Grotius, notwithstanding his resolution
to abstain from visiting Cardinal Richelieu, often
paid his court to the King, and was well received.
His Majesty returning to Paris after the campaign of
1636, Grotius went on the 22d of November to
compliment him. The speech he made was short,
such as Kings love. It is in these terms he speaks
of it to the High Chancellor, to whom he sent it.
He has preserved to us the substance of his Majesty’s
answer. “The King, says he, answered me
with great goodness, that the success of the Swedes
would always give him much pleasure; that they began
the year well, and the French followed their example;
that the Spaniards made great efforts, but were nevertheless
driven out of Picardy and Burgundy; that Cardinal Richelieu
deserved thanks for what he did in the recovery of
Corbia, and that the Marshal de Chatillon also behaved
well: he concluded with complaining of the Germans,
who did not observe their treaties.”
The divisions in the court being healed
up for some time, by the reconciliation of Gaston
of France with the King, who was returned to Paris,
Grotius, at an audience of his Majesty on the 23d of
February, 1637, complimented him on the restoration
of peace in the Royal Family. The King assured
him that he and his brother were on the best terms,
and that this reunion gave him the highest satisfaction:
he promised to make very great efforts against the
common enemy, and never to separate his interests
from those of Sweden. The Ambassador did not
fail to represent in strong terms to his Majesty
all the pains taken by the High Chancellor to keep
together the allies, who were oppressed by such a
burthensome war; and took occasion to beseech the
King to redouble his assistance, that they might extricate
themselves with honour from so great embarrassments.
The King going in August, 1637, to
Chantilli, Grotius went thither to compliment
him on the success of the Campaign; and at the same
time recommended to his Majesty the sending a reinforcement
of men to the Duke of Weymar, who had crossed the
Rhine, that so he might be enabled to make farther
progress, and to keep the German allies of the two
crowns from joining with their enemies. He assured
him recruits were raising in Sweden for Marshal Bannier’s
army, that he might make an invasion into Silesia
or elsewhere; and that the Swedes had rejected all
the proposals of peace made to them, because they believed
the intention of the enemy was to sow division between
them and the French. The King answered, that
he most sincerely wished the prosperity of the Queen
his sister; and that he would send the Duke of Weymar
as many troops as the state of his affairs would permit;
adding, that the enemy laboured chiefly to divide
them, against which they could not be too much upon
their guard.
September 23, in the same year, 1637,
Grotius, agreeable to the orders received from
the Queen of Sweden, demanded an audience of the King,
which he obtained at St. Maur. He represented
to his Majesty, that the Queen had nothing so much
at heart as the success of the common cause; and that
she hoped her zeal would induce the King to make powerful
efforts to triumph over their enemies. He gave
a particular account of what the High Chancellor had
done, and the marvelous resistance of Marshal Bannier,
besieged as it were by five armies, against which,
however, he could not make head much longer without
speedy and powerful succours. He assured him that
Sweden was making numerous levies, but would be obliged
to keep a part of her troops at home on account of
the frequent broils she had with the Poles, the Danes,
and the Russians. He then enlarged on the interest
which France had in maintaining the Swedes in Germany;
for no sooner would they quit it, he said, than the
Austrians would turn all their efforts against France.
He shewed, that, besides being in possession of the
Imperial crown, the house of Austria was very powerful
by the hereditary dominions of Hungary, Austria, Bohemia,
Silesia, Moravia, Lusatia, Tirol, Carinthia, Dalmatia,
and Croatia, which furnished her with large supplies
of men and money; that the branch which ruled in Spain
had dominions in the four parts of the world; that
the Emperor knew well France was the greatest obstacle
to his projects of ambition; that he would leave nothing
unattempted to destroy a power which gave him so much
umbrage; that the Emperors, even before the empire
came into the house of Austria, had always regarded
the Kings of France as their Rivals and Enemies; that
this hatred and jealousy were much increased since
the Austrian family obtained the Imperial throne; that
it was so difficult to make any accommodation with
them, they would not consent to peace even if the
King yielded up his late conquests, since they had
the assurance to claim the three bishoprics, and to
demand that the kingdom of Arles, comprehending the
three best provinces of the kingdom, the dutchy of
Burgundy, Provence, and Dauphiny, should be re-annexed
to the empire. He represented the importance
of making great efforts, and carrying the war into
the enemy’s country before their armies should
be augmented. He beseeched his Majesty to make
such a powerful diversion as might oblige the Austrians
to recall a part of the army sent against the Swedes:
and shewed that nothing was more easy, since the Duke
of Weymar had fortified himself beyond the Rhine;
that it was only sending him a powerful reinforcement,
the princes and towns which groaned under the Austrian
yoke would then be seen joining themselves to the French
and Swedes; and that the Swedes, no longer so hard
pressed, would return into the heart of Germany or
penetrate into the hereditary estates. After
this harangue, the Swedish Ambassador presented a letter
from the Queen, adding that her Swedish Majesty begged
of the King to make speedy efforts worthy of himself,
and he might depend on the Queen’s doing all
that could be expected from a steady and magnanimous
Princess. He concluded with complimenting his
Majesty on the happy success of affairs in Italy,
the transactions on the Rhine, and the retaking of
Capella. The King sometimes interrupted him during
this long Speech; but it was only to approve of what
he said, to confirm the facts, and acknowledge that
his reflections were most judicious. He assured
him that he had already sent succours to the Duke
of Weymar, that he was resolved to augment the troops
of that Prince in order to enable the Swedes to enter
Germany; and that Marshal de Chatillon would have already
been on the banks of the Rhine if the siege of Ampvillers
had not detained him. He ended with protesting
that it was his earnest desire to be more closely
united with the Queen his most gracious sister; which
his future actions would shew. Grotius gave an
account of this audience in a letter to the Queen
of the 26th of September, 1637, a copy of which he
sent to the High Chancellor. By the letter that
he wrote the same day to Oxenstiern we are informed,
that the Count de Berlise, Introductor of the
Ambassadors, came to him before he had this last audience
of the King, to know if he would not first have a
conference with Chavigny, Secretary of State for foreign
affairs, agreeable to the usage of the Ministers from
England, Venice, and Savoy. Grotius replied, that
he understood from the English Ministers themselves
they did not always observe this custom; which Berlise
acknowledged. The Ambassador added, that at another
time he would consider what would be most proper; but,
on the present occasion, having a letter from the
Queen to the King, he thought it his duty to give
the first notice of it to his Majesty; that he was
afraid if he acted otherwise the King might be offended;
but if, after reading it, his Majesty were desirous
he should confer with his Ministers, he would not
fail to wait upon them.
The Swedes being still very hard pressed
in Germany, the Queen sent fresh orders to her Ambassador
at Paris to represent their situation to the King.
Grotius demanded an audience, which he obtained on
the 1st of October, 1637, at St. Germains. He
assured his Majesty, that it was not without reluctance
he so frequently laid the necessities of the allies
before him, and the importance of their being assisted
by France, but he did it by express order; that he
was particularly charged with two things; first, to
compliment his Majesty on the advantages gained in
Piccardy and Burgundy; and secondly to solicit him
to send speedily a powerful force over the Rhine.
He added, that the Queen would not have thought this
request necessary, had she received the letters in
which he gave her a particular account of what passed
at the last audience he had of his Majesty. He
beseeched the King to be pleased to give orders that
the promises, which he had graciously made, might be
speedily executed. He represented, that if succours
were not immediately sent into Germany, the Austrians,
after vanquishing their enemies, would go and overpower
the Duchess of Savoy the King’s sister, and penetrate
into France. He afterwards shewed that the Swedish
army was in great danger of being overwhelmed, if
a powerful diversion were not speedily made. After
this speech, Grotius presented a letter from the Queen,
of the 19th of August, 1637. Lewis XIII. replied
to the Swedish Ambassador, that he was determined
to fulfil his promises; that he had already sent some
troops to the Duke of Weymar; that he would speedily
send him a farther reinforcement, and employ all the
forces of his kingdom in defence of his sister the
Duchess of Savoy.
The Duke of Weymar began the campaign
of 1638 in a very brilliant manner: he gained
a signal victory over the Imperialists on the 2d of
March; and, what was very remarkable, all the enemy’s
generals were taken in this engagement, and among
the rest the famous John de Vert, whose name was become
the terror of the Parisians. The King, on receiving
this important news, immediately sent notice of it
to Grotius; signifying that he knew no body would
receive it with more pleasure. March 16,
he had an audience of the King, at which he thanked
his Majesty for sending him the first news of the
victory gained in Germany, and doing him the justice
to believe that it would give him infinite satisfaction:
he added, that it was a happy prognostic for the rest
of the campaign: that God had confounded the
pride of the Imperialists, who publicly gave out that
they intended to come to pillage Paris. He
said he had certain advice by letters from the army,
that the enemy’s generals had been at great
pains to provide themselves with maps of France, in
order to examine at what part they could best enter
it. He pressed the King to put the Duke of Weymar
in a condition, by sending him immediately a considerable
reinforcement, to make a proper advantage of this
happy beginning of the campaign; and concluded his
compliment with good wishes for the King’s happiness
and that of his posterity, of which there began to
be then some hope. People flattered themselves
the Queen was with child; and she was actually in
the third month of her pregnancy. The King received
this compliment with great gaiety: he promised
to send immediately five or at least three thousand
foot to the Duke of Weymar, with some horse, under
the command of the Count de Guebriant. Grotius
had a fresh audience of the King on the 19th of April,
1638. He represented to his Majesty, that
though the Duke of Weymar had begun the year well,
he could not make great progress if an additional
force were not sent him: that by proceeding so
slowly in this measure, the enemy had got time to
recruit their army: and if it were not now taken
with great expedition, they would lose the fruits of
their late advantages, and the affairs of the allies
suffer much; that her Swedish Majesty was in the same
disposition with the King, and had no other view than
to procure an equitable, honourable, and lasting peace;
that the only way to obtain this great end was by making
the most powerful efforts: that the Queen, agreeable
to his Majesty’s desire, would accept of the
mediation of the Venetians, provided the republic
would treat her with due respect: that his most
Christian Majesty being of opinion that a long truce
would lead to a peace, the Queen, who was sensible
of his great prudence, had given her Ambassador in
France full power to treat of this affair, and to
draw up a plan of it in conjunction with such persons
as the King should nominate. After this speech
Grotius delivered to Lewis XIII. a letter from the
Queen, acquainting him at the same time, that had
her Swedish Majesty been informed of the Queen’s
pregnancy, she would undoubtedly have ordered him
to signify to the King her extreme satisfaction at
such important news; that he knew the Queen and all
the Swedes passionately desired that the posterity
of St. Lewis, of Henry the Great, and Lewis the Just,
might long govern France; and that under them the kingdom
might flourish in piety, increase in power, and be
established in justice. The King received these
good wishes with much satisfaction, and desired Grotius
to acquaint her Swedish Majesty that the Queen was
certainly with child. He farther assured him
that the Count de Guebriant was already on his march
to join the Duke of Weymar, and he was going to give
orders for sending an additional reinforcement, and
seconding that Prince’s efforts. He desired
him to press her Swedish Majesty to send numerous
recruits to her armies: adding, that he hoped
the Venetians would do nothing derogatory to the dignity
of the crown of Sweden; that he would attend to that
point himself; and would nominate Chavigny to confer
with him in relation to the truce. Grotius also
set forth on this occasion what pains the High Chancellor
had taken for the advancement of the common cause;
and the King did justice to the merit of that great
Minister. The Queen’s pregnancy being declared
at court, Grotius’s lady went to make her compliments:
on the 8th of May, 1638, he himself waited on
her Majesty for the same end: he had demanded
an audience for this purpose as soon as it was publicly
known that she was with child. He told the Queen,
that, being eager to express his joy, he could not
think of waiting for orders from his court, to make
his compliment; that well knowing the sentiments of
the Queen his mistress he could affirm, with great
certainty, that her Majesty and all her subjects were
filled with the highest joy; that he had lately met
with a Greek inscription in honour of a Queen, containing
a very short but very emphatical encomium: it
was said of this Princess, that she was the daughter,
sister, wife, and mother of a King, yet without any
pride in so high elevation: that this modesty
was the more to be admired in the Queen of France,
as she was much above the Grecian Queen, and even
all other Queens, since she was the consort of a King,
whose provinces and even towns were equivalent to
kingdoms; that she had a King for her father, and was
descended from Kings and Emperors who conquered and
long possessed kingdoms in the four parts of the world;
in fine, that she was sister of a most powerful King;
that only one thing was wanting to her happiness,
to be mother not of a King, since France and all the
friends of France wished that the King might attain
to the most advanced age, but of a Prince capable
of ruling over a great nation; that God had at length
granted her this felicity, and rendered her fruitful
when it was no longer expected, as happened formerly
to an illustrious woman of the same name mentioned
in Scripture; that history sacred and prophane informs
us, that children born at a time when they are no longer
expected are designed by God for great things; that
in reflecting on the Queen’s pregnancy he attended
to what the Naturalists teach, that the tumbling of
the Dolphin [Fr. Dauphin] predicted the end
of the tempest, and fine weather; that there was reason
to hope peace would re-appear in the world at the
birth of a Dauphin, which was so passionately desired;
and what increased this hope was, that at the time
her Majesty’s pregnancy was declared he received
orders to confer with the French Ministers on the
means of obtaining a peace, or at least a truce, if
the conclusion of a peace met with too many difficulties;
that he laboured in it with the more chearfulness,
as he knew he would be aided by the Queen’s
prayers, the efficacy of which was so great that they
could obtain of heaven things almost miraculous; that
her Swedish Majesty would shew that the Great Gustavus
and she had never any other intention, than to insure
the quiet and tranquillity of Christendom; that he
earnestly wished the negotiation for a peace might
turn out well; that the Queen might have a happy delivery,
and be the mother of a Prince, whose glory and posterity
would continually increase. The Queen answered,
that she did not doubt of the sincerity of her Swedish
Majesty’s wishes; that she reciprocally desired
the prosperity of that Princess, and offered her all
that was in her power.
In the beginning of June, 1638,
Grotius waited on the King at St. Germains: he
first thanked his Majesty for intimating to him the
Queen’s pregnancy; and afterwards enlarged on
the praise of justice, and on the title of Just which
the King had merited by the laws he enacted, particularly
that for abolishing duels, and the protection granted
to foreign princes. He entered into a detail
of the favours which the King had received from Providence
since his accession to the throne: the extinction
of the civil wars, the restoration of the royal authority,
the successes both by sea and land, the passage of
the Alps forced, and the frontiers of the kingdom
enlarged. He added, that after such a series
of felicity, the only thing left to be desired was
that his Majesty’s posterity might long reign
in France; and for this her Majesty’s pregnancy
entitled them to hope; that the Swedes entertained
the same sentiments, and flattered themselves a perfect
harmony would always subsist between the two kingdoms.
He concluded with soliciting the King to augment the
Duke of Weymar’s troops, against whom the Imperialists
made the greatest efforts; and to procure Marshal Horne’s
liberty, who was made prisoner at the battle of Nordlinguen:
he represented that his Majesty might obtain it when
he pleased, since he had so great a number of the
enemies generals in his power, and assured him that
the Queen his mistress would take it as a very high
obligation. The Ambassador presented afterwards
letters from the Queen of the twelfth of April, and
concluded with observing, that he had reason to think
a considerable body of troops would be sent from Sweden
into Germany this same month of June. The King
replied, that he had a great friendship for the Queen
of Sweden, and had already given proofs of his good
disposition towards her; that he had sent succours
to the Duke of Weymar, and would send still more considerable
ones if necessary; that as to the exchange of Marshal
Horne, there was only John de Vert with whom it could
be made; and that General was not his prisoner, but
the Duke of Weymar’s, to whom he had promised
to deliver him on demand. Grotius replied, that
he did not doubt but the Duke of Weymar would shew
all possible deference to the King’s inclination,
if he should find his Majesty disposed to procure
Marshal Horne’s discharge, and that the Queen
had written to the Duke on that subject.
Some days after this audience, Chavigny
informed the Swedish Ambassador that John De Vert
was the King’s prisoner, though Lewis XIII.
had said the contrary.
Grotius had another audience of the
King in the middle of July 1638. He complimented
his Majesty on the happy success of the French arms
on the frontiers of Spain, and exhorted him to set
about the recovery of Navarre, which belonged to him
of right, and was unjustly usurped by Spain; he also
recommended to him the Duke of Weymar’s affairs,
and gave reason to hope that something great would
be done by General Bannier, who had just received
reinforcements from Sweden. At this audience
the Ambassador presented Crusius to the King as a Swedish
Nobleman who was returning to Stockholm, and would
soon be employed in public affairs, and might contribute
to strengthen the union between the two kingdoms.
The King received him very graciously, and desired
him to make his compliments to the High Chancellor.
II. Grotius had always been attentive
to cultivate the friendship of the Prince of Conde:
they visited one another often. The Swedish Ambassador
relates in one of his letters that the Prince
having been nominated to command in Paris in the absence
of the King and Cardinal Richelieu, he waited on him
in the beginning of February 1637: the Prince
returned his visit soon after. The conversation
turned on the marriage of Monsieur, which the King
had hitherto considered as void, because it was made
without his consent. Gaston’s constancy
in persisting to keep his wife had in the end obliged
the King to approve of the match. The Prince
told Grotius that he had always thought this marriage
valid, and did not doubt but he was of the same mind.
Grotius answered, that the opinion of those who regarded
such marriages as good, was without doubt most generally
received. They afterwards talked of Divinity:
the Prince had been well educated, and loved this
kind of conversation. The grand controversies
concerning the Eucharist and the Pope’s authority
came under consideration; but we know not the particulars.
III. The Pope, foreseeing that
the conclusion of a peace was still very distant,
proposed a truce, in hopes that while it continued
they might labour more effectually in bringing about
a peace. France and Sweden discovered no
reluctance to suspend for some time the operations
of the war; and Grotius received orders, as we have
already seen, to confer with the French Ministry in
order to settle the subsidies to be given Sweden,
and the conditions of the truce. Chavigny was
nominated to treat with the Swedish Ambassador on
this matter. He visited Grotius on the twenty-seventh
of April, 1638, and the Swedish Minister telling
him, that he had full powers from the Queen to examine,
in concert with the Minister whom the King should
nominate, what was necessary to obtain an advantageous
truce; Chavigny asked if he had also power to conclude
the truce. Grotius answered, if France and Sweden
could agree, he had in that case permission to sign
the truce. Chavigny replied, that Cardinal Richelieu
had learnt from Schmalz, lately arrived from Sweden
with instructions for Grotius, that the Swedes wanted
to have the same subsidies during the truce as they
had during the war; which appeared very surprising;
that he did not doubt but Grotius himself would think
the claim unreasonable, since the truce was to be of
long continuance, and the expence would be much less
than in the time of war. Grotius answered, that
the truce would be attended with as much expence as
the war, since the Swedes could not keep the countries,
of which they were in possession, without great armies.
Chavigny replied, that the number of troops to be
kept on foot during the truce might be settled:
upon which Grotius observed, that during the truce
between the Spaniards and the United Provinces the
latter preserved the liberty of maintaining as large
garrisons as they thought necessary for their security;
and that the King, after the example of Henry the
Great his father, furnished them with the same succours
during the peace as in time of war. Chavigny
maintained that the Swedes would have nothing to fear
from their enemies whilst the truce lasted, on account
of the great number and power of its guarantees:
to which Grotius answered, that the countries possessed
by the Swedes were so distant from their allies, that
if they did not continue in arms to guard against
any unlooked-for invasion, those countries would be
lost before they could receive assistance.
The King was gone to Chantilly, and
from thence he was to proceed to Compeigne. Chavigny,
who was to follow him, but had not yet fixed the time
of his departure, told Grotius he would speak to Cardinal
Richelieu to know whether the conferences in relation
to the truce were to begin before he went to Chantilly,
or after his return, and would signify to him the
Cardinal’s intentions. Grotius answered,
that he would bring Schmalz with him, because he knew
the sentiments of the Swedish Ministry, and that he
might make an exact report of what passed at his return
to that kingdom. Schmalz was present at this conversation:
he was Secretary of the High Chancellor and his confident:
Grotius till now had numbered him among his friends.
April 30, Chavigny sent to acquaint
Grotius that if he pleased they would hold a conference
the next day. They accordingly met on the first
of May, 1638, at Chavigny’s house.
Grotius asked that Minister what conditions of truce
the King would have. Chavigny answered, that the
conditions were not yet agreed upon; that a truce had
only been barely proposed, and that his Majesty, as
a good friend and faithful ally, was willing the Queen
of Sweden should be informed of it; that the custom
in truces was, that each one should keep the countries
of which he had possession; that it was proper the
Princes who had been driven from their estates should
receive a decent pension during the truce, to be paid
by those who enjoyed their country; that it was the
King’s opinion they ought not to be too hasty,
but wait with patience for the proposals of the mediators.
Grotius said, if the King would signify on what conditions
he would agree to the truce, it would be highly agreeable
to the Swedish Ministry. Chavigny assured him
that he had no instructions on that head; but if he
would acquaint him with the intentions of the Swedes,
he would lay them before the Cardinal. They entered
on the business. In the claims of the Swedes
there were two articles which met with much difficulty:
they took it for granted that France should continue
the same subsidies whilst the truce lasted, and wanted
not only to keep that part of Pomerania which they
had already, but that the other should also be ceded
to them. These proposals were put in writing.
Chavigny promised to send them to the Cardinal, and
to give a speedy answer. May 18, Chavigny
went to Grotius’s house, who immediately sent
for Schmalz: the matter under consideration was
the amount of the subsidies: Chavigny said the
Swedes asked too much for a time of truce; that the
King could only give three hundred thousand florins
a year whilst it lasted. Grotius maintained that
the sum was too small in proportion to the expence
which the Swedes were obliged to be at; and that in
one word he could consent to no diminution of the subsidies.
Pomerania was next brought on the carpet. Chavigny
pretended that the King neither ought, nor could with
decency propose to the enemy to yield to Sweden what
they still held in Pomerania. Grotius maintained
that Sweden’s right to that province was not
founded on force, but supported by treaties made with
the Duke and the people; that, besides, Sweden was
in no hurry about a truce; that it would even be burdensome
to her if she were not furnished with sufficient subsidies
for paying her garrisons; and if she were not left
in the possession of all Pomerania. He added,
that to enable the Swedish Ministry to judge whether
the truce would be of advantage to the kingdom, they
must first be made acquainted with its conditions.
The conference was concluded by a promise from Chavigny
that he would communicate the King’s intentions
to Grotius in writing. Schmalz in the mean time
did Grotius all the ill offices he could: he
wrote to Court that they could no longer refuse the
instances of France to recall the Ambassador:
but it was from jealousy or hatred that he acted in
this manner; for at the same time that he was seeking
to hurt Grotius, the Count de Feuquieres waited on
him from the Cardinal, to tell him that they were
extremely well pleased with him in France, and that
far from desiring he should be recalled, his Eminence
would solicit his stay at Paris.
Schmalz, displeased with Grotius’s
firmness, went privately and told Chavigny, that
the Ministry of Sweden had resolved to consent to a
considerable diminution of the subsidies: which
he could prove by their letters written in Swedish.
Grotius was informed of this, and complained to the
High Chancellor; at the same time assuring him, that
Schmalz had presumed to vent the highest menaces against
him and his wife, because (says he) we oppose his
unjust designs.
Chavigny falling ill, Desnoyers,
Secretary at war, was appointed to confer with Grotius:
He came to his house, and after making him the King
and the Cardinal’s compliments, delivered an
answer to the memorial he had given Chavigny; acquainting
him that every thing was settled between the Cardinal
and Schmalz. On reading this answer, Grotius said,
that before he explained himself he must speak with
Schmalz, who was joined with him in this negotiation;
and therefore it was improper for him to act alone.
Desnoyers being withdrawn, Grotius informed Schmalz
of his visit. Schmalz maintained that he had
settled nothing, and had made only a draught of a
convention; which he at the same time pressed Grotius
to approve of, because, he said, it was agreeable to
his Swedish instructions, which empowered him to accept
of two hundred thousand florins. Grotius
answered, that as this article was directly contrary
to his instructions, he would, give them the preference;
especially as he did not understand Swedish.
The dispute grew warm; Schmalz asserted that
he had full powers to act independently of Grotius
not only in this negotiation, but even in every affair
which regarded his embassy: “If it be so,
the latter writes to the High Chancellor, the French
will make a jest of him and of me: they, will
look on me as Ambassador only in name; and on him
as Ambassador in fact, though he has not the name:
nay he actually allows himself to be treated at home
as if he were Ambassador, and to be written to as
if he had the title. It is indeed very hard that
I, who am advanced in years, should have disputes with
a hot-headed youth.” This quarrel gave
him great uneasiness: he writes to Oxenstiern,
“I beg it as a favour of your Sublimity, that
if I can be of any use to you, you would be pleased
to protect me, as you have done hitherto. I have
had nothing in view in all I have done but the welfare
of Sweden; and it has cost me much pains to raise,
by my words and actions, the credit of a nation hitherto
little known in this country. If I cannot serve
with utility, I had much rather return to the condition
of a private man, than be a burden to the kingdom,
or dishonour myself.”
Schmalz lived on very ill terms with
Crusius, a Swedish Lord, whom Grotius, as we have
just seen, had presented to the King. Notwithstanding
the grounds of complaint which the Ambassador had
against Schmalz, he thought the public service required
him to reconcile them, and for this end he often made
them dine with him. One day, at the Swedish Banker’s,
both rose from table after dinner heated with wine,
and came together to Grotius’s: there was
only his lady at home. They quarrelled, and Schmalz
had the impudence to call Crusius several times a
rascal; with the addition of some threatening gestures.
Crusius, highly provoked, gave him a box on the ear,
and an English colonel in company was so enraged against
Schmalz, that had it not been for Grotius’s
lady he would have run him through. Notwithstanding
this gross insult, Schmalz and Crusius were reconciled
at Grotius’s house; but Schmalz still continued
his extravagancies. He had the indiscretion one
time to let his tongue loose against the Duke of Weymar:
Baron Erlac, who was attached to that Prince, was
highly incensed, and the consequences might have been
very fatal. Grotius again employed his good offices
to pacify Erlac. But this wrought no change in
Schmalz’s behaviour towards the Swedish Ambassador.
In a letter of the sixteenth of October, 1638,
Grotius observes: “It is near two months
since Schmalz was to see me, though I have been ill;
his reasons I neither know nor enquire. I am
conscious he has no subject of complaint against me;
but I have much to complain of him. He will return
to you richer than he came out: I do not envy
him the money, which, it is said, he received above
two months ago from the French; being firmly resolved
to adhere to the rule I have laid down, and hitherto
observed, to accept of nothing from them.”
Schmalz continued to seek every opportunity of injuring
Grotius, who, he said, was a burden on Sweden;
and Grotius was persuaded that Schmalz had betrayed
the secret of affairs to the French Ministry in order
to prejudice him. Schmalz returned to Sweden,
where his misconduct being made manifest, he incurred
the displeasure of the Ministry. He afterwards
embraced the Roman Catholic Religion, privately abjuring
Lutheranism in Baron Roste’s chapel, the French
Resident at Stockholm. The Regency hearing of
it, complained bitterly that the Resident should suffer
it. Schmalz was thrown into gaol under pretence
of some malversation; but had the good fortune to
make his escape, and took refuge in Germany, entering
into the service of the Emperor.
To return to the truce. The negotiation
not succeeding at Paris, it was transferred to Hamburg,
to be managed by D’Avaux and Salvius; but as
it was very coldly desired either by the French, the
Swedes, or even by the Imperialists, the conditions
could not be settled, and the project was dropt.
IV. As Grotius was returning
from the audience of the King, at which he introduced
Crusius, there happened a melancholy adventure which
had like to have cost them both their lives.
In passing through a village where a great crowd was
assembled to see the execution of some highwaymen,
one of the Swedish Ambassador’s domestics on
horseback, to make the mob give way for his master’s
coach, struck some of them with his whip: the
alarm was instantly given that they were persons come
to rescue the prisoners: upon which some shot
were fired at the coach: the coachman received
two balls in his body, of which he died some days after:
the balls passed within two inches of the Ambassador’s
head. On calling out who they were, the tumult
ceased. The King being informed of this outrage,
ordered Count Brulon, one of the Introductors of Ambassadors,
to wait on Grotius, and assure him that he was extremely
sorry for his misfortune; and that as soon as the
offenders were taken, they should receive the punishment
they merited. Count Berlise, the other Introductor
of Ambassadors, came also to visit Grotius, and acquaint
him that the King was greatly concerned at the danger
he underwent, and that his Majesty had ordered the
Chancellor to prosecute the offenders with the utmost
rigour. Grotius answered, he was so far from being
animated by a spirit of revenge, that he intended to
solicit a pardon for the offenders; but that it was
proper, however, the King should publickly express
his indignation, both for the safety of Ambassadors,
and from a regard to the Law of Nations.
In consequence of his Majesty’s
orders the Chancellor sent to the Swedish Ambassador’s
to take the depositions; and seven or eight persons
of the village where the crime was perpetrated were
taken up and thrown into prison at Paris. The
Lady of the Manor came to Grotius, to solicit for
the prisoners: he told her she must have patience
till the trials were over, and then he would employ
his interest in behalf of those who should be found
guilty. He informed the High Chancellor of all
these particulars; observing to him that he was very
glad the King gave public proofs that he had the safety
of Ambassadors at heart; and that for his part he
would do all in his power to save the offenders from
capital punishment.
The most guilty had had the precaution
to abscond: these, for their contempt of
the court, were condemned to be broke on the wheel:
but the sentence was not made public, because the
Judges imagined they might suffer themselves to be
taken if the affair seemed to be dropt. Some
Lords, however, who had got notice of the sentence,
were preparing to ask their forfeited effects:
the Count de Berlise informed Grotius of it, and the
Ambassador desired him to beg the favour of the King
not to dispose of their effects, but to order them
to be sequestrated, that he might restore them to
the owners, when the time of their pardon came.
“I have the honour to inform you of this, he
writes to the High Chancellor, that it may not be
thought I wanted to take advantage of the misfortune
of these wretches, as some here are wicked enough to
believe.”
The sentence was at length executed
on them: but it was only in effigie;
for none of the offenders had been taken. Grotius
was then ill of an ague, and postponed his application
for their pardon till his recovery. As soon as
he could go abroad he asked an audience; at which,
after thanking the King for doing justice on them,
which proved how much his Majesty had the respect
due to Ambassadors at heart, he entreated him to grant
a pardon to the offenders, and not only spare their
lives, but also restore their effects; of which he
claimed no part, though the King had left them to
his disposal. Lewis XIII. seeing him earnest
in his request, made answer, that he would give directions
to the Chancellor that their pardon should pass the
seals. Grotius promised to go to that Magistrate
to solicit it; which he did accordingly, and
the Chancellor promised to finish the affair agreeable
to his desire.
V. It was on the first of October,
1638, that Grotius went to solicit the King in favour
of those who had insulted him: the Court was then
in great joy for the happy birth of the Dauphin,
who came into the world on the 5th of September.
The Swedish Ambassador saw the King, the Queen, and
the Dauphin, and made them his compliments such as
the occasion required, though it was not the principal
object of his journey as he could not have received
orders on the subject. He recommended to the
King the affairs of the Duke of Weymar, whom the Imperialists
were going to attack with a force infinitely superior.
His Majesty promised to augment that Prince’s
army as much as his other affairs would permit.
Grotius having represented of what advantage an extraordinary
gratification might be to the good of affairs in Germany,
the King exclaimed against the great expences with
which he was overpowered, but gave hopes that he would
advance a sum of money beyond what he engaged to furnish.
November 10, 1638, Grotius had another audience
of the King, to entreat him not to abandon the Duke
of Weymar in his present extremity: he assured
his Majesty that he had precise orders to recommend
to him the affairs of that Prince with the same zeal
as those of Sweden. The King contented himself
with giving a vague answer, which did not satisfy
the Ambassador. December 4, he waited on
the King and Queen to compliment them, by order of
the Queen of Sweden, on the birth of the Dauphin.
A letter written by him next day to Queen Christina
relates all that passed at these audiences. After
observing that he had publicly expressed his joy for
the desired birth of the young Prince by bonfires,
entertainments, and distributions of wine to all the
neighbourhood, he tells her that he had seen the King,
whom he informed of the entertainments made in Sweden
on occasion of the birth of the Dauphin of France;
that he observed to his Majesty, if it were true,
as the Ancients believed, that names were not given
by chance, one ought to prognosticate great things
of the Dauphin [Anglice Dolphin]; that the
signs which surrounded the Constellation bearing his
name, denote the most happy presages; that it was
surrounded by the Eagle, Pegasus, Sagittarius, Aquarius,
and the Swan; that the Eagle denoted a superior genius;
Pegasus presaged that he would be powerful in cavalry,
Sagittarius in infantry, and Aquarius in naval force:
the Swan signified that his great actions would be
celebrated by poets, historians, and orators:
that the nine stars in the sign of the Dolphin denoted,
according to astrologers, the nine Muses, who were
to render the Prince illustrious and receive lustre
from him: that the Dolphin being near the Equator,
signified that the King’s justice would be hereditary
to his son; that naturalists had remarked three properties
in the Dolphin, which ought to be considered as happy
presages of what the Dauphin of France would be:
that it loved men; that it came quickly to maturity;
and had much activity.
Grotius, it is probable, had recourse
to these unnatural and consequently ridiculous allegories
in compliance with the bad taste of the age.
It is to be presumed that such an elevated genius,
who knew the rules of eloquence, and disapproved of
the wretched strain of the advocates of that time,
was not pleased with himself on this occasion.
He concluded his harangue with beseeching the King
to be persuaded that her Swedish Majesty would faithfully
execute her treaties; that nothing would be more agreeable
to her, than to live in the best understanding with
the King, and to hear of the prosperity of his kingdom;
and that she would chearfully employ all her forces
to encrease the power of France. He afterwards
excused the Queen for not sending an Ambassador extraordinary
to compliment the King, giving as a reason, that such
a commission could only be executed by one of the
first Lords of the Kingdom, who were all employed
in the army, or in the ministry; and the Queen presumed
his Majesty would like better that they should discharge
their duty, than undertake so long a journey.
The King seemed much pleased with the conclusion of
this compliment. He promised to be constant in
his friendship, and faithful in the execution of his
treaties, and to continue the war with the fame ardour
as his good sister.
Grotius afterwards waited on the Queen,
to whom he said, that his complimenting her so late
on the part of the Queen of Sweden, was owing to the
distance of Stockholm: he observed to her that
Gothland was a province of Sweden, from which the
Kings of Spain were not ashamed to derive their origin:
he expressed his joy at seeing on the throne of France
a Queen descended from the Goths, and who had brought
forth a Prince who by his mother belonged to that
nation: he assured her that of all the Princes
who had borne the name of Deodatus, none deserved it
so well as the Dauphin, whom Providence had given
to the prayers of the kingdom almost against all hope;
that he was born on the day of the Sun, which presaged
that by his heat and light he would confer happiness
on France, and the friends of France, among whom her
Swedish Majesty held the first rank; that he was born
in Autumn, the season of the year abounding most in
fruit, which denoted that with him would be found the
fruit of all virtues. The Queen received the compliment
with great politeness, and made an offer of her services
to her Swedish Majesty.
The important fortress of Brisac having
been obliged to surrender to the Duke of Weymar in
the end of the year 1638, Grotius went to compliment
the King on that event: he first thanked him for
sending reinforcements to the Duke, and afterwards
enlarged on the advantages of taking Brisac, the conquest
of which contributed to the security of Burgundy and
Champaigne, facilitated the preservation of Lorain,
the towns of Alsace, and the liberty of the Swiss,
and, in fine, enabled them to make farther progress
in Germany: he concluded with beseeching his
Majesty to order the money promised, to be paid to
the Swedes, that they might put Marshal Bannier in
a condition to accomplish what might be of service
to the King. Lewis assured him, that he would
take care the money should be remitted.
Grotius having asked an audience of
the King in the month of March, 1639, Count Brulon,
Introductor of Ambassadors, waited on him to
know what he purposed to say to the King, under pretence
that when his Majesty was not previously apprised
of certain affairs, he was too much affected by them.
Grotius answered, that he should say nothing disagreeable
to the King. Brulon wanting to enter into farther
particulars, the Ambassador told him, he would follow
his orders. The audience, however, was granted:
he remonstrated to the King the necessity of sending
speedy succours to the Duke of Weymar to enable him
to penetrate into the heart of Germany, whilst Marshal
Bannier did the same on his side: and assured
him, that the Queen was determined to embark the recruits
and provisions for that General’s army as soon
as the season would permit. The King answered,
that he had affairs in so many places he could not
do at once all that he desired.
Grotius ascribed the King’s
explaining himself so coldly to the offence taken
by Cardinal Richelieu at the Duke of Weymar. His
Eminence wanted to prevail with that Prince to come
and pass the winter at Paris, in order to enter into
a closer connection with him, and to get from him
the possession of Brisac. The Duke, who was informed
of his intentions, chose rather to remain in Germany,
than to be near an absolute Minister whom it was dangerous
to contradict. It is said that from this time
the Cardinal resolved to obstruct the progress of
a Prince, whose ambition and valour filled him with
apprehensions. Grotius had a new audience of
the King in the middle of April following, to represent
to him the necessity of augmenting the army commanded
by the Duke of Weymar, who had sent Erlac to court
to obtain speedy succours. The King promised
that Erlac should be satisfied.
VI. These were only vague promises
which the Ministry never intended to fulfil.
The Cardinal had made no secret of his desire
to gain the Duke of Weymar by giving him his niece
in marriage: the Prince’s refusal and his
desire to keep Brisac had so much offended his Eminence,
that he even told Erlac that the Duke hearkened to
bad counsels, and that his behaviour to France was
not such as gratitude and civility required. The
malevolence of the French Minister chagrined the
Duke so much that he fell ill: it was only a
slight indisposition, but, however, he did not long
survive it: a violent fever seized him at
Neubourg, which on the fourth day cut off a Prince,
whom Grotius calls the honour and last resource of
Germany: the tenth of July, 1639, was the
last of this illustrious personage. It was at
that time very doubtful whether he died of the
plague, which prevailed in those parts, or of poison.
Grotius tells us, that the Duke himself thought
they had shortened his days: he even cites on
this subject the Prince’s funeral oration delivered
at Brisac, wherein the author was not afraid of advancing
this anecdote. Grotius was also persuaded
that the Prince died by poison: he mentions it
in a letter to the High Chancellor of the 10th of
October, 1639. “The more I reflect on the
Duke of Weymar’s death, the more I am persuaded
that he had on his body no marks of the plague, and
that it was not in his house: accordingly the
reports of his being poisoned again prevail, and the
suspicion falls upon the Geneva physician, who was
brought to remove his cholic.”
As this Prince’s victories made
even his allies uneasy, they were accused of contributing
to his death. Cardinal Richelieu’s enemies
spread the report, without ground, that it was he who
caused the poison to be given to the Duke, that he
might get Brisac more easily; and the Swedish historian
seems inclined to think he was poisoned, without imputing
it, however, to the Cardinal. “At the time
of the Duke of Weymar’s death, says he, there
was a grand negotiation on foot to know whether Brisac
should be yielded to France. Grotius pressed the
Prince to keep it; and the refusing to yield that
place disgusted France. He died soon after, not
without suspicion of poison. The court of Vienna,
to whom his death was of great advantage, was also
accused of committing the crime: but these were
all vague and ill-grounded reports, which consequently
merit little attention.” The Duke of Weymar’s
death occasioned the greatest consternation among
the Swedes; the army was left without a leader, the
towns without a master, and for some time there was
nothing but anarchy in the country where he commanded.
This Prince placed the greatest confidence in Grotius,
who had for him the most perfect esteem. When
at Paris he was most intimate with the Swedish Ambassador,
and deposited with him some valuable things which
he would neither intrust to the King, nor to any of
his subjects.
VII. When the Duke of Weymar’s
death was publicly known, Charles Lewis, Elector Palatine,
son of the unfortunate King of Bohemia, purposed to
get the Weymarian army to acknowledge him for their
General. This negotiation could not be carried
on without a large sum of money. The Elector
went to his uncle the King of England, from whom he
got 25000 l. sterling, with the promise of a larger
sum in case of need. He might have returned into
Holland, and would in all probability have succeeded
in his project, but the King of England, it is said,
advised him to act in concert with France, whose interest
was connected with his, and without whose assistance
he would have much difficulty to accomplish his design.
King Charles spoke of it to Bellievre the French
Ambassador at London: he told him the Elector
was determined to go to France, and lodge with the
Earl of Leicester, the English Ambassador at Paris,
that he might have an opportunity of conferring with
the King. Bellievre, who was informed of the
intentions of the French Court, and those of the Elector,
represented to the King, that the Prince, before he
embarked for France, ought to get a passport from the
Court, otherwise he would be in danger of being arrested
by the Governor of the first town. Bellievre
was desired to write to France about it: the
Ministry were in no hurry to give him an answer, because
they disliked the prince’s project. The
Elector in his impatience resolved to go over incognito
to France. M. Pelisson assures us it was
Montreuil, one of the first Academicians, at that
time employed by France in England, who gave the Court
notice of the Elector’s design. That Prince
managed his matters with so little address, that his
journey was a secret to no body. He went on board
publicly, suffered the English ships to salute
him at his departure, and on landing him at Boulogn,
the King his uncle’s ships, which escorted him,
made a general discharge of their great guns.
After coming on shore he set
out with five of his servants for Paris; and, changing
his name, would not lodge with the Earl of Leicester;
but took the road to Lyons, where the King was, and
travelled very slowly. His design was to turn
off to Switzerland, and proceed from thence to the
Weymarian army. The Cardinal, who was informed
of his rout, suffering him to advance into the heart
of the kingdom, caused him to be arrested at Moulins
in the Bourbonoise. He denied at first that he
was the Elector Palatine; but was at last obliged to
own it. He was confined in the citadel; where
he was civilly treated, till orders should be received
from the King. He was from thence carried to
Vincennes, where he was permitted to see no body,
and denied the use of pen and ink. For six days
he was not suffered to walk in the garden. The
Prince had two brothers at Paris, Maurice and Edward,
who came there to learn Riding and Fencing. They
were narrowly watched, and ordered not to leave Paris;
and their Governor was charged to attend them wherever
they went. About a month after the Elector’s
confinement, they were permitted to see him;
but it was in presence of witnesses: the Elector
was also suffered to walk sometimes in the garden
on condition that the guard went with him.
Cardinal Richelieu and the French
Ministers, to justify this conduct, gave out that
it was not allowable for a foreign Prince to pass through
the kingdom without the King’s permission; that
the Elector’s conduct shewed that he had some
bad design; that they knew he wanted to go to Geneva,
to proceed from thence to the Duke of Weymar’s
army, to seize the towns of Alsace, and exchange them
afterwards with the Emperor in order to obtain restitution
of the Palatinate; and that such a project must be
very prejudicial to France, to whom the conquest of
Alsace had cost so many men and so much money.
This imprisonment made a great noise in Europe:
the Earl of Leicester, Ambassador from England, demanded
the Prince’s release; and Christiern King of
Denmark used some strong expressions. The King
of England wrote to the French King, that it was he
who sent his nephew into France to confer with his
Majesty on the state of his affairs; and that if the
King would not give him an audience he ought at least
to send him back to England. This letter having
produced no effect, the English applied to the Queen
of Sweden to intercede for the discharge of the captive
Elector; and the King declared at last that he would
let Grotius treat with the Ministry about the accommodation
of this affair. He drew up a plan, in concert
with the Earl of Leicester, for giving satisfaction
to the Court of France that the Prince might be set
at liberty. The Elector was to give it under his
hand, that he never intended to negotiate with the
Duke of Weymar’s army without the concurrence
of the Queen of Sweden and the most Christian King:
and on making this declaration he was to remain at
Paris, giving his parole not to leave it without the
King’s permission; and the English Ambassador
was to be security for the observance of it.
Grotius, in communicating this project
to Camerarius the Swedish Ambassador in Holland,
acquaints him that he was persuaded nothing could
have greater weight with the French Ministry than what
he had suggested; and that he expected letters from
the Queen his mistress, who was much affected with
the Elector’s misfortune. Chavigny made
two visits on the subject of this negotiation to Grotius,
who communicated to him what he had concerted with
the English Ambassador.
As the French Ministry had need of
Grotius in this affair, he was now treated by
them with more civility. Chavigny came to him,
by order of the King, about the middle of January,
1640, and told him that his Majesty and the Cardinal
esteemed him highly, and for the future would treat
him with friendship and candour; that if any thing
had happened formerly, which might displease him,
it was wholly owing to Father Joseph; and that Cardinal
Richelieu was now sensible he had been injustly blamed.
Grotius returned his thanks for these civilities; he
assured Chavigny that the Ministry might expect from
him all that could be hoped for from an honest man;
that he knew the disgusts he had received proceeded
from the Dutch, who, after having treated him unjustly,
still continued to persecute him; and that he had determined
to meddle no otherwise in their affairs than as they
were connected with those of Sweden. Chavigny
commended this resolution; adding, that the King intended
to employ him in accommodating the affair of the Elector
Palatine; which might be accomplished, if the Prince
would only declare, that he had not proposed to himself
any views on the Duke of Weymar’s army but with
the King’s consent, whom he designed to consult;
and if he would promise to carry on no intrigue for
the future in that army without the approbation of
the Queen of Sweden and the French King; that he might
then be permitted to remain at Paris, after giving
his parole, and engaging the English Ambassador to
give his, that he should not leave it without the
King’s permission. Grotius answered he would
be always glad to serve the King. After this
conversation Grotius visited the Earl of Leicester,
and communicated the project to him as his own; for
Chavigny had desired him not to speak of the conversation
which they had together: he assured the English
Ambassador, that he knew for certain if he approved
of the proposal the Prince would not only obtain his
liberty, but might also hope to recover his dominions
if his Britannic Majesty would bestir himself for
that purpose; and that he hoped his mediation would
not be less agreeable to the King of England, than
to the French King. The Earl of Leicester answered,
that he had orders to demand the Elector’s discharge
without any condition; that he would write to England;
and till he received an answer must exactly follow
his instructions. He asked Grotius to continue
his good offices in this affair, assuring him that
they would be most agreeable to the King of England.
The Swedish Ambassador informed the High Chancellor
of these particulars, in a letter dated Jan 22, 1640.
Chavigny soon returned to Grotius
to know what had passed between him and the English
Ambassador: and on this occasion assured him of
the Cardinal’s favourable disposition towards
him. Some time after, a person belonging to Chavigny
brought Grotius some papers relating to the accommodation
of this affair; in which the Weymarian army was supposed
to belong to the King of France, because he alone paid
it. Grotius, on the contrary, was persuaded that
that army belonged to Sweden and the confederate Princes
of Germany; and that the Duke of Weymar, as he himself
had several times said, received the French subsidies
in quality of ally of that crown, as the Landgrave
did in his life-time. On reading these papers
he told the person who brought them, they would not
please the English; and asked permission to make some
alteration in them. Chavigny’s Secretary
answered, that he had orders to leave them with him,
that he might shew them to the Earl of Leicester.
Grotius replied, that he would first examine them
farther, and see what was to be done. Some days
after, Chavigny sent another Secretary, asking him
to confer as soon as possible with the Earl of Leicester.
Grotius answered, that he had read the papers with
attention; and finding in them some things to the
prejudice of Sweden, he would consult the Queen that
he might do nothing to the prejudice of her rights;
that he was sorry the distance would not permit him
to receive her orders soon, but if the other Ambassadors
who had offered their good-offices in this affair could
obtain the Prince’s liberty he would be well
satisfied.
These papers differed in many places
from what had been settled between Chavigny and Grotius.
They had agreed that the Elector, on coming out of
Vincennes, should remain at Paris: the new regulation
obliged him to follow the Court, that he might be
more easily observed; besides, it only made mention
of the King of France, and said nothing of Sweden.
The French Ministry would absolutely have the
Weymarian Army to be the King’s; and that it
was a high offence against him to attempt to get the
command of it without his consent. The Landgravine
of Hesse, Amelia Elizabeth of Hanau, whose uncommon
merit and attachment to France had gained her the
greatest confederation at Court, wrote to the King
in favour of the captive Prince, assuring him, that
all Germany was under affliction on account of his
situation. The Queen of Bohemia, the Elector’s
mother, approved of the difficulties started by Grotius;
and Queen Christina ordered him to demand an audience
of the King to present a letter from her, dated Dec 19, 1639. It was some time before he could
obtain this audience, the King being ill of the gout.
Some imagined this was only a pretext, and that his
Majesty refused to see him because the Ministers were
treating directly with the Elector, who was to be
set at liberty as soon as they could agree with him,
without its appearing to be done at the solicitation
of any foreign Prince.
The 18th of February, 1640, was at
last appointed for the audience: Grotius told
the King that by clemency men approached nearest to
the Divinity, and that it became no Prince so well
as him who bore the title of Most Christian King;
that the Kings of France had always distinguished
themselves by this virtue, particularly Henry IV; and
that he himself had on several occasions given signal
proofs of his clemency. He afterwards set forth
the ancient splendour of the Palatine house, the most
illustrious of the empire, whose heir was now in captivity,
without lands, without subjects, and reduced to seek
shelter among strangers: he shewed that his house
was ever closely attached to France; that it defended
with all its forces the rights of Henry the Great to
the Crown when unjustly disputed; that the Austrians
were always declared enemies of this house, and now
kept the second Prince of it in prison; that the Courts
of Vienna and Madrid ardently desired the continuation
of the Elector’s captivity; that this Prince
deserved the better treatment in France, as during
his minority he was ever an ally of the Crown of Sweden,
and those, who managed his affairs in his youth, conformed
with the greatest zeal and fidelity to all the desires
of the King’s Ministers, and contributed much
to the success of their demands in the diets of Hailbron,
Francfort, and Worms; that his Majesty, by setting
the Prince at liberty, would not only do a great pleasure
to Germany, but her Swedish Majesty would consider
it as a high obligation, and take every opportunity
to express her gratitude. The King seemed to be
affected with this discourse. He said, Grotius
was not ignorant of his reasons for arresting the
Elector Palatine; that the good of the common cause
induced him to do it; that he had always had the restoration
of the Palatine house much at heart, and caused it
to be mentioned to the King of England, whom this
affair regarded more, and had made several proposals
on the subject to the Earl of Leicester. Grotius
replied, that it did not become him to enter into
a dispute concerning the reasons which determined
so great a King to act as he had done; but if, without
breach of the respect due to his Majesty, he might
be permitted to speak his sentiments, he thought the
best measure that could be taken was to forget what
was passed, and attend only to the advantage of the
common cause; adding, that some allowance must be
made for the Prince’s youth, and it ought to
be considered, that the bad situation of his affairs
did not permit him to engage in his service such as
were most capable of giving him good advice.
The King said, he had heard what the Ambassador represented,
and that he was going to read the Queen of Sweden’s
letters. The audience concluded with the Swedish
Ambassador’s instances, that the King would
remember clemency and goodness. Grotius acquainted
the Queen of Sweden with all these particulars, in
a letter dated the 3d of March, 1640.
As soon as it was known in France,
that Grotius had received orders to intercede for
the Prince, he was confined more closely; so that those
of his family, who were at Paris, had no communication
with him, as before; hence it was concluded, that
the French Ministers wanted to negotiate directly
with him, and prevent his holding any correspondence
with such as might divert him from giving the King
the satisfaction he desired. These suspicions
were well grounded: Chavigny was treating
at Vincennes with the Prince, who, tired of his confinement,
signed the declaration which the King wanted, namely,
that he had no design to get the command of the Weymarian
troops contrary to his Majesty’s inclination,
and would not leave France without his permission.
The King alone was mentioned in this writing, and
no notice taken of the Swedes.
The Court being satisfied, Chavigny
went on the 13th of March, 1640, at night, to Vincennes,
and brought the Prince to the Earl of Leicester’s
house; where he staid incognito till the Hotel
of the Ambassadors Extraordinary, then occupied by
Prince Casimir, should be empty. In this manner
the Prince recovered his liberty, which he owed
to the powerful solicitation of the Queen of Sweden,
and the good-offices of her Minister. Grotius
informed the Queen, that the Prince was come out of
Vincennes, by a letter of the 7th of April, 1640.
He went to pay his compliments to his Highness, and
gave him all the honours due to an Elector, though
he was not treated as such by the French, because
they were in negotiation with the Duke of Bavaria,
who was invested with the title of Elector, which the
Palatine house enjoyed before the troubles in Bohemia.
But Sweden had still continued to regard the Prince
as if he had been in possession of his electorate.
Grotius held a correspondence with him before this
event: we have a letter of that Ambassador, written
on the 16th of November, 1638, to the Elector Palatine,
in which he allures him, that he had spoken to the
Most Christian King and his Ministers, and to the English
Ambassador, for the restoration of the Palatine house;
and that he had also written about it to the Queen
of Sweden and the Grandees of the kingdom.
The Elector came to make Grotius a
visit, and begged he would recommend him to the
favour of the Queen of Sweden. Grotius demanded
an audience of the King, to thank him for the regard
he had shewn to the Queen his Mistress’s recommendation.
The Prince made his court so well
to the King, and so managed the French Ministry, that
he at last got the title of Elector. He was extremely
well received at Court: but grew weary, however,
of France, and was desirous of obtaining full and
entire liberty by the Queen of Sweden’s credit.
He spoke of it to Grotius; who promised him his good-offices.
The uneasiness, which the protracting of this negotiation
gave the Prince, threw him into an ague. At length,
after much ado, he obtained full liberty. July
25, 1640, the King gave him permission to go where
he pleased, after giving assurances, that he would
adhere to the writing signed at Vincennes, by which
he engaged to do nothing against the interest of France.
He came to acquaint Grotius with this agreeable news;
adding, that he was resolved to go to Holland, and
continue there till the troubles in Scotland were
ended. It was not then foreseen that they would
last so long, and still less that they would bring
the King to the block.
VIII. Grotius was at this time
engaged in another very delicate negotiation at the
Court of France. Marshal Horn, the High Chancellor’s
son-in-law, had been taken at the battle of Nordlinguen,
and Sweden was most desirous to recover her General.
The famous John de Vert was at the same time prisoner
at Vincennes: nothing seemed more natural
or easy than the exchange of these two great Captains:
it was obstructed, however, by two considerable difficulties.
The Duke of Weymar pretended that John de Vert was
his Prisoner, and that he only sent him into France
to be kept there till he should redemand him.
Besides, the French Court were afraid that Marshal
Horn’s return would be rather hurtful, than
advantageous to the common cause: there was no
longer any employment for the Marshal in the army,
and as he was supported by the credit of his father-in-law,
his return to it might occasion a dangerous division,
the consequences whereof were to be apprehended even
by France herself. Grotius nevertheless
was ordered to solicit the King in favour of this
exchange: he spoke of it first to Bullion,
who frankly promised to do all in his power for Sweden
in the affair. He afterwards spoke of it to the
King at an audience in the beginning of November,
1639; an account of which he sends to the Queen, in
a letter of the 9th of November. He tells her,
that, having pressed the King to procure the Marshal’s
liberty, Lewis discovered great readiness to do it,
and promised to propose it in council. The Ambassador,
to engage the King more warmly for this exchange,
represented to his Majesty, that the late Duke of
Weymar designed the generals John de Vert and Enkefort
to be exchanged for Marshal Horn: that the Prince
thought his glory concerned in making this exchange;
that he had mentioned it to the Queen of Sweden; and
often written to his Majesty about it, and several
times employed others to solicit it, and that he died
in these sentiments.
Marshal Horn’s liberty could
not be obtained without the consent of another Prince,
the Duke of Bavaria, with whom he was a prisoner.
That Prince, being spoke to, readily gave his consent
to the exchange. Marshal Horn wrote this to Grotius,
in a letter delivered to him by John de Vert:
and the Ambassador immediately wrote to the High Chancellor,
May 16, 1640, that he thought the Queen should make
new instances by letter to the King, and give him
[Grotius] fresh orders on the subject.
The taking of Arras furnishing an
occasion to compliment the King, Grotius went to St.
Germains in the beginning of November, 1640. He
expressed to his Majesty the joy he received by his
happy return, his good health, and the conquest of
such a considerable town as the capital of the Artois:
he added his sincere wishes for the further increase
of the prosperity of France, and the happy delivery
of the Queen, who was then with child of the Duke
of Anjou, afterwards Duke of Orleans. The King
seemed to be pleased with this compliment, and mentioned
some of the difficulties which attended the siege
of Arras. Grotius afterwards spoke to the King
of Marshal Horn: he told his Majesty that he had
received letters from him, assuring that the Duke of
Bavaria consented to his being exchanged for John
de Vert. The Ambassador added, that the Duke
of Weymar always desired the exchange: and that,
if his Majesty would do Sweden this pleasure, John
de Vert might be sent to Benfeld, and Marshal Horn
to Landau, and both be afterwards set at liberty at
Basil. The King answered, that he would think
seriously of it.
In fact, Chavigny came soon after
to see Grotius, and told him that the King, after
reflecting on the proposals he had made to him concerning
Marshal Horn’s release, had resolved to send
John de Vert to Nancy as soon as the troops were in
winter quarters, that he might be sent back with a
more considerable escort; that he consented the Marshal
should be exchanged for John de Vert, on condition,
however, that the treaty between France and Sweden
should be renewed. Chavigny added, that the King,
having learnt that Grotius complained of the Chancellor
Seguier for denying him the honours due to an Ambassador,
had signified his intentions, that he should be treated
as the other Ambassadors of crowned heads. Grotius
having made a visit a little before to the Chancellor
of France, he had neither advanced to meet him, according
to custom, nor given him the place that was due to
him, nor re-conducted him on coming away. The
Ambassador complaining of it, Count Brulon came and
told him in presence of the Chancellor’s servants,
that if any offence had been given him, it proceeded
from inattention, and not from design; for the King
would have him treated with the same honours as other
Ambassadors of Kings. Grotius replied, that he
expected to receive the same treatment as the English
Ambassador: on which Count Brulon said, France
gave to each power the honour due to its rank.
The exchange, however, was not executed.
Grotius made a journey to Rheims, where the King was,
to speak to him of it. The King gave him
the most positive promises, and engaged to give John
de Vert his liberty, if the Duke of Bavaria sent Marshal
Horn to Landau. Grotius wrote to the Court of
Bavaria; John de Vert was conducted to Selesdad:
and at last the exchange was made at Strasbourg.
Grotius wrote a letter of compliment on it to
the Marshal, and desired him to come and lodge with
him, if he purposed to pass through Paris in his way
to Sweden.
IX. The renewal of the treaty
of alliance between France and Sweden, which was almost
expired, was now on the carpet. This grand affair
was negotiating at Hamburg between Claude de Meme
count d’Avaux, and John Adler Salvius, Vice-Chancellor
of Sweden. Grotius, who was attentive to
give such counsels as might be useful to the crown
of Sweden, wrote to the High Chancellor on the 29th
of September, 1640, that if the subsidies made the
only difficulty to the conclusion of the treaty, he
knew the Cardinal would augment them. And accordingly,
instead of a million, which France promised to Sweden
by the last treaty, by this she gave her twelve
hundred thousand Francs. The negotiation meeting
with many obstacles, it was drawn into a great length
and not concluded till the last of June, 1641.
In the beginning of November in the
preceding year, Chavigny came to acquaint Grotius,
that the King was astonished that nothing was done
in the eight months that the renewal of the alliance
had been negotiating at Hamburg; that it would seem
the regents of Sweden imagined by these delays to
obtain better conditions; but the King could add nothing
to the former subsidies by reason of his exorbitant
expences both on his own account and that of the allies;
that he was desirous of being speedily informed of
the intentions of the Swedish Ministers; that the
renewal of the treaty would contribute to the obtaining
a good peace; that if they would not renew it, it
was time the King should know it, that he might take
his measures; and that the peace was greatly retarded
by the hopes which the enemy entertained of a difference
between France and Sweden. He added, that if
a separate treaty should be set on foot, France could
obtain better terms than Sweden. The whole drift
of this discourse was to let Grotius know they were
not ignorant that he had written to Sweden, advising
the Regency to take advantage of the present occasion
to obtain more advantageous conditions from France;
which would be granted. The Swedish Ambassador
answered Chavigny, that he had received a letter from
the Queen for his Majesty, which he purposed to deliver
immediately; that the war was very burdensome to the
Swedes, who had so many enemies to combat with, especially
this year and last; and that as to the renewal of
the treaty, he had nothing to say to it; for that
affair did not concern him, but Salvius.
He demanded an audience; but it was
denied on several pretexts; because they wanted
farther information of what was doing at Hamburg.
It was at last granted on the 16th of November,
1640. He saw the Queen first, whom he complimented
on the birth of the Duke of Anjou: he afterwards
saw the King, and delivered to him the Queen’s
letters of the 10th of September. He congratulated
him on the advantages gained last campaign, and on
the birth of a second son of France; and entreated
his Majesty to send a greater force into Germany as
the only means to obtain a glorious peace. The
King promised it, and afterwards repeated to Grotius
what Chavigny had said; that the treaty of alliance
would soon expire; that he would be glad to renew
it on the former conditions; but that if her Swedish
Majesty disliked them, he wished to know it immediately,
that he might regulate his measures accordingly.
He often repeated that it was not in his power to
augment the subsidies, though the Ambassador proved
that he could never make a better use of his money.
Grotius informed the Queen of what passed at this audience
by a letter of the 17th of November, 1640, in which
he assures her that the true reason why the King deferred
seeing him was his waiting for Cardinal Richelieu,
with whom he wanted to concert the answer he should
make. He acquainted this Princess at the same
time, that it was from the Superintendant’s
own friends he understood the Swedes might hope for
an increase of the subsidies on renewing the alliance.
Salvius informed Grotius of the state
of the negotiation, that they might act in concert.
The Vice-Chancellor was the primum mobile of
this great affair: Grotius was subordinate to
him, and did him great service by the instructions
which he sent him.
X. Cardinal Richelieu died the year
after the renewal of the treaty of alliance between
France and Sweden, on the 4th of December, 1642.
This famous Minister was not much regretted by the
Swedish Ambassador: independent of the grounds
of complaint which Grotius thought he had against
the Cardinal, it is not surprising that he should have
no great veneration for him; they were of too different
sentiments to esteem, or perhaps to do one another
justice.
Lewis XIII. did not long survive his
Prime Minister; the fourteenth of May, 1643, was his
last. Anne of Austria, his widow, was Regent of
the Kingdom during the minority of her son Lewis XIV.
She told the Swedish Ambassador by Chavigny, and repeated
it herself, that the King’s death would make
no change in the alliance between France and Sweden;
that she would follow the intentions of the late King
in every thing, and observe with the greatest fidelity
the treaties made with the allies.
The Duke of Orleans and the Prince
of Conde were of the same sentiments. Cardinal
Mazarin soon gained all the Queen’s confidence,
and the principal part in the Ministry: he pretended
to support the dignity of Cardinal with the same grandeur
as his predecessor: which made Grotius resolve
to wait for orders from Sweden before he saw his Eminence.
September 26, 1643, he writes to Salvius, “I
received with great pleasure your Excellency’s
letters. I caused them to be delivered to Cardinal
Mazarin, whom I have not seen, nor will see, unless
the Queen order it. He takes the precedence of
the Ambassadors of Kings; and though the title of
Eminence be given him, he refuses that of Excellence
to Ambassadors.” Sweden having declared
war against the King of Denmark, who had taken
several Swedish ships trading in the Sound, Grotius
communicated the Queen of Sweden’s motives to
the French Queen, without having orders for it,
in an audience which he had of her Majesty about the
middle of April, 1644; acquainting her that justice
and necessity obliged Sweden to have recourse to arms
against the Danes; he also shewed her the declaration
of war, which he translated into Latin, and printed
at Paris. Some time after, Christina sent him
orders to inform the Queen of France of the reasons
which obliged the Swedes to enter into a war with
Denmark; which Grotius did accordingly at an audience
in the beginning of June, 1644.
XI. It was the adventurer Cerisante
who brought Grotius Queen Christina’s letters,
ordering him to lay before the Queen of France Sweden’s
grounds of complaint against Denmark. He had had
interest to get himself nominated Agent of the crown
of Sweden at Paris, with orders however to do nothing
but in concert with the Ambassador. Some
years before, the continual jars between Grotius and
the French Ministers made the Regents of Sweden
hesitate whether it would not be proper to recall
Grotius: he himself had wrote to the High Chancellor,
that, to obviate all difficulties raised against him,
it would perhaps be more proper to have only an Agent
at Paris. It is pretended that the inclination
which he was suspected to have for the Roman Catholics
contributed to set the Swedes against him; and Crusius
wrote from Bremen, November 27, 1642, “It
is publicly reported that Grotius is become a Papist,
and has lost all credit in Sweden.” He was
not consulted in the nomination of Cerisante; accordingly
it gave him much uneasiness, which he did not dissemble:
he regarded this Agent as a spy sent to observe his
conduct, and his mission as a proof that the Ministry
were not satisfied with him: this greatly contributed
to increase the disgust he had taken to his embassy,
which he had already hinted in confidence to some
of his friends. February 16, 1641, he wrote a
letter of compliment to Lewis Camerarius
on his being recalled from his embassy to Holland,
and assures him that it would give him great pleasure
to live in such quiet. He writes to his brother,
November 1, 1641, “If they threatened to
recall me from my embassy I should not be sorry:
it is not a lucrative thing. I am surfeited with
honours; old age comes on, and will soon demand ease.”
A year after, he writes to him, “I am come
to the age at which many wise men have voluntarily
renounced places of honour. I love quiet, and
would be glad to devote the remainder of my life to
the service of God and of posterity. If I had
not some hope of contributing to a general peace, I
should have retired before now.”
The headstrong and forward temper
of the person who was appointed his coadjutor crowned
all his uneasiness. In effect, no body could be
more the reverse of Grotius than Cerisante. The
Memoirs of the Duke of Guise have placed this man
in a very ridiculous light: his family indeed
complain that the duke of Guise did not do him justice;
but we know from others that he was as vain as he
was inconsiderate. He was the son of Duncan,
Minister of Saumur, and being perfect master of the
Belles Lettres, he had been nominated Governor
to the Marquis de Foix, who afterwards made him Lieutenant-Colonel
of the regiment of Navarre; but a quarrel with the
Duke of Candale in the beginning of Anne of Austria’s
regency obliged him to quit the kingdom. He retired
into Sweden, in hopes that the Queen, who loved men
of wit, would make his fortune. He was not disappointed:
she gave him a commission to levy a regiment, which
he never raised; and sent him into France with the
titles of Colonel and Agent of Sweden.
He soon laid aside that regard for
Grotius which was recommended to him; and gave on
all occasions proofs of his rash and vain-glorious
humour. Grotius tells us that he sent very false
intelligence to Sweden, which he affirmed that he
had from the first hand: in short, he was guilty
of so many extravagancies, that Queen Christina, being
informed how little he was esteemed, and that she
was in some sort censured on his account, dismissed
him her service; but it was not till after Grotius’s
departure from Paris.
It will readily be judged that a man
of this character could ill agree with Grotius:
accordingly they were soon at great variance.
Their misunderstanding was quickly known. Sarrau
wrote to Salmasius, June 1, 1644, “Duncan
the Swedish Agent at this Court gives the Ambassador
much uneasiness.” Grotius’s patience
being therefore worn out, he wrote to Sweden, desiring
the Queen to recall him: his request was granted
with great readiness. As she did not dignify to
him where he must go, he wrote to Baron Oxenstiern,
the Swedish Plenipotentiary to the peace of Munster
and Osnabrug, and son of the High Chancellor, desiring
him to inform him of the Queen’s intentions,
if he knew them; or to advise him whither he ought
to go, to Osnabrug or elsewhere; and in fine, to send
him a safe-conduct from the Ambassadors of the Emperor
and the King of Spain, and even, if he could, from
the Elector of Cologn. Grotius was strongly persuaded
that they would employ him elsewhere. He
demanded an audience of Queen Anne, whom he informed
of his being recalled. The Queen of Sweden wrote
to the French Queen a letter highly to Grotius’s
honour, in which she said that she would never
forget his great services. She wrote also to himself,
signifying to him her satisfaction with his fidelity
and prudence, and making him the fairest promises:
which confutes what we find in the Menagiana,
that Queen Christina began her reign with recalling
Grotius; since it is beyond doubt that it was Grotius
himself who asked to be recalled. But we must
not expect great exactness in this kind of works,
compiled for the most part by persons who relate ill
what they heard, and are not always acquainted with
the matters of which they write.
Before we consider Grotius returned
to a private station, we shall observe that he always
supported with great firmness the rights and honours
belonging to the rank of Ambassador, not from vanity,
but because he thought it his duty to prevent a dignity
conferred on him from being depreciated. He imagined,
that the Dutch, from ill-will to him, had entered
into a kind of conspiracy not to treat him as Ambassador,
and to make him be considered as a simple Resident;
and afterwards to make a crime of his weakness in giving
up any part of his right. They denied him the
title of Excellency when speaking to him of private
business, under pretext that his embassy was not concerned:
but he shewed this to be a very bad reason, since the
greatest Noblemen in Sweden treated him as Ambassador
even in private letters: he therefore burnt all
those letters which did not give him the proper titles,
without answering them; and even would not receive
in his house such persons as denied him the honours
due to the Ambassadors of crowned heads.
XII. When the news of Grotius’s
recall was known at Paris, it was publicly said that
he was going to Sweden to complain of his collegue.
Sarrau writes thus to Salmasius, March 15, 1645.
“Grotius is preparing to set out for Sweden
after Easter, to complain of the injury done to him
by appointing for his successor a young man who was
his rival. He must however obey; and return into
a private station: but this Colossus, though
thrown down, will be always great; this statue will
still be very high without its base.” Whilst
Grotius waited for Baron Oxenstiern’s answer,
he wrote to Spiringius, the Swedish Agent in Holland,
asking him, in case he should not receive a favourable
letter from Osnabrug, to send him a ship of war to
some French port, on board of which he might embark
for Gottenburg; or, if that could not be done, to
obtain a passport to go from Holland to Gottenburg;
but on condition that no mention should be made of
what passed in his youth; otherwise, he declared,
he would take another rout. It is probable he
obtained such a passport as he desired; for embarking
at Dieppe, he went to Holland, where he was extremely
well received. The Burgomasters of Amsterdam
paid him all honour, and he was entertained at the
public expence. He had also reason to be satisfied
with the town of Rotterdam: not but there were
at this time some mean souls in Holland, who wanted
to make the States of Holland, then assembled, deny
him a passage through the Province: but this
shameful step served only to draw upon them the public
indignation. The City of Amsterdam fitted out
a vessel to carry him to Hamburg, where he was May
16, 1645, on which day he writes to his brother
that the wind had been against them; that he had been
eight days by the way; and that Schrasvius, the Dutch
Resident at Hamburg, came to visit him, and had a
conversation with him full of friendship. He
was resolved to set out next day for Lubeck, and hoped
to find at that town, or at least at Wismar, a vessel
that might carry him to Calmar, where he believed
the High Chancellor to be with the French and Dutch
Ambassadors. In this letter he asked his brother
to give him only the title of Counsellor to her Swedish
Majesty. He speaks much of the honourable reception
which the Magistrates of Lubeck gave him.
“You cannot believe, he writes to his brother,
how many friends I have found.” He was
in the end of March at Wismar, where Count Wrangel,
Admiral of the Swedish fleet, gave him a splendid entertainment,
and afterwards sent a man of war with him to Calmar.
The High Chancellor was not there, but at Suderacher,
four leagues distant, negotiating a peace between
Sweden and Denmark. Grotius wrote to him immediately,
and received a speedy answer: on the 8th of June
the High Chancellor sent a Gentleman with his coach
to bring him to Suderacher, where he remained a fortnight
with the Chancellor and, the other Ambassadors, who
treated him with great honours: returning to Calmar,
he went by land to Stockholm. Queen Christina
was then at Upsal: but, as soon as she heard
of Grotius’s arrival in her capital, she came
back to see so great a man: a desire to be acquainted
with such as distinguished themselves in the republic
of letters is well known to have been one of her favourite
passions. On the morrow of his arrival, she
gave him a long audience, with which he appears, by
a letter written to his brother July 15, 1645, to
be well satisfied. “I am now at Stockholm,
says he, and have seen the Queen. She makes me
great promises. I do not know yet what she will
do with me. The Senators seem well satisfied with
all that I have done.”
Christina gave him several audiences;
made him dine with her; and he appeared to be abundantly
pleased with the honours he received: but as
he saw they were in no haste to do any thing for him,
and only rewarded him with compliments, he grew uneasy,
and asked permission to retire. He was confirmed
in this resolution by finding the Court filled with
persons who had conceived a jealousy against him; besides,
the air of Sweden did not agree with him. The
Queen several times refused to grant him his dismission,
and signified to him that if he would continue in
her service in quality of Counsellor of State, and
bring his family into Sweden, he should have no reason
to repent it: but he excused himself on account
of his own health, which was much altered, and of his
wife’s health, who could not bear the cold air
of that kingdom. He asked a passport, which they
delayed granting. In the mean time he grew so
uneasy at Stockholm, that he resolved to be gone without
a passport. Leaving that city therefore, he went
to a seaport two leagues distant, in order to embark
for Lubeck. The Queen being informed of his departure,
sent a Gentleman to inform him that she wanted to see
him once more; otherwise she should think that he
was displeased with her: he returned therefore
to Stockholm, and explained himself to the Queen,
who seemed satisfied with his reasons, and made him
a present in money amounting to twelve or thirteen
thousand Imperials, about ten thousand French
Crowns, adding to it some silver plate, that was not
finished sooner: which, he was assured, delayed
the granting of his passport. It was afterwards
issued, and the Queen gave him a vessel, on board
which he embarked the 12th of August for Lubeck.
The Menagiana contains an anecdote
relating to the last audience that Grotius had of
Queen Christina, which we shall relate rather to throw
contempt on this kind of works, than to give weight
to it. When Grotius, it tells us, had his audience
of leave of Queen Christina, she said some sharp things
to him; on which he immediately left her, saying only,
Madam, I remain your most humble servant. The
Queen was afterwards vexed at it, and could not help
observing, that he ought not to have gone away without
taking leave of her. Marigny said to her, Madam,
he did take leave of you. You do not know what
you say, replied the Queen; if he had, I should have
known it. Madam, added Marigny, what I say is
true; I was there; when they say in France, on going
away, I remain your most humble servant, it is taking
leave of a person. The Queen sustained this;
and sending for Grotius, made him a present of copper
to the amount of forty thousand livres.
XIII. Grotius’s departure
from Stockholm gave rise to several very uncertain
reports. Vondel, a famous Dutch Poet, and a friend
of that learned man, pretends that he designed to
go to Osnabrug, where the peace was negotiating;
others assure, that he was desirous of retiring
to Holland, where the Republican party was beginning
to gain the ascendant. A modern author has advanced,
that he resolved to go into Poland, in hopes that
the King would send him Ambassador to the court of
France: but it is more probable, that, disgusted
with negotiations and business, he only sought a place
of retreat, where he might complete his imaginary
project of forming a coalition of Christians, and
prepare for his latter end.
The vessel was scarce sailed for Lubeck,
when she was overtaken by a violent storm, which obliged
her to put in, on the 17th of August, fourteen miles
from Dantzick. Grotius set out in an open waggon
for Lubeck, and arrived at Rostock on the 26th
of August very ill. Nobody knew him: his
great weakness determined him to call a physician:
his name was Stochman, who, on feeling Grotius’s
pulse, said his indisposition proceeded from weakness
and fatigue; and that with rest and some restoratives
he might recover: but next day he changed his
tone; on seeing his weakness increase, with a cold
sweat, and other symptoms of nature being spent, he
judged that his end was near. Grotius then asked
for a clergyman. John Quistorpius was brought,
who, in a letter to Calovius, gives us the particulars
of Grotius’s last moments. We cannot do
better than copy it.
“You are desirous of hearing
from me how that Phoenix of Literature, Hugo Grotius,
behaved in his last moments, and I am going to tell
you. He embarked at Stockholm for Lubeck; and
after having been tossed for three days by a violent
tempest, he was shipwrecked and got to shore on the
coast of Pomerania, from whence he came to our town
of Rostock, distant above sixty miles, in an open
waggon, through wind and rain. He lodged with
Balleman; and sent for M. Stochman, the physician,
who observing that he was extremely weakened by years,
by what he suffered at sea, and the inconveniences
attending the journey, judged that he could not live
long. The second day after Grotius’s arrival
in this town, that is, on the 18th of August, O.S.
he sent for me about nine at night. I went, and
found him almost at the point of death. I said
there was nothing I desired more than to have seen
him in health, that I might have the pleasure of his
conversation. He answered, God had ordered it
otherwise. I desired him to prepare himself for
a happier life, to acknowledge that he was a sinner,
and to repent of his faults: and happening to
mention the publican, who acknowledged that he was
a sinner, and asked God’s mercy, he answered:
I am that publican. I went on, and told him,
that he must have recourse to Jesus Christ, without
whom there is no salvation. He replied, I place
all my hope in Jesus Christ. I began to repeat
aloud in German the prayer which begins Herr Jesu;
he followed me, in a very low voice, with his hands
clasped. When I had done, I asked him, if he
understood me. He answered, I understand you
very well. I continued to repeat to him those passages
of the word of God which are commonly offered to the
remembrance of dying persons, and asking him if he
understood me, he answered, I heard your voice,
but did not understand what you said. These were
his last words: soon after he expired, just at
midnight. His body was delivered to the Physicians;
who took out his bowels. I easily obtained leave
to bury them in our principal Church, which is dedicated
to the Virgin.”
Thus died this celebrated man, on
the 28th of August at night, or rather in the morning
of the 29th, 1645. A number of falshoods were
published on occasion of his death. Du Maurier
relates, that a Roman Catholic Priest, and Ministers
of different persuasions, hearing that Grotius was
dying, came to him to dispose him to die in their communion:
that he made them no answer, but, I don’t
understand you; and on their silence said to them,
Exhort me to die like a Christian.
Quistorpius’s relation, ill
understood, has given rise to several groundless stories.
M. Arnaud assures us that he had the particulars
of Grotius’s death from one of his Secretaries,
who told him, that when he was at Rostock a Lutheran
Minister came to see him in his illness, and speaking
to him of religion, Grotius answered, I don’t
understand you; willing to let him know that his conversation
was not agreeable. M. Jurieu maintains,
that he died without making any profession of religion,
and that he answered those who exhorted him to prepare
for death in these words, I don’t understand
you: turning his back to them.
If we may believe the Menagiana,
the Minister who came to wait upon him at his death,
said to him what was very poor; and Grotius, to gain
time, and let him know that he could well dispense
with his exhortations, said to him, I am Grotius.
To which the Minister answered, What! are you the
great Grotius? M. Le Clerc mentions his having
seen in an English book that Grotius said when dying,
“By undertaking many things I have accomplished
nothing.”
Not even so much as the cause of his
death has escaped without misrepresentations.
M. Le Clerc informs us, that some of his enemies spread
a report, that he was killed by lightning: and
not long ago, he adds, a learned man of my acquaintance
asked me by letter if it was true.
Patin writes, that it was suspected
he had been poisoned. “We hear, says he,
that Grotius is dead at Rostock, on his return from
Sweden, of a fever, not without suspicion of being
poisoned by the Lutherans, on account of what he says
about Antichrist in favour of the Pope: but I
do not think that poisoning is used in that country.”
They carried their wickedness to such
a height as to accuse Queen Christina of shortening
that great man’s days. The new Memoirs of
the Abbe d’Artigny acquaint us, that Antony
Argoud, Dean of the Cathedral of Vienne, haranguing
Queen Christina the 13th of August, 1656, pleased
her so much, that she gave him broad hints that she
would do great things for him if he would attend her
in quality of first Chaplain. The Queen had in
her retinue Lesseins, one of the Gentlemen of the
King’s Bedchamber, who was ordered to accompany
that Princess from Marseilles to Lions. Argoud
telling him of the Queen’s proposals, he diverted
him from accepting them by painting out Christina as
an inconstant and capricious Princess. “He
forgot nothing to set him against her, even to telling
him that Grotius would have been still alive, if he
had had nothing to fear from the jealousy of the Swedes;
but that the ill treatment of the Queen brought that
great man to his grave.” It is very possible
that not having been treated by the Queen so well
as he expected, it chagrined him much: but whatever
is not conformable to Quistorpius’s letter,
against which nothing solid can be advanced, ought
to be rejected as apocryphal. His corpse was carried
to Delft, and deposited in the tomb of his ancestors.
He wrote this modest Epitaph for himself:
Grotius hic Hugo est, Batavum
captivus et exul,
Legatus regni, Suecia magna, tui.
Grotius had the precaution to make
his will at Paris on the 27th of March, 1645, a little
before his departure. He had a very agreeable
person, a good complexion, an aquiline nose, sparkling
eyes, a serene and smiling countenance. He was
not tall, but very strong, and well built.
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