Policy of the Court of Morocco.Its
strength.Diplomatic Intercourse with England.Distrust
of Europeans.Commercial Relations.
Morocco is the China of North Africa.
The grand political maxim of the Shereefian Court
is, the exclusion of strangers; to look upon all strangers
with distrust and suspicion; and should they, at any
time, attempt to explore the interior of Morocco,
or any of the adjacent counties, to thwart and circumvent
their enterprise, is a veritable feat of statesmanship
in the opinion of the Shereefian Court. The assassination
of Mr. Davidson, some years since, is an odious and
enduring stigma on the Moorish Court, notwithstanding
the various efforts which have been made to deny the
personal responsibility of the Emperor in that transaction.
The Prince de Joinville was once going
to open Morocco, as we opened China; but bullets and
shot which his Royal Highness showered upon Tangier
and Mogador, only closed faster the approaches and
routes of this well-guarded empireonly
more hermetically sealed the capitals of Fez and Morocco
against the prying or morbid curiosity of the tourist,
or the mappings and measurings of the political spy.
The striking anecdote, illustrating the exclusive
policy of the Maroquine Court, is familiar to
all who have read the history of the Moorish Sultans
of the Mugreb. Years ago, a European squadron
threatened to bombard Tangier, unless their demands
were instantly satisfied; and the then reigning Sultan
sent down from Fez this imperial message:
“How much will the enemy give
me if I myself burn to ashes my well-beloved city
of Tangier? Tell the enemy, O governor of the
mighty city of Tangier, that I can reduce this self-same
city to a heap of smoking ruins, at a much cheaper
rate than he can, with all his ships, his warlike
machines, and his fighting men.”
The strength of Morocco lies in her
internal cities, her inland population, and the natural
difficulties of her territory; about her coast she
cares little; but the French did not find this out
till after their bombardments. The unwonted discovery
led them afterwards to boast that they had at length
opened Morocco by the other and opposite system of
a pacific mission. The parties forming the mission,
pretended to have obtained from the Emperor permission
for Europeans “to travel in Morocco without
let or hindrance whithersoever they will.”
But the opposition press justly ridiculed the pretensions
of the alleged concession, as the precarious and barren
result of a mission costing several million of francs.
Even an Englishman, but much more a Frenchmanand
the latter is especially hated and dreaded in all
the Maroquine provinces, would have considerably
hesitated in placing confidence in the safe conduct
of this jealous Court.
The spirit of the Christian West,
which has invaded the most secret councils of the
Eastern world, Persia, Turkey, and all the countries
subjected to Ottoman rule, is still excluded by the
haughty Shereefs of the Mahometan West. There
is scarcely any communication between the port and
the court of the Shereefs, and the two grand masters
of orthodox Islamism, this of the West, and that of
the East, are nearly strangers to each other.
All that Muley Errahman has to do
with the East, appears to be to procure eunuchs and
Abyssinian concubines for his harem from Egypt, and
send forward his most faithful, or most rebellious
subjects on their pilgrimage to Mecca.
Englishmen are surprised, that the
frequent visits and uninterrupted communications between
Morocco and Gibraltar, during so long a period, should
have produced scarcely a perceptible change in the
minds of the Moors, and that Western Barbary should
be a century behind Tunis. This circumstance
certainly does not arise from any inherent inaptitude
in the Moorish character to entertain friendly relations
with Europeans, and can only have resulted from that
crouching and subservient policy which the Gibraltar
authorities have always judged it expedient to show
towards the Maroquines.
Our diplomatic intercourse began with
Morocco in the reign of Queen Elizabeth; and though
on friendly terms more or less ever since, Englishmen
have not yet obtained a recognised permission to travel
in the interior of the country, without first specially
applying to its Government. Our own countrymen
know little of Morocco, or of its inhabitants, customs,
laws, and government; and, though only five or six
days sail from England, it must be regarded as an unknown
and unexplored region to the mass of the English nation.
Nevertheless, in spite of the Maroquine
Empire being the most conservative and unchangeable
of all North African Mussulman states, and whilst,
happily for itself, it has been allowed to pursue its
course obscurely and noiselessly, without exciting
particular attention in Europe, or being involved
in the wars and commotions of European nations, Morocco
is not, therefore, beyond the reach of changes and
the ravages of time, nor exempt from that mutability
which is impressed upon all sublunary states.
The bombardments of Tangier and Mogador have left
behind them traces not easily to be effaced. It
was no ordinary event for Morocco to carry on hostilities
with an European power.
The battle of Isly has deeply wounded
the Shereefians, and incited the Mussulman heart to
sullen and unquenchable revenge. A change has
come over the Maroquine mind, which, as to its
immediate effects, is evidently for the worst towards
us Christians. The distrust of all Europeans,
which existed before the French hostilities, is now
enlarged to hatred, a feeling from which even the
English are hardly excepted. Up to the last moment,
the government and people of Morocco believed that
England would never abandon them to their unscrupulous
and ambitious neighbours.
The citizens and merchants of Mogador
could not be brought to believe, or even to entertain
the idea that the British ships of war would quietly
look on, whilst the Frenchthe great rivals
and enemies of the Englishdestroyed their
towns and batteries. Most manifest facts and
stern realities dissipated, in an hour when they little
thought of it, such a fond delusion. From that
moment, the moral influence of England, once our boast,
and not perhaps unreasonably so, was no longer felt
in Morocco; and now we have lost almost all hold on
the good wishes and faith of the Mussulman tribes
of that immense country.
As to exploring the empire of Morocco,
or making it the way of communication with Soudan
or Central Negroland, this is now altogether impracticable.
The difficulties of Europeans travelling the Maroquine
States, always great and perilous, are now become nearly
insuperable. This suspicious distrust, or ill-feeling
has communicated itself contagiously to the tribes
of the South as far as the Desert, and has infected
other parts of Barbary. The Engleez, once the
cherished friends of the Moors, are looked upon more
or less as the abettors of French aggressions in North
Africa, if not as the sharers with them of the spoil.
In the language of the more plain-spoken Moors, “We
always thought all Christians alike, though we often
excepted the English from the number of our enemies,
now we are certain we were wrong; the English are
become as much our enemies as the French and the Spaniards.”
The future alone can disclose what will be the particular
result of this unfavourable feeling; both with respect
to France and England, and to other European nations.
However, we may look forward without misgiving.
Islamism will wear itself outthe Crescent
must wane.
In these preliminary observations,
the commercial system of the Maroquine Court
deserves especial mention. The great object of
Muley Abd Errahman isnay, the pursuit
of his whole life has beento get the whole
of the trade of the empire into his own hands.
In fact, he has by this time virtually succeeded,
though the thing is less ostentatiously done than
by the Egyptian viceroy, that equally celebrated prince-merchant.
In order to effect this, his Shereefian Majesty seeks
to involve in debt all the merchants, natives, or foreigners,
tempting them by the offer of profuse credit.
As many of them as are needy and speculative, this
imperial boon is without scruple greedily accepted.
The Emperor likewise provides them with commodious
houses and stores; gives them at once ten or twenty
thousand dollars worth of credit, and is content to
receive in return monthly instalments. These instalments
never are, never can be regularly paid up. The
debt progressively and indefinitely increases; and
whilst they live like so many merchant-princes, carrying
on an immense trade, they are in reality beggars and
slaves of the Emperor. They are, however, styled
imperial merchants, and wear their golden chains
with ostentatious pride.
This credit costs his Shereetian Highness
nothing; he gives no goods, advances no moneys, whilst
he most effectually impoverishes and reduces to servitude
the foreign merchant resident in his empire, never
allowing him to visit his native country without the
guarantee of leaving his wife and family behind as
hostages for his return. The native merchant
is, in all cases, absolutely at the mercy of his imperial
lord. On the bombardment of Mogador, all the
native and resident traders, not excepting the English
merchants, were found overwhelmed with debt, and,
therefore, were not allowed to leave the country; and
they were only saved from the pillage and massacre
of the ferocious Berber tribes by a miracle of good
luck.
Since the bombardment of Mogador,
the Emperor has more strongly than ever set his face
against the establishment of strangers in his dominions.
Now his Imperial Highness is anxious that all commerce
should be transacted by his own subjects. The
Emperor’s Jews are, in future, to be the principal
medium of commerce between Morocco and Europe, which,
indeed, is facilitated by many of the native Jews having
direct relations with European Jews, those of London
and Marseilles. In this way, the Maroquines will
be relieved from the embarrassments occasioned by
the presence of Europeans, Jews, or Christians, under
the protection of foreign consuls. The Emperor,
also, has a fair share of trade, and gets a good return
on what he exports; the balance of commercial transactions
is always in his favour.
I must add a word on the way of treating
politically with the Court of Morocco. The modes
and maxims of this Court, not unlike those of the
Chinese, are procrastination, plausible delays, and
voluminous despatches and communications, which are
carried on through the hands of intermediaries and
subordinate agents of every rank and degree. You
can never communicate directly with the Emperor, as
with other Barbary princes and pashas. This system
has admirably and invariably succeeded for the last
two or three centuries; that is to say, the empire
of Morocco has remained intact by foreign influences,
while its system of commerce has been an exclusive
native monopoly. The Americans, however, have
endeavoured to adopt a more expeditious mode of treating
with the Maroquine Court. They have something,
in the style and spirit of Lynch law, usually made
their own demands and their own terms, by threatening
the immediate withdrawal of their consul, or the bombardment
of ports.
The Shereefs, thus intimidated, have
yielded, though with a very bad grace. Nevertheless,
the Americans have received no favours, nor have they
obtained a nearer approach to the awful Shereefian
presence than other people; and it is not likely they
ever will succeed beyond their neighbours. The
French and English have always negotiated and corresponded,
corresponded and negotiated, and been worsted once
and worsted again. Somehow or other, the Emperor
has, in most cases, had his own way. Neither
the American nor our own European system is the right
or dignified course. And I am still of opinion,
that the Maroquine Court is so far enlightened
respecting the actual state of the barbarians or Christian
infidels, out of its Shereefian land of Marabouts,
out of its central orthodox Mussulman land of the
Mugreb, as to be accessible to ordinary notions of
things, and that it would always concede a just demand
if it were rightly and vigorously pressed, and if the
religious fanaticism of its people were not involved
in the transaction. Thus far we may do justice
to the government of these Moorish princes.
This opinion, however, does not altogether
coincide with that of the late Mr. Hay. According
to the report of Mr. Borrow, as found in his work,
“The Bible of Spain,” the Moorish government,
according to Mr. Hay, was “one of the vilest
description, with which it was next to impossible
to hold amicable relations, as it invariably acted
with bad faith, and set at nought the most solemn
treaties.” But, if the Maroquine Court
had acted in this most extraordinary manner, surely
there would now be no Moorish empire of Western Barbary.