THE MEASURE OF CONSUMERS’ WEALTH
In all stages of social development
the economic motives that actuate men remain essentially
the same. All men seek to get as much net service
from material wealth as they can. The more wealth
they have, other things remaining the same, the better
off they are, and the more personal sacrifice they
are compelled to undergo in the securing of the wealth,
the worse off they are. Some of the benefit received
is neutralized by the sacrifice incurred; but there
is a net surplus of gains not thus canceled by sacrifices,
and the generic motive which may properly be called
economic is the desire to make this surplus large.
Except in a perfectly isolated individual life, there
is opportunity for ethical motives to affect men’s
economic actions. Altruism has a place in any
social system of economics, and so have the
sense of justice and the positive compulsion of the
law. Altruism does its largest work in causing
men to give away wealth after they have acquired it,
but conscience and the law powerfully affect their
actions in acquiring it. These are forces of which
Social Economics has to take account; but the more
egoistic motive, desire to secure the largest net
benefit from the wealth-creating process, is one of
the premises of any economic science. This involves
a general pursuit of wealth; but men seek the wealth
for a certain personal effect which comes from the
use of it, and they measure it, when attained, by
means of this subjective effect.
How Specific Utilities are Measured. - As
the essential quality of wealth is specific effective
utility, we measure wealth by estimating the amount
of this quality, and it is always a consumer who must
make the measurement. He must discover the importance
to himself of a small quantity of a particular commodity.
The hunter must find out how much worse off he would
be if he were to lose a small part of his supply of
game and endure some hunger as a consequence.
In doing this he gets the measure of the effective
utility of any like quantity of game, since any one
specific part of his supply is as important as any
other and no more so. The estimate of the importance
of such a supply of food material has to be made in
this specific way, by taking the amount on hand piece
by piece, and not by gauging the importance of the
whole of it at once.
Value the Measure of Specific Effective
Utility. - If any consumer will estimate
the importance to himself of a single unit of goods
of a certain kind, and multiply the measure so gained
by the number of units he is appraising, he will make
a measurement of the value of the total amount.
Values not based on the Importance
of the Total Supply of Goods. - It is
essential that the consumer, in determining the value
of a kind of goods, should not estimate the importance
of the supply in its entirety, since that would give
an exaggerated measure. Measurements of value
are always made specifically, and single units of the
supply of goods are appraised apart from the remainder.
The total utility of atmospheric air is infinite,
since the loss of the whole of it would mean the total
destruction of animal life; but the specific utility
and the value of air is nil, since no one limited
part of the supply has any practical importance.
A roomful of it might be destroyed with impunity.
So the cereal crops of the world, taken as a whole,
have almost infinite importance, since their destruction
would result in universal famine; but each bushel
of grain has an importance that is relatively small.
The loss of it would impose no serious hardship upon
the average consumer, since he could easily replace
it. The value of the crop is determined by the
importance of one bushel taken separately and by the
number of the bushels. If we estimate the importance
of one unit of the supply of anything, express the
result of the estimate in a number, and then multiply
this by the number of units in the supply, we express
the value of this total amount. The total
utility of it, on the other hand, is measured by
the benefit which we get from the supply in its entirety,
or by the difference between the state we are in when
we have it all and that to which we should be reduced
if we lost it all and were unable to replace it.
To measure any such total utility we contrast, in
imagination, our condition with the full supply on
hand and a condition of total and hopeless privation,
in so far as these goods and similar ones are concerned.
This Method of measuring Wealth
Universal. - These principles apply as
well to the economy of a solitary islander of the Crusoe
type as they do to that of a civilized society.
A Crusoe does not need to measure values for purposes
of exchange, but he has other reasons for measuring
them. It is for his interest to use his own labor
economically, and to that end he should not put too
much of it into one occupation and too little into
another. When, by reason of a large store of
wheat on hand, the specific importance of it is small, - or,
if we use a common expression, when the utility of
the “final increment” of it, which a man
might secure by making an addition to his supply,
is small, - he should divert his labor to
raising goats or building huts, where the utility
of the increment of product to be gained is, for the
time, greater. The solitary man thus well illustrates
the act of the society which, in its own peculiar way,
sends labor from one department of industry where the
“final utility” of its product is small
to another where it is larger. It is all done
by measuring the specific importance of goods.
The Utility of Producers’
Goods. - Consumers’ goods have a
direct utility, which is a power immediately to serve
a consumer. Instruments of production, on the
other hand, have indirect utility, since all that
they are good for is to help produce things that render
the immediate service. They have productivity,
and this has to be measured in determining their value.
What we need to know about hoes and shovels, hammers
and anvils, spindles and looms, etc., is how much
power they have to create the goods that we want for
consumption. Here again the measurement has to
be made in the specific way. The capital goods
have to be taken unit by unit if their value for productive
purposes is to be rightly gauged. A part of a
supply of potatoes is traceable to the hoes that dig
them; but in valuing the hoes we do not try to find
out how much worse off we should be if we had no hoes
at all. We endeavor simply to ascertain how badly
the loss of one hoe would affect us or how much good
the restoration of it would do us. This truth,
like the foregoing ones, has a universal application
in economics; for primitive men as well as civilized
ones must estimate the specific productivity of the
tools that they use, and make hoes, shovels, or axes
according as the procuring of a single tool of one
kind becomes more important than procuring one of another
kind. Indeed, the measuring of the utility has
to be done, as we shall soon see, in a way that is
even more specific than this; for the man has to determine
not only how many hoes he will make, but how good he
shall make them. The quality of each tool has
to be determined in a manner that we must hereafter
examine with care. The earning power of capital
is, as we shall later see, governed by a specific power
of productivity which resides in capital goods.
Cost and Utility. - A
ripe consumers’ good, in exhausting itself on
man, benefits him; but during the period in which it
is being prepared for use, when it is receiving utilities
at the hands of successive producers, it has an opposite
relation to the men who handle it. In making
the material useful a man confines and tires himself.
He is willing to do it if the reward that he expects
will more than pay for the sacrifice, but not otherwise.
Moreover, this sacrifice itself has to be estimated
specifically in a way that is akin to the method of
measuring utilities which determines the values of
goods. It is necessary for a man to gauge the
sacrifice which is entailed on him, not by his labor
as a whole, but by a specific part of it. He finds
himself in the evening feeling the fatigue and the
sense of confinement which the day of labor has imposed
and asks himself how much it would burden him to work
a little longer. If what he can get by this means
pays for the extra sacrifice involved in thus getting
it, he will work for the few minutes, but otherwise
he will not. His objection to a few minutes of
additional work measures what we may call the specific
disutility of labor; and men, whether they be primitive
or civilized, are forever making such measurements.
They consider how much it will cost them to add slightly
to the length of their working day or how much it
will benefit them to shorten it. In this way
they measure the specific disutility of labor
rather than the total disutility of it, since
they do not gauge the relief that it would afford
to cease working altogether.
The Increasing Cost of Successive
Periods of Labor. - It is easy to work
when one is not tired, and the first hour or two of
labor may even afford a pleasure that largely offsets
the burden that it entails; but it is hard to work
when one is tired and painfully conscious of the confinement
of the shop. Adding anything to the length of
a working day imposes on a man the necessity of working
at the time when the burden is greatest; and shortening
his day, for a like reason, relieves him of some of
his most costly toil.
The Natural Length of the Working
Day. - Any laborer, as his work goes
on, hour after hour, is certain to reach a point at
which it is unprofitable to go farther. However
greatly he may need more goods, he will not need them
as much as he needs rest and change. It may be
that he has worked twelve hours, and that, by working
longer, he can improve his wardrobe, his food, or
his furnishings; but if he has a tolerable supply
of such things, he will hardly choose to add to it
by staying in the shop when his strength has been
exhausted and he is eager to reach his home.
Specific Cost at its Maximum a
Measure of Specific Utility. - Two very
important principles are at work whenever a man is
performing labor in order to create wealth. The
more consumers’ wealth he gets, the less important
to him are the successive units of it, and the more
do these successive units cost him. The tenth
hour of labor adds to his supply of food, but this
addition is not as important as the supplies that
were already on hand. If we divide the supply
into tenths and let the man produce a tenth in each
successive hour, the first tenth, which rescues him
from starvation, is the most important, while the
last tenth, which comes nearest to glutting his appetite,
is least important. This last increment, however,
is produced by the greatest sacrifice, for it is gained
by making the working day ten hours long instead of
nine.
Let the hours of the working day be
counted along the line AD, and let us suppose
that a man gets unit after unit of consumers’
wealth, as he works hour after hour, and the units
grow less and less important. The first and most
important we may measure by the vertical line AB.
The second is worth less, the third still less, and
the last one is worth only the amount CD.
This means that the successive units of what we may
call general commodity for personal use have declined
in utility along the curve BC. On the other
hand, as the man’s labor has been prolonged,
it has grown more and more wearying and irksome.
The sacrifice that it involved at first was almost
nothing, but the sacrifice of the succeeding hours
has increased until, in the last hour, it amounts
to the quantity expressed by CD. As the
man has continued to work, the onerousness of working
has increased along the ascending line AC until
the point has been reached where it is so great that
it is barely compensated by the fruits of the labor.
The man will then work no longer. If he were to
do so, his sacrifice would become still larger and
his reward still less. Up to this point it is
profitable to work, for every hour of labor has brought
him something so useful that it has more than paid
for whatever sacrifice he has made in order to get
it. Beyond this point this is not the case.
The line CD represents the cost of labor at
its maximum, and it is this which acts as a measure
of effective utility and value.
AC is the curve representing
the sacrifice entailed by
successive hours of labor.
In like manner we should have to recognize
the fact that the utility of some kinds of goods
may not reach a maximum with the first increment,
and should construct a utility curve to express
this fact. BC here represents the increase and
the following decrease in the specific utility
of the supply of an article of this kind.
The Coincident Measure of Cost
and Utility. - It now appears that the
line CD signifies two different things.
It measures the utility of the last unit of the man’s
consumers’ wealth, and it also measures the
sacrifice that he has incurred in order to get it.
These are opposing influences, but are equally strong.
The one, of itself, makes man better off, while the
other, of itself alone, makes him worse off. At
the last instant of the working day they neutralize
each other, though in all the earlier periods the
utility secured is greater than the sacrifice incurred
and the net gain thus secured has kept the man working.
The Point at which Utility and
Disutility are mutually Neutralizing. - At
a certain test point, then, production acts on man
in such a way as exactly to offset the effect experienced
from the consuming of the product. Man, as a
consumer, has to measure a beneficial effect on himself,
and, as a producer, he has to measure an unpleasant
effect. He finds how much he is benefited by the
last unit of wealth which he gets for personal use,
and also how much he is burdened by the last bit of
labor that he performs. If this sacrifice just
offsets the benefit derived from the final consumption,
it is the best unit for measuring all kinds of utilities.
A man secures by means of this final and most costly
labor a variety of things, for if he works up to this
point every day in the year, he will have at his disposal,
say, a hundred hours of labor in excess of what he
would have had if he had worked a third of an hour
less each day. The product of this extra labor
will be taken in the shape of goods that are also
extra, or additional to whatever he would otherwise
have secured. They will represent special comforts
and luxuries of many kinds. The values of these
goods may be measured and compared by means of the
quantity of labor that the man has thought it worth
while to perform in order to get them. If he
values one of them highly enough to think it worth
while to work for an extra period of twenty minutes
at the end of a day in order to get it, it may be said
to have one unit of value; and if he is anxious enough
to get something else by doing this on two successive
days, this second article may be said to have two
units of value. The savage who, by working for
an extra hour, makes some improvement in his canoe,
and by doing the same thing on another day makes some
improvement in his food, establishes thereby the fact
that he values these two additional bits of consumers’
wealth equally. If he uses ten hours of the same
costly kind of labor in making an addition to his
hut, he proves that he values that gain ten times
as highly as he does either of the others. Establishing
values by means of such final costs is a process that
goes on in every stage of social evolution.
Unlike Results of Creating Wealth
and Using it Summarized. - Wealth, then,
affects a man as a consumer in one way and the same
man as a producer in an opposite way. In the
one case the effects are favorable, and in the other
they are unfavorable. At a certain test point
the two effects may be equally strong as motives to
action, and so may be said to be equivalent.
The man is impelled to work by his desire for a final
unit of wealth, and he is deterred from it by his
aversion for the final unit of labor which he will
have to incur if he secures the benefit. If he
performs the labor and gets the benefit, he neither
gains nor loses as the net result of this particular
part of his labor, though from all other parts of
his labor he gets a net surplus of benefit. It
is natural to measure all such economic gains in terms
of sacrifices incurred at the test point where these
are greatest. This is the labor one would have
to incur in order to add the means of gratification
to his previous supply of consumers’ goods.
Minimum Gains offset Maximum Pains. - Running
through and through the economic process are these
two different measuring operations. Man is forever
estimating the amount of harm that wealth does him
when he is in the act of producing it, and the amount
of good it does him when he consumes it; and there
is always to be found a point where the two amounts
are equal. It is the point at which gains are
smallest and sacrifices greatest. It is at this
point that men measure values in primitive life and
in civilized life. How in the intricate life of
a modern society the measuring is done we shall in
due time see; for the present it is enough that we
perceive the universality of the law according to
which value is best measured by the disutility of the
labor which is most costly to the worker. Organized
societies do something which is tantamount to this.
It is as though the whole social organism were an
individual counting the sacrifices of his most costly
labor and getting therefrom a unit for comparing the
effective utilities of different goods.
How Primitive Man tests Value. - It
is a mistake to suppose that what is essential in
value depends on the existence of an actual market
in which things are exchanged for each other.
In a market, it is true, values are established and
their amounts are expressed in ways that cannot be
adopted in primitive life. When we buy a thing,
we help to fix the value of it and of other things
which are like it. The mere ratios in which things
exchange for each other in a market are, however,
by no means the essence of value itself. That
is something deeper and is one of the universal phenomena
of wealth. Value, as we have said, is the measure
of the effective utility of things, a kind of measure
that every one is frequently compelled to employ, whether
he is making goods for himself or buying them from
others. A producer who has the option of making
different things for himself needs to know what variety
of goods can be increased in supply with the greatest
advantage to himself as a consumer. Adding to
the supply of any one of them is getting a “final”
or “marginal” unit of consumers’
wealth. It is something that is needed less than
the things that were already on hand. Without
making such a comparison of the importance of marginal
units of different commodities he cannot use his resources
in the way that will do him the most good.
The terms marginal and final
mean essentially the same thing, but the modes
of conceiving it differ. When utilities are
thought of as supplied one after another, the last
is the least important. We may represent
a man’s enlarging gratifications, not by
such a mere series of quantitative increments,
but by an enlarging area. We may draw a series
of concentric circles, beginning with the smallest,
and let this central area inclose the most necessary
forms of consumers’ wealth. When we
draw a second and larger circle, we inclose between
it and the first one a zone which includes those forms
which come next in importance. By continuing to
draw circles we reach an outermost one which bounds
a zone in which are included the least important
of the consumer’s acquisitions. These
are the things which he gets with his costliest
increment of labor, and the things which lie beyond
the circle last drawn would not pay for the sacrifice
which acquiring them would cost. In the accompanying
figure the fifth zone includes these “marginal”
forms of wealth.
How Isolated Men measure Final
Utility. - If a cave dweller possesses
a store of one hundred measures of nuts, he measures
the final utility and the value of this store in the
manner which we have described. If he were to
be deprived of the whole stock, he might starve, but
this fact does not afford the basis of the value which
he puts on the nuts. He measures the importance
of this consumers’ wealth specifically.
He tests the effect of losing one measure and no more,
and finds that he could lose the single measure without
suffering greatly. The difference between having
an appetite fully satiated and having it very nearly
so is not serious.
Let AD represent the savage’s
total supply of food. AB will represent the
utility of the first unit; CD of the hundredth.
If we supply the food unit by unit, the utility of
the successive increments will decline along the curve
BC. When the man has a hundred units of
food, no one unit of it is worth any more than the
last one, since if any one were taken away, the last
one could be put in the place of it.
The total absolute utility
of the food is measured by the area ABCD, but
the total value will be represented by the rectangle
ADCE. The area EBC measures the
surplus of utility contained in the earlier units
in the series.
The Motive for measuring Values
in Primitive Life. - Even the cave dweller
would have to measure values, and would thus have to
apply the principle of final utility, because he would
need to spend his limited productive energies in the
way that would do him the most good. When he
is nearly satiated with food, he needs other things
more than he does food stuffs. If he has secured
so much of one product that any additional amount
that he may get by an hour’s labor would be of
less use to him than what he could get of some other
product by the same amount of labor, it is important
for him to change his occupation and produce that
thing of which an additional unit - which
will perhaps be the final unit of this more desirable
article - has the higher degree of usefulness.
Final Utility and Labor Cost. - On
the supposition that a small store of roots and nuts
were incapable of being replaced by any amount of
effort and that no other food were to be had, the utility
of it would be indefinitely great, since the man’s
life would depend on this one increment of food alone.
A man would value that life-sustaining good for what
it would do for him and without any reference to the
amount of work he had performed in order to get it,
or to the amount he would have to perform in order
to get another store like it. On the supposition
that by labor the man could replace this essential
supply, the effective utility of it would be gauged
by the sacrifice he would have to make in order to
replace it. The effective utility of any unit
of a good that an hour’s labor will produce can
never be more than enough to offset the disutility
of a marginal or final hour of labor; and thus even
a single unit of replaceable food stuff, even when
it stands alone and constitutes the whole supply,
is valued according to the cost of getting another
one like it. A man will prize it according to
his dread of the sacrifice involved in getting the
duplicate. If he gets this by adding an hour
of labor to his day’s work, this fact is an
evidence that the importance of the original supply
of the food is measured and expressed by this personal
cost of replacement; and as any similar quantity in
a large supply of food can be duplicated by the same
amount of labor, it appears that, by a standard based
on cost, the effective utilities of all units
are equal, that of each one is measured by the “disutility”
of an hour’s labor and that of the whole supply
is this amount multiplied by the number of units that
this supply contains.
Although we may use the terms final
utility and effective utility in a
way that makes them nearly interchangeable, it is
clear that the qualities for which the two terms stand
are by no means identical, and that effective
utility must be studied in any complete analysis
of value. In distinguishing final utility
we assume that the units of the supply of goods of
a particular kind are furnished one by one, and we
measure the absolute utility of each unit.
The line AB measures the absolute
utility of the first unit supplied. This measurement
does not take any account of the cost of replacing
this unit, for it does not recognize the possibility
of replacing it. What is estimated is the absolute
importance of the service which this first unit of
the article renders, on the supposition that, if
this first increment of the supply were wanting,
the service would not be rendered at all.
It is, in like manner, the absolute utility of
the successive increments supplied which declines
along the curve BC. DC measures the
absolute utility of the final increment,
and the area ABCD the total absolute utility
of the supply. If the goods can be reproduced
by labor, the total effective utility is less,
since it is measured, as we have seen, by the
amount of sacrifice which the replacing of one
lost unit would entail multiplied by the number
of units in the supply. It is the amount expressed
by the area AECD which is the amount of
the value of the goods, since measure of effective
utility and value are the same, both in the case
of a single unit and in that of a total supply.
We have discovered two reasons why the
effective utility of any one of the earlier units
is equal to the absolute utility of the final
one. The first reason is that, if any one of
them were lost, the final one would be put in the
place of it and the consumer would suffer no loss
except what would be entailed by going without
the last unit. The second reason is that
if the consumer should lose any one of the earlier
units, he could replace it by the same amount of
labor that would replace the final one. We
have seen that the line DC of the figure
expresses not only the absolute utility of the final
unit of goods, but the disutility of the labor of
reproducing it or of reproducing any other unit.
The cost of replacing the whole supply is expressed
by the area AECD, on the supposition that
the units are replaced, one at a time, by means
of labor performed at the end of several working
days when the sacrifice is greatest. Total value
is thus quantitatively equivalent to total effective
sacrifice of replacement, as well as to total
effective utility. If, by adding a brief
period to the length of one working day, a man
can make good the loss of one unit of the goods, by
adding the same period to the length of a number
of working days, he can make good the loss of
the total supply. For simplicity we assume
that the man’s physical condition remains
unchanged, and that an extra hour of labor at the end
of any one day costs him as much as it would at
the end of any other.
How Primitive Man measures the
Productivity of Labor and Capital. - There
is a truth relating to producers’ wealth that
resembles the truth that we have just stated with regard
to consumers’ wealth. The more consumers’
goods of one kind a man has, the less is the value
that any one of them has to him. The more producers’
goods of a given kind a man has, the less is the efficiency
that any particular one of them possesses as an aid
to labor. The last bit of bread serves the man
himself in a less important way than does the first,
inasmuch as it gratifies a want that is less intense;
and the last implement of a given kind - the
last hatchet or spade or arrow - helps him
less in his productive operations than did the first
one. On the one hand, we have the law of the diminishing
utility of successive units of consumers’ goods,
and on the other hand, we have a parallel law of the
diminishing productivity of successive increments
of producers’ goods.
The Necessity for measuring the
Productive Powers of Capital Goods even in Primitive
Life. - Now, it is necessary for every
producer, though living in the simplest possible manner,
to measure in some way the efficiency of the last
unit of each kind of productive instrument that he
uses. He has, let us say, a certain number of
hatchets and of arrows, and he can produce one hatchet
with the same amount of labor that would produce an
arrow. Now, if a hatchet will do more good than
an arrow, he will direct his energies to the making
of the hatchet. It is important that any producer
should bring the final units of the different parts
of his equipment to a certain uniformity of producing
power. He must not go on adding to the stock of
implement N when implement N, which could
be had by the same expenditure of labor, would do
more good; nor must he add to the stock of either of
these after he has acquired such a supply of them
that the first unit of implement N would be of
greater importance. Measuring the efficiency
of producers’ goods is necessary in the case
of every one who creates wealth at all, and such measurements
reveal the fact that the more producers’ goods
of one kind a man has, the less is the productive
power that resides in one of them.
The Foregoing Truths Universal. - All
the general facts which have been thus far stated
hold true wherever wealth is produced. They do
not presuppose the facts of a division of labor and
a system of exchanges, and they do not even require
that there should be any social organization.
Men in the most primitive tribes and even men living
in Crusoe-like isolation would create wealth by labor
aided by capital. The essence of that wealth
would be effective utility, and the measure of this,
which is value, would be made in the specific way
that we have described. The varieties of capital,
the distinction between capital and capital goods,
and the law of diminishing productivity of such goods
would appear in the most primitive economics as well
as in the most advanced. These are by no means
all of the facts and principles which are thus of
universal application. They are merely a few
of the more important and may serve as a foundation
or a “Grundlegung,” for further study.
If we should extend our list of general and basic
truths, it would quickly appear that the incomes that
have been treated as rent and the various surplus gains
which are analogous to rent are universal economic
phenomena which it would be not illogical to discuss
in the preliminary part of this treatise. What
has been stated, however, concerning the laws of diminishing
productivity of successive units of producers’
wealth, concerning the diminishing utility of successive
units of consumers’ wealth, and also concerning
the increasing burdensomeness of continuous hours
of labor, presents the essential principles on which
all rents and quasi-rents rest. It is best to
study the applications of these principles as they
are made in a civilized state.
Universal Economic Truths independent
of the Special Facts of Sociology. - This
first division of economic science borrows none of
its premises from sociology, for the truths which compose
it would abide if there were no society in existence.
Basic facts it takes from Physics, Biology, Psychology,
Chemistry, etc. Facts concerning man, nature,
and the relation between them are material for it,
but relations between man and man come into view only
in the later divisions. There, indeed, they do
come into the very foreground with results which immeasurably
enrich the science. What we may call the socialization
of the economic process we shall have next before us,
and we shall find it full of critical problems involving
the future well-being of humanity. Industry is
carried on by a social organism in which men are atomic
parts and to which nature has given a constitution
with laws of action and development. We have first
to study the nature of this industrial organism and
the mode in which it would act if it were not subject
to any constitutional change; and later we must study
it in its process of growth. The economic action
of a society which is undergoing no organic changes
is the subject of Social Economic Statics, while such
changes with their causes and effects constitute the
subject of the science of Social Economic Dynamics.