Gods.
The Egyptian theology, or doctrine
of the gods, was of two kinds,-esoteric
and exoteric, that is, an interior theology for the
initiated, and an exterior theology for the uninitiated.
The exterior theology, which was for the whole people,
consisted of the mythological accounts of Isis and
Osiris, the judgments of the dead, the transmigration
of the soul, and all matters connected with the ceremonial
worship of the gods. But the interior, hidden
theology is supposed to have related to the unity
and spirituality of the Deity.
Herodotus informs us that the gods
of the Egyptians were in three orders; and Bunsen
believes that he has succeeded in restoring them from
the monuments. There are eight gods of the first
order, twelve gods of the second order, and seven
gods of the third order. The gods of the third
order are those of the popular worship, but those of
the first seem to be of a higher and more spiritual
class. The third class of gods were representative
of the elements of nature, the sun, fire, water, earth,
air. But the gods of the first order were the
gods of the priesthood, understood by them alone,
and expressing ideas which they shrank from communicating
to the people. The spiritual and ideal part of
their religion the priests kept to themselves as something
which the people were incapable of understanding.
The first eight gods seem to have been a representation
of a process of divine development or emanation, and
constituted a transition from the absolute spiritualism
of the Hindoos to the religion of nature and humanity
in the West. The Hindoo gods were emanations
of spirit: the gods of Greece are idealizations
of Nature. But the Egyptian gods represent spirit
passing into matter and form.
Accordingly, if we examine in detail
the gods of the first order, who are eight, we find
them to possess the general principle of self-revelation,
and to constitute, taken together, a process of divine
development. These eight, according to Bunsen,
are Amn, or Ammon; Khem, or Chemmis; Mut, the Mother
Goddess; Num, or Kneph; Seti, or Sate; Phtah,
the Artist God; Net, or Neith, the Goddess of Sais;
and Ra, the Sun, the God of Heliopolis. But according
to Wilkinson they stand in a little different order:
1. Neph, or Kneph; 2. Amun, or Ammon; 3.
Pthah; 4. Khem; 5. Sate; 6. Maut, or
Mut; 7. Pasht, or Diana; and 8. Neith, or
Minerva, in which list Pasht, the Goddess of Bubastis,
is promoted out of the second order and takes the
place of Ra, the Sun, who is degraded.
Supposing these lists to be substantially
correct, we have, as the root of the series, Ammon,
the Concealed God, or Absolute Spirit. His titles
indicate this dignity. The Greeks recognized him
as corresponding to their Zeus. He is styled
King of the Gods, the Ruler, the Lord of Heaven, the
Lord of the Thrones, the Horus or God of the Two Egypts.
Thebes was his city. According to Manetho, his
name means concealment; and the root “Amn”
also means to veil or conceal. His original name
was Amn; thus it stands in the rings of the twelfth
dynasty. But after the eighteenth dynasty it
is Amn-Ra, meaning the Sun. “Incontestably,”
says Bunsen, “he stands in Egypt as the head
of the great cosmogonic development.”
Next comes Kneph, or God as Spirit,-the
Spirit of God, often confounded with Amn, also called
Cnubis and Num. Both Plutarch and Diodorus
tell us that his name signifies Spirit, the Num
having an evident relation with the Greek [Greek:
pneuma], and the Coptic word “Nef,”
meaning also to blow. So too the Arabic “Nef”
means breath, the Hebrew “Nuf,” to flow,
and the Greek [Greek: pneo], to breathe.
At Esneh he is called the Breath of those in the Firmament;
at Elephantina, Lord of the Inundations. He wears
the ram’s head with double horns (by mistake
of the Greeks attributed to Ammon), and his worship
was universal in Ethiopia. The sheep are sacred
to him, of which there were large flocks in the Thebaid,
kept for their wool. And the serpent or asp,
a sign of kingly dominion,-hence called
basilisk,-is sacred to Kneph. As Creator,
he appears under the figure of a potter with a wheel.
In Philae he is so represented, forming on his wheel
a figure of Osiris, with the inscription, “Num,
who forms on his wheel the Divine Limbs of Osiris.”
He is also called the Sculptor of all men, also the
god who made the sun and moon to revolve. Porphyry
says that Pthah sprang from an egg which came from
the mouth of Kneph, in which he is supported by high
monumental authority.
The result of this seems to be that
Kneph represents the absolute Being as Spirit, the
Spirit of God moving on the face of the waters,-a
moving spirit pervading the formless chaos of matter.
Perhaps the next god in the series
is Pthah, by the Greeks called Hephaestus, or Vulcan,
representing formation, creation by the truth, stability;
called in the inscriptions, Lord of Truth, Lord of
the Beautiful Face, Father of the Beginnings, moving
the Egg of the Sun and Moon. With Horapollo and
Plutarch, we may consider the Scarabeus, or Beetle,
which is his sign, as an emblem of the world and its
creation. An inscription calls him Creator of
all things in the world. Iamblicus says, “The
God who creates with truth is Pthah.” He
was also connected with the sun, as having thirty
fingers,-the number of days in a month.
He is represented sometimes as a deformed dwarf.
The next god in the series is Khem,
the Greek Pan,-the principle of generation,
sometimes holding the ploughshare.
Then come the feminine principles
corresponding with these three latter gods. Amun
has naturally no companion. Mut, the mother, is
the consort of Khem the father. Seti,-the
Ray or Arrow,-a female figure, with the
horns of a cow, is the companion of Kneph. And
Neith, or Net, the goddess of Sais, belongs to Pthah.
The Greek Minerva Athene is thought to be derived
from Neith by an inversion of the letters,-the
Greeks writing from left to right and the Egyptians
from right to left. Her name means, “I
came from myself.” Clemens says that her
great shrine at Sais has an open roof with the inscription,
“I am all that was and is and is to be, and no
mortal has lifted my garment, and the fruit I bore
is Helios.” This would seem to identify
her with Nature.
For the eighth god of the first order
we may take either Helios or Ra or Phra, the Sun-God;
from whence came the name of the Pharaohs, or we may
take Pasht, Bubastis, the equivalent of the Greek Diana.
On some accounts it would seem that Ra was the true
termination of this cycle. We should then have,
proceeding from the hidden abyss of pure Spirit, first
a breathing forth, or spirit in motion; then creation,
by the word of truth; then generation, giving life
and growth; and then the female qualities of production,
wisdom, and light, completed by the Sun-God, last of
the series. Amn, or Ammon, the Concealed God,
is the root, then the creative power in Kneph, then
the generative power in Khem, the Demiurgic power in
Ptah, the feminine creative principle of Nature in
Neith, the productive principle in Mut, or perhaps
the nourishing principle, and then the living stimulus
of growth, which carries all forward in Ra.
But we must now remember that two
races meet in Egypt,-an Asiatic race, which
brings the ideas of the East; and an Ethiopian, inhabitants
of the land, who were already there. The first
race brought the spiritual ideas which were embodied
in the higher order of gods. The Africans were
filled with the instinct of nature-worship. These
two tendencies were to be reconciled in the religion
of Egypt. The first order of gods was for the
initiated, and taught them the unity, spirituality,
and creative power of God. The third order-the
circle of Isis and Osiris-were for the
people, and were representative of the forms and forces
of outward nature. Between the two come the second
series,-a transition from the one to the
other,-children of the higher gods, parents
of the lower,-neither so abstract as the
one nor so concrete as the other,-representing
neither purely divine qualities on the one side, nor
merely natural forces on the other, but rather the
faculties and powers of man. Most of this series
were therefore adopted by the Greeks, whose religion
was one essentially based on human nature, and whose
gods were all, or nearly all, the ideal representations
of human qualities. Hence they found in Khunsu,
child of Ammon, their Hercules, God of Strength; in
Thoth, child of Kneph, they found Hermes, God of Knowledge;
in Pecht, child of Pthah, they found their Artemis,
or Diana, the Goddess of Birth, protector of women;
in Athor, or Hathor, they found their Aphrodite, Goddess
of Love. Seb was Chronos, or Time; and Nutpe
was Rhea, wife of Chronos.
The third order of gods are the children
of the second series, and are manifestations of the
Divine in the outward universe. But though standing
lowest in the scale, they were the most popular gods
of the Pantheon; had more individuality and personal
character than the others; were more universally worshipped
throughout Egypt, and that from the oldest times.
“The Osiris deities,” says Herodotus, “are
the only gods worshipped throughout Egypt.”
“They stand on the oldest monuments, are the
centre of all Egyptian worship, and are perhaps the
oldest original objects of reverence,” says
Bunsen. How can this be if they belong to a lower
order of Deities, and what is the explanation of it?
There is another historical fact also to be explained.
Down to the time of Ramses, thirteen hundred years
before Christ, Typhon, or Seth, the God of Destruction,
was the chief of this third order, and the most venerated
of all the gods. After that time a revolution
occurred in the worship, which overthrew Seth, and
his name was chiselled out of the monuments, and the
name of Amun inserted in its place. This was
the only change which occurred in the Egyptian religion,
so far as we know, from its commencement until the
time of the Caesars. An explanation of both these
facts may be given, founded on the supposed amalgamation
in Egypt of two races with their religions. Supposing
that the gods of the higher orders represented the
religious ideas of a Semitic or Aryan race entering
Egypt from Asia, and that the Osiris group were the
gods of the African nature-worship, which they found
prevailing on their arrival, it is quite natural that
the priests should in their classification place their
own gods highest, while they should have allowed the
external worship to go on as formerly, at least for
a time. But, after a time, as the tone of thought
became more elevated, they may have succeeded in substituting
for the God of Terror and Destruction a higher conception
in the popular worship.
The myth of Isis and Osiris, preserved
for us by Plutarch, gives the most light in relation
to this order of deities.
Seb and Nutpe, or Nut, called by the
Greeks Chronos and Rhea, were the parents of this
group. Seb is therefore Time, and Nut is Motion
or perhaps Space. The Sun pronounced a curse
on them, namely, that she should not be delivered,
on any day of the year. This perhaps implies the
difficulty of the thought of Creation. But Hermes,
or Wisdom, who loved Rhea, won, at dice, of the Moon,
five days, the seventieth part of all her illuminations,
which he added to the three hundred and sixty days,
or twelve months. Here we have a hint of a correction
of the calendar, the necessity of which awakened a
feeling of irregularity in the processes of nature,
admitting thereby the notion of change and a new creation.
These five days were the birthdays of the gods.
On the first Osiris is born, and a voice was heard
saying, “The Lord of all things is now born.”
On the second day, Arueris-Apollo, or the elder Horus;
on the third, Typhon, who broke through a hole in
his mother’s side; on the fourth, Isis; and on
the fifth, Nepthys-Venus, or Victory. Osiris
and Arueris are children of the Sun, Isis of Hermes,
Typhon and Nepthys of Saturn.
Isis became the wife of Osiris, who
went through the world taming it by means of oratory,
poetry, and music. When he returned, Typhon took
seventy-two men and also a queen of Ethiopia, and made
an ark the size of Osiris’s body, and at a feast
proposed to give it to the one whom it should fit.
Osiris got into it, and they fastened down the lid
and soldered it and threw it into the Nile. Then
Isis put on mourning and went to search for it, and
directed her inquiries to little children, who were
hence held by the Egyptians to have the faculty of
divination. Then she found Anubis, child of Osiris,
by Nepthys, wife of Typhon, who told her how the ark
was entangled in a tree which grew up around it and
hid it. The king had made of this tree a pillar
to support his house. Isis sat down weeping;
the women of the queen came to her, she stroked their
hair, and fragrance passed into it. She was made
nurse to the queen’s child, fed him with her
finger, and in the night-time, by means of a lambent
flame, burned away his impurities. She then turned
herself into a swallow and flew around the house,
bewailing her fate. The queen watched her operations,
and being alarmed cried out, and so robbed her child
of immortality. Isis then begged the pillar,
took it down, took out the chest, and cried so loud
that the younger son of the king died of fright.
She then took the ark and the elder son and set sail.
The cold air of the river chilled her, and she became
angry and cursed it, and so dried it up. She
opened the chest, put her cheek to that of Osiris and
wept bitterly. The little boy came and peeped
in; she gave him a terrible look, and he died of fright.
Isis then came to her son Horus, who was at nurse at
Buto. Typhon, hunting by moonlight, saw
the ark, with the body of Osiris, which he tore into
fourteen parts and threw them about. Isis went
to look for them in a boat made of papyrus, and buried
each part in a separate place.
After this the soul of Osiris returned
out of Hades to train up his son. Then came a
battle between Horus and Typhon, in which Typhon was
vanquished, but Isis allowed him to escape. There
are other less important incidents in the story, among
them that Isis had another son by the soul of Osiris
after his death, who is the god called Harpocrates,
represented as lame and with his finger on his mouth.
Plutarch declares that this story
is symbolical, and mentions various explanations of
the allegory. He rejects, at once, the rationalistic
explanation, which turns these gods into eminent men,-sea-captains,
etc. “I fear,” says he, “this
would be to stir things that are not to be stirred,
and to declare war (as Simonides says), not only against
length of time, but also against many nations and
families of mankind, whom a religious reverence towards
these gods holds fast bound like men astonished and
amazed, and would be no other than going about to remove
so great and venerable names from heaven to earth,
and thereby shaking and dissolving that worship and
persuasion that hath entered almost all men’s
constitutions from their very birth, and opening vast
doors to the atheists’ faction, who convert
all divine matters into human.” “Others,”
he says, “consider these beings as demons intermediate
between gods and men. And Osiris afterwards became
Serapis, the Pluto of the under-world.”
Other explanations of the myth are
given by Plutarch. First, the geographical explanation.
According to this, Osiris is Water, especially the
Nile. Isis is Earth, especially the land of Egypt
adjoining the Nile, and overflowed by it. Horus,
their son, is the Air, especially the moist, mild
air of Egypt. Typhon is Fire, especially the summer
heat which dries up the Nile and parches the
land. His seventy-two associates are the seventy-two
days of greatest heat, according to the Egyptian opinion.
Nepthys, his wife, sister of Isis, is the Desert outside
of Egypt, but which in a higher inundation of the
Nile being sometimes overflowed, becomes productive,
and has a child by Osiris, named Anubis. When
Typhon shuts Osiris into the ark, it is the summer
heat drying up the Nile and confining it to its channel.
This ark, entangled in a tree, is where the Nile divides
into many mouths at the Delta and is overhung by the
wood. Isis, nursing the child of the king, the
fragrance, etc., represent the earth nourishing
plants and animals. The body of Osiris, torn by
Typhon into fourteen parts, signifies either the division
of the Nile at its mouths or the pools of water left
after the drying up of the inundation.
There is so much in this account which
accords with the facts, that there can be no doubt
of its correctness so far as it goes. At the same
time it is evidently an incomplete explanation.
The story means this, but something more. Beside
the geographical view, Plutarch therefore adds a scientific
and an astronomical explanation, as well as others
more philosophical. According to these, Osiris
is in general the productive, the creative power in
nature; Isis, the female property of nature, hence
called by Plato the nurse; and Typhon the destructive
property in nature; while Horus is the mediator between
creation and destruction. And thus we have the
triad of Osiris, Typhon, and Horus, essentially corresponding
to the Hindoo triad, Brahma, Siva, and Vishnu, and
also to the Persian triad, Ormazd, Ahriman, and Mithra.
And so this myth will express the Egyptian view of
the conflict of good and evil in the natural world.
But it seems very likely that it was
the object of the priests to elevate this Osiris worship
to a still higher meaning, making it an allegory of
the struggles, sorrows, and self-recovery of the human
soul. Every human soul after death took the name
and symbols of Osiris, and then went into the under-world
to be judged by him. Connected with this was the
doctrine of transmigration, or the passage of the
soul through various bodies,-a doctrine
brought out of Egypt by Pythagoras. These higher
doctrines were taught in the mysteries. “I
know them,” says Herodotus, “but must not
tell them.” Iamblicus professes to explain
them in his work on the Mysteries. But it is
not easy to say how much of his own Platonism he has
mingled therewith. According to him, they taught
in the mysteries that before all things was one God
immovable in the solitude of unity. The One was
to be venerated in silence. Then Emeph, or Neph,
was god in his self-consciousness. After this
in Amun, his intellect became truth, shedding light.
Truth working by art is Pthah, and art producing good
is Osiris.
Another remarkable fact must be at
least alluded to. Bunsen says, that, according
to the whole testimony of the monuments, Isis and Osiris
not only have their roots in the second order, but
are also themselves the first and the second order.
Isis, Osiris, and Horus comprise all Egyptian mythology,
with the exception of Amun and Neph. Of this fact
I have seen no explanation and know of none, unless
it be a sign of the purpose of the priests to unite
the two systems of spiritualism and nature-worship
into one, and to elevate and spiritualize the lower
order of gods.
One reason for thinking that the religious
system of the priests was a compromise between several
different original tendencies is to be found in the
local worship of special deities in various places.
In Lower Egypt the highest god was Pthah, whom the
Greeks identified with Vulcan; the god of fire or
heat, father of the sun. He was in this region
the chief god, corresponding to Ammon in Upper Egypt.
Manetho says that Pthah reigned nine thousand years
before the other gods,-which must mean that
this was by far the oldest worship in Egypt.
As Ammon is the head of a cosmogony which proceeds
according to emanation from spirit down to matter,
so Pthah is at the beginning of a cosmogony which
ascends by a process of evolution from matter working
up to spirit. For from Pthah (heat) comes light,
from light proceeds life, from life arise gods, men,
plants, animals, and all organic existence. The
inscriptions call Pthah, “Father of the Father
of the Gods,” “King of both Worlds,”
the “God of all Beginnings,” the “Former
of Things.” The egg is one of his symbols,
as containing a germ of life. The scarabaeus,
or beetle, which rolls its ball of earth, supposed
to contain its egg, is dedicated to Pthah. His
sacred city was Memphis, in Lower Egypt. His
son, Ra, the Sun-God, had his temple at On, near by,
which the Greeks called Heliopolis, or City of the
Sun. The cat is sacred to Ra. As Pthah is
the god of all beginnings in Lower Egypt, so Ra is
the vitalizing god, the active ruler of the world,
holding a sceptre in one hand and the sign of life
in the other.
The goddesses of Lower Egypt were
Neith at Sais, Leto, the goddess whose temple was
at Buto, and Pacht at Babastis. In Upper
Egypt, as we have seen, the chief deity was Amun,
or Ammon, the Concealed God, and Kneph, or Knubis.
With them belonged the goddess Mut (the mother)
and Khonso. The two oldest gods were Mentu, the
rising sun, and Atmu, the setting sun.
We therefore find traces of the same
course of religious thought in Egypt as we shall afterward
find in Greece. The earlier worship is of local
deities, who are afterwards united in a Pantheon.
As Zeus was at first worshipped in Dodona and Arcadia,
Apollo in Crete and Delos, Aphrodite in Cyprus, Athene
at Athens, and afterward these tribal and provincial
deities were united in one company as the twelve gods
of Olympus, so in Egypt the various early theologies
were united in the three orders, of which Ammon was
made the head. But, in both countries, each city
and province persevered in the worship of its particular
deity. As Athene continued to be the protector
of Athens, and Aphrodite of Cyprus, so, in Egypt,
Set continued to be the god of Ombos, Leto of Buto,
Horus of Edfu, Khem of Coptos.
Before concluding this section, we
must say a word of the practical morality connected
with this theology. We have seen, above, the stress
laid on works of justice and mercy. There is a
papyrus in the Imperial library at Paris, which M.
Chabas considers the oldest book in the world.
It is an autograph manuscript written B.C. 2200, or
four thousand years ago, by one who calls himself
the son of a king. It contains practical philosophy
like that of Solomon in his proverbs. It glorifies,
like the Proverbs, wisdom. It says that “man’s
heart rules the man,” that “the bad man’s
life is what the wise know to be death,” that
“what we say in secret is known to him who made
our interior nature,” that “he who made
us is present with us though we are alone.”
Is not the human race one, when this
Egyptian four thousand years ago, talks of life as
Solomon spoke one thousand years after, in Judaea;
and as Benjamin Franklin spoke, three thousand years
after Solomon, in America?
Se. Influence of Egypt on Judaism and Christianity.
How much of the doctrine and ritual
of Egypt were imported into Judaism by Moses is a
question by no means easy to settle. Of Egyptian
theology proper, or the doctrine of the gods, we find
no trace in the Pentateuch. Instead of the three
orders of deities we have Jéhovah; instead of the
images and pictures of the gods, we have a rigorous
prohibition of idolatry; instead of Osiris and Isis,
we have a Deity above all worlds and behind all time,
with no history, no adventures, no earthly life.
But it is perhaps more strange not to find any trace
of the doctrine of a future life in Mosaism, when
this was so prominent among the Egyptians. Moses
gives no account of the judgment of souls after death;
he tells nothing of the long journey and multiform
experiences of the next life according to the Egyptians,
nothing of a future resurrection and return to the
body. His severe monotheism was very different
from the minute characterization of gods in the Egyptian
Pantheon. The personal character of Jéhovah, with
its awful authority, its stern retribution and impartial
justice, was quite another thing from the symbolic
ideal type of the gods of Egypt. Nothing of the
popular myth of Osiris, Isis, Horus, and Typhon is
found in the Pentateuch, nothing of the transmigration
of souls, nothing of the worship of animals; nothing
of the future life and judgment to come; nothing of
the embalming of bodies and ornamenting of tombs.
The cherubim among the Jews may resemble the Egyptian
Sphinx; the priests’ dress in both are of white
linen; the Urim and Thummim, symbolic jewels of the
priests, are in both; a quasi-hereditary priesthood
is in each; and both have a temple worship. But
here the parallels cease. Moses left behind Egyptian
theology, and took only some hints for his ritual from
the Nile.
There may perhaps be a single exception
to this statement. According to Brugsch
and other writers, the Papyrus buried with the mummy
contained the doctrine of the Divine unity. The
name of God was not given, but instead the words NUK
PU NUK, “I am the I am,” corresponding
to the name given in Exodus ii, Jahveh (in a corrupt
form Jéhovah). This name, Jahveh, has the same
meaning with the Egyptian Nuk pu Nuk, “I
am the I am.” At least so say Egyptologists.
If this is so, the coincidence is certainly very striking.
That some of the ritualism to which
the Jews were accustomed in Egypt should have been
imported into their new ceremonial, is quite in accordance
with human nature. Christianity, also, has taken
up many of the customs of heathenism. The rite
of circumcision was probably adopted by the Jews from
the Egyptians, who received it from the natives of
Africa. Livingstone has found it among the tribes
south of the Zambesi, and thinks this custom there
cannot be traced to any Mohammedan source. Prichard
believes it, in Egypt, to have been a relic of ancient
African customs. It still exists in Ethiopia
and Abyssinia. In Egypt it existed far earlier
than the time of Abraham, as appears by ancient mummies.
Wilkinson affirms it to have been “as early as
the fourth dynasty, and probably earlier, long before
the time of Abraham.” Herodotus tells us
that the custom existed from the earliest times among
the Egyptians and Ethiopians, and was adopted from
them by the Syrians of Palestine. Those who regard
this rite as instituted by a Divine command may still
believe that it already existed among the Jews, just
as baptism existed among them before Jesus commanded
his disciples to baptize. Both in Egypt and among
the Jews it was connected with a feeling of superiority.
The circumcised were distinguished from others by
a higher religious position. It is difficult
to trace the origin of sentiments so alien to our own
ways of thought; but the hygienic explanation seems
hardly adequate. It may have been a sign of the
devotion of the generative power to the service of
God, and have been the first step out of the untamed
license of the passions, among the Africans.
It has been supposed that the figure
of the Cherubim among the Jews was derived from that
of the Sphinx. There were three kinds of Sphinxes
in Egypt,-the andrò-sphinx, with
the head of a man and the body of a lion; the crío-sphinx,
with the head of a ram and the body of a lion; and
the hieraco-sphinx, with the head of a hawk
and a lion’s body. The first was a symbol
of the union of wisdom and strength. The Sphinx
was the solemn sentinel, placed to watch the temple
and the tomb, as the Cherubim watched the gates of
Paradise after the expulsion of Adam. In the Cherubim
were joined portions of the figure of a man with those
of the lion, the ox, and the eagle. In the Temple
the Cherubim spread their wings above the ark; and
Wilkinson gives a picture from the Egyptian tombs of
two kneeling figures with wings spread above the scarabaeus.
The Persians and the Greeks had similar symbolic figures,
meant to represent the various powers of these separate
creatures combined in one being; but the Hebrew figure
was probably imported from Egypt.
The Egyptians had in their temples
a special interior sanctuary, more holy than the rest.
So the Jews had their Holy of Holies, into which only
the high-priest went, separated by a veil from the
other parts of the Temple. The Jews were commanded
on the Day of Atonement to provide a scapegoat, to
carry away the sins of the people, and the high-priest
was to lay his hands on the head of the goat and confess
the national sins, “putting them upon the head
of the goat” (Lev. xv, 22), and it was said
that “the goat shall bear upon him all their
iniquities unto a land not inhabited.”
So, among the Egyptians, whenever a victim was offered,
a prayer was repeated over its head, “that if
any calamity were about to befall either the sacrifices
or the land of Egypt, it might be averted on this
head."
Such facts as these make it highly
probable that Moses allowed in his ritual many ceremonies
borrowed from the Egyptian worship.
That Egyptian Christianity had a great
influence on the development of the system of Christian
doctrine is not improbable. The religion of ancient
Egypt was very tenacious and not easily effaced.
Successive waves of Syrian, Persian, Greek, and Roman
conquest rolled over the land, scarcely producing
any change in her religion or worship. Christianity
conquered Egypt, but was itself deeply tinged with
the faith of the conquered. Many customs found
in Christendom may be traced back to Egypt. The
Egyptian at his marriage put a gold ring on his wife’s
finger, as a token that he intrusted her with all
his property, just as in the Church of England service
the bridegroom does the same, saying, “With all
my worldly goods I thee endow.” Clemens
tells us that this custom was derived by the Christians
from the Egyptians. The priests at Philae threw
a piece of gold into the Nile once a year, as the
Venetian Doge did into the Adriatic. The Feast
of Candles at Sais is still marked in the Christian
calendar as Candlemas Day. The Catholic priest
shaves his head as the Egyptian priest did before
him. The Episcopal minister’s linen surplice
for reading the Liturgy is taken from the dress of
obligation, made of linen, worn by the priest in Egypt.
Two thousand years before the Pope assumed to hold
the keys, there was an Egyptian priest at Thebes with
the title of “Keeper of the two doors of Heaven."
In the space which we have here at
command we are unable to examine the question of doctrinal
influences from Egypt upon orthodox Christianity.
Four doctrines, however, are stated by the learned
Egyptologist, Samuel Sharpe, to be common to Egyptian
mythology and church orthodoxy. They are these:-
1. That the creation and government
of the world is not the work of one
simple and undivided Being, but
of one God made up of several persons.
This is the doctrine of plural unity.
2. That salvation cannot be
expected from the justice or mercy of the
Supreme Judge, unless an atoning
sacrifice is made to him by a divine
being.
3. That among the persons who
compose the godhead, one, though a god,
could yet suffer pain and be put
to death.
4. That a god or man, or a
being half god and half a man once lived on
earth, born of an earthly mother
but without an earthly father.
The gods of Egypt generally appear
in triads, and sometimes as three gods in one.
The triad of Thebes was Amun-Ra, Athor, and Chonso,-or
father, mother, and son. In Nubia it was Pthah,
Amun-Ra, and Horus-Ra. At Philae it was Osiris,
Isis, and Horus. Other groups were Isis, Nephthys,
and Horus; Isis, Nephthys, and Osiris; Osiris, Athor,
and Ra. In later times Horus became the supreme
being, and appears united with Ra and Osiris in one
figure, holding the two sceptres of Osiris, and having
the hawk’s head of Horus and the sun of Ra.
Eusebius says of this god that he declared himself
to be Apollo, Lord, and Bacchus. A porcelain idol
worn as a charm combines Pthah the Supreme God of
Nature, with Horus the Son-God, and Kneph the Spirit-God.
The body is that of Pthah, God of Nature, with the
hawk’s wings of Horus, and the ram’s head
of Kneph. It is curious that Isis the mother,
with Horus the child in her arms, as the merciful gods
who would save their worshippers from the vengeance
of Osiris the stern judge, became as popular a worship
in Egypt in the time of Augustus, as that of the Virgin
and Child is in Italy to-day. Juvenal says that
the painters of Rome almost lived by painting the
goddess Isis, the Madonna of Egypt, which had been
imported into Italy, and which was very popular there.
In the trial of the soul before Osiris,
as represented on tablets and papyri, are seen the
images of gods interceding as mediators and offering
sacrifices on its behalf. There are four of these
mediatorial gods, and there is a tablet in the British
Museum in which the deceased is shown as placing the
gods themselves on the altar as his sin-offering, and
pleading their merits.
The death of Osiris, the supreme god
of all Egypt, was a central fact in this mythology.
He was killed by Typhon, the Egyptian Satan, and after
the fragments of his body had been collected by “the
sad Isis,” he returned to life as king of the
dead and their judge.
In connection with these facts it
is deserving of notice that the doctrine of the trinity
and that of the atonement began to take shape in the
hands of the Christian theologians of Egypt.
The Trinity and its symbols were already familiar
to the Egyptian mind. Plutarch says that the Egyptians
worshipped Osiris, Isis, and Horus under the form of
a triangle. He adds that they considered everything
perfect to have three parts, and that therefore their
good god made himself threefold, while their god of
evil remained single. Egypt, which had exercised
so powerful an influence on the old religion of Rome,
was destined also greatly to influence Christianity.
Alexandria was the head-quarters of learning and profound
religious speculations in the first centuries.
Clemens, Origen, Dionysius, Athanasius, were eminent
teachers in that school. Its doctrines were
that God had revealed himself to all nations by his
Logos, or Word. Christianity is its highest revelation.
The common Christian lives by faith, but the more
advanced believer has gnosis, or philosophic insight
of Christianity as the eternal law of the soul.
This doctrine soon substituted speculation in place
of the simplicity of early Christianity. The
influence of Alexandrian thought was increased by the
high culture which prevailed there, and by the book-trade
of this Egyptian city. All the oldest manuscripts
of the Bible now extant were transcribed by Alexandrian
penmen. The oldest versions were made in Alexandria.
Finally the intense fervor of the Egyptian mind exercised
its natural influence on Christianity, as it did on
Judaism and Heathenism. The Oriental speculative
element of Egyptian life was reinforced by the African
fire; and in Christianity, as before in the old religion,
we find both working together. By the side of
the Alexandrian speculations on the nature of God
and the Trinity appear the maniacal devotion of the
monks of the Thebaid. The ardor of belief which
had overcome even the tenacity of Judaism, and modified
it into its two Egyptian forms of the speculations
of Philo and the monastic devotion of the Therapeutae,
reappeared in a like action upon Christian belief
and Christian practice. How large a part of our
present Christianity is due to these two influences
we may not be able to say. But palpable traces
of Egyptian speculation appear in the Church doctrines
of the Trinity and atonement, and the material resurrection
of the same particles which constitute the earthly
body. And an equally evident influence from Egyptian
asceticism is found in the long history of Christian
monasticism, no trace of which appears in the New Testament,
and no authority for which can be found in any teaching
or example of Christ. The mystical theology and
mystical devotion of Egypt are yet at work in the
Christian Church. But beside the doctrines
directly derived from Egypt, there has probably come
into Christianity another and more important element
from this source. The spirit of a race,
a nation, a civilization, a religion is more indestructible
than its forms, more pervasive than its opinions,
and will exercise an interior influence long after
its outward forms have disappeared. The spirit
of the Egyptian religion was reverence for the divine
mystery of organic life, the worship of God in creation,
of unity in variety, of each in all. Through the
Christian Church in Egypt, the schools of Alexandria,
the monks of the Thebaid, these elements filtered
into the mind of Christendom. They gave a materialistic
tone to the conceptions of the early Church, concerning
God, Satan, the angels and devils, Heaven, Hell, the
judgment, and the resurrection. They prevented
thereby the triumph of a misty Oriental spiritualism.
Too gross indeed in themselves, they yet were better
than the Donatism which would have turned every spiritual
fact into a ghost or a shadow. The African spirit,
in the fiery words of a Tertullian and an Augustine,
ran into a materialism, which, opposed to the opposite
extreme of idealism, saved to the Church its healthy
realism.
The elaborate work of Bunsen on “Egypt’s
Place in Universal History” does not aid us
much in finding the place of Egyptian religion in universal
religion. It was strictly an ethnic religion,
never dreaming of extending itself beyond the borders
of the Nile, until long after the conquest of Egypt
by the Romans. Then, indeed, Egyptian temples
were welcomed by the large hospitality of Rome, and
any traveller may see the ruins of the temple of Serapis
at Pozzuoli, and that of Isis at Pompeii. The
gods of Greece, as we have seen, took some hints from
Egypt, but the Greek Olympus, with its bright forms,
was very different from the mysterious sombre worship
of Egypt.
The worship of variety, the recognition
of the Divine in nature, the sentiment of wonder before
the mystery of the world, the feeling that the Deity
is in all life, in all form, in all change as well
as in what is permanent and stable,-this
is the best element and the most original part of
the Egyptian religion. So much we can learn from
it positively; and negatively, by its entire dissolution,
its passing away forever, leaving no knowledge of
itself behind, we can learn how empty is any system
of faith which is based on concealment and mystery.
All the vast range of Egyptian wisdom has gone, and
disappeared from the surface of the earth, for it
was only a religion of the priests, who kept the truth
to themselves and did not venture to communicate it
to the people. It was only priestcraft, and priestcraft,
like all other craft, carries in itself the principle
of death. Only truth is immortal,-open,
frank, manly truth. Confucius was true; he did
not know much, but he told all he knew. Buddha
told all he knew. Moses told all he heard.
So they and their works continue, being built on faith
in men. But the vast fabric of Egyptian wisdom,-its
deep theologies, its mysterious symbolism, its majestic
art, its wonderful science,-remain only
as its mummies remain and as its tombs remain, an
enigma exciting and baffling our curiosity, but not
adding to our real life.