The receipt of this letter threw ALMORAN
into another agony of indignation: he felt again
the loss of his prerogative; the offer of advice he
disdained as an insult, to which he had been injuriously
subjected by the will of his father; and he was disposed
to reject whatever was suggested by Omar, even
before his proposal was known. With this temper
of mind he began to read, and at every paragraph took
new offence; he determined, however, not to admit
Omar to the honour of a conference upon the subject,
but to settle a plan of government with his brother,
without the least regard to his advice.
A supercilious attention to minute
formalities, is a certain indication of a little mind,
conscious to the want of innate dignity, and felicitous
to derive from others what it cannot supply to itself:
as the scrupulous exaction of every trifling tribute
discovers the weakness of the tyrant, who fears his
claim should be disputed; while the prince, who is
conscious of superior and indisputable power, and knows
that the states he has subjugated do not dare to revolt,
scarce enquires whether such testimonies of allegiance
are given or not.
Thus, the jealousy of ALMORAN already
enslaved him to the punctilios of state; and the most
trifling circumstances involved him in perplexity,
or fired him with resentment: the friendship and
fidelity of Omar stung him with rage, as insolent
and intrusive; and though it determined him to an
immediate interview with his brother, yet he was embarrassed
how to procure it. At first he rose, and was
about to go to him; but he stopped short with disdain,
upon reflecting, that it was an act of condescension
which might be deemed an acknowledgement of superiority:
he then thought of sending for HAMET to come to him;
but this he feared might provoke him, as implying
a denial of his equality: at length he determined
to propose a meeting in the chamber of council, and
was just dispatching an officer with the message,
when HAMET entered the apartment.
The countenance of HAMET was flushed
with joy, and his heart was warmed with the pleasing
sensations of affection and confidence, by the same
letter, from which ALMORAN had extracted the bitterness
of jealousy and resentment, and as he had no idea
that an act of courtesy to his brother could derogate
from his own dignity or importance, he indulged the
honest impatience of his heart to communicate the pleasure
with which it overflowed: he was, indeed, somewhat
disappointed, to find no traces of satisfaction in
the countenance of ALMORAN, when he saw the same paper
in his hand, which had impressed so much upon his own.
He waited some time after the first
salutations, without mentioning the scheme of government
he was come to concert; because having observed that
ALMORAN was embarrassed and displeased, he expected
that he would communicate the cause, and pleased himself
with the hope that he might remove it: finding,
however, that this expectation was disappointed, he
addressed him to this effect:
’How happy are we, my dear brother,
in the wisdom and fidelity, of Omar! how excellent
is the system of government that he has proposed! how
easy and honourable will it be to us that govern,
and how advantageous to the people that obey!’
‘The advantages,’ said
ALMORAN, ’which you seem to have discovered,
are not evident to me: tell me, then, what you
imagine they are, and I will afterwards give you my
opinion.’
‘By establishing a system of
laws as the rule of government,’ said HAMET,
’many evils will be avoided, and many benefits
procured. If the law is the will only of the
sovereign, it can never certainly be known to the
people: many, therefore, may violate that rule
of right, which the hand of the Almighty has written
upon the living tablets of the heart, in the presumptuous
hope, that it will not subject them to punishment;
and those, by whom that rule is fulfilled, will not
enjoy that consciousness of security, which they would
derive from the protection of a prescribed law, which
they have never broken. Neither will those who
are inclined to do evil, be equally restrained by the
fear of punishment; if neither the offence is ascertained,
nor the punishment prescribed. One motive to
probity, therefore, will be wanting; which ought to
be supplied, as well for the sake of those who may
be tempted to offend, as of those who may suffer by
the offence. Besides, he who governs not by a
written and a public law, must either administer that
government in person, or by others: if in person,
he will sink under a labour which no man is able to
sustain; and if by others, the inferiority of their
rank must subject them to temptations which it cannot
be hoped they will always resist, and to prejudices
which it will perhaps be impossible for them to surmount.
But to administer government by a law which ascertains
the offence, and directs the punishment, integrity
alone will be sufficient; and as the perversion of
justice will in this case be notorious, and depend
not upon opinion but fact, it will seldom be practised,
because it will be easily punished.’
ALMORAN, who had heard the opinions
of HAMET with impatience and scorn, now started from
his feat with a proud and contemptuous aspect:
he first glanced his eyes upon his brother; and then
looking disdainfully downward, he threw back his robe,
and stretching out his hand from him, ‘Shall
the son of Solyman,’ said he, ’upon whose
will the fate of nations was suspended, whose smiles
and frowns were alone the criterions of right and
wrong, before whom the voice of wisdom itself was silent,
and the pride even of virtue humbled in the dust; shall
the son of Solyman be harnessed, like a mule, in the
trammels of law? shall he become a mere instrument
to execute what others have devised? shall he only
declare the determinations of a statute, and shall
his ear be affronted by claims of right? It is
the glory of a prince, to punish for what and whom
he will; to be the sovereign, not only of property,
but of life; and to govern alike without prescription
or appeal.’
HAMET, who was struck with astonishment
at this declaration, and the vehemence with which
it was uttered, after a short recollection made this
reply: ’It is the glory of a prince, to
govern others, as he is governed by Him, who is alone
most merciful and almighty! It is his glory to
prevent crimes, rather than to display his power in
punishment; to diffuse happiness, rather than inforce
subjection; and rather to animate with love, than
depress by fear. Has not He that shall judge us,
given us a rule of life by which we shall be judged?
is not our reward and punishment already set before
us? are not His promises and threatenings, motives
to obedience? and have we not confidence and joy,
when we have obeyed? To God, His own divine perfections
are a law; and these He has transcribed as a law to
us. Let us, then, govern, as we are governed;
let us seek our happiness in the happiness that we
bestow, and our honour in emulating the benevolence
of Heaven.’
As ALMORAN feared, that to proceed
farther in this argument would too far disclose his
sentiments, and put HAMET too much upon his guard;
he determined for the present to dissemble: and
as he perceived, that HAMET’S opinion, and an
administration founded upon it, would render him extreamly
popular, and at length possibly establish him alone;
he was now felicitous only to withdraw him from public
notice, and persuade him to leave the government,
whatever form it should receive, to be administered
by others: returning, therefore, to his seat,
and assuming an appearance of complacence and tranquillity,
with which he could not form his language perfectly
to agree; ‘Let us then,’ said he, ’if
a law must be set up in our stead, leave the law to
be executed by our slaves: and as nothing will
be left for us to do, that is worthy of us, let us
devote ourselves to the pleasures of ease; and if there
are any enjoyments peculiar to royalty, let us secure
them as our only distinction from the multitude.’
‘Not so,’ says HAMET;
’for there is yet much for a prince to do, after
the best system of laws has been established:
the government of a nation as a whole, the regulation
and extent of its trade, the establishment of manufactories,
the encouragement of genius, the application of the
revenues, and whatever can improve the arts of peace,
and secure superiority in war, is the proper object
of a king’s attention.
‘But in these,’ said ALMORAN,
’it will be difficult for two minds to concur;
let us, then, agree to leave these also to the care
of some other, whom we can continue as long as we
approve, and displace when we approve no longer:
we shall, by this expedient, be able to avert the
odium of any unpopular measure; and by the sacrifice
of a slave, we can always satisfy the people, and
silence public discontent.’
‘To trust implicitly to another,’
says HAMET, ’is to give up a prerogative, which
is at once our highest duty and interest to keep; it
is to betray our trust, and to sacrifice our honour
to another. The prince, who leaves the government
of his people implicitly to a subject, leaves it to
one, who has many more temptations to betray their
interest than himself: a vicegerent is in a subordinate
station; he has, therefore, much to rear, and much
to hope: he may also acquire the power of obtaining
what he hopes, and averting what he rears, at the public
expence; he may stand in need of dependents, and may
be able no otherwise to procure them, than by conniving
at the fraud or the violence which they commit:
he may receive, in bribes, an equivalent for his share,
as an individual, in the public prosperity; for his
interest is not essentially connected with that of
the state; he has a separate interest; but the interest
of the state, and of the king, are one: he may
even be corrupted to betray the councils, and give
up the interests of the nation, to a foreign power;
but this is impossible to the king; for nothing equivalent
to what he would give up, could be offered him.
But as a king has not equal temptations to do wrong,
neither is he equally exposed to opposition, when
he does right: the measures of a substitute are
frequently opposed, merely from interest; because the
leader of a faction against him, hopes, that if he
can remove him by popular clamour, he shall succeed
to his power; but it can be no man’s interest
to oppose the measures of a king, if his measures are
good, because no man can hope to supplant him.
Are not these the precepts of the Prophet, whose wisdom
was from above?’ “Let not the
eye of expectation be raised to another, for that
which thyself only should bestow: suffer not
thy own shadow to obscure thee; nor be content to
derive that glory, which it is thy prerogative to impart.”
‘But is the prince,’ said
ALMORAN, always the wisest man in his dominions?
Can we not find, in another, abilities and experience,
which we do not possess? and is it not the duty of
him who presides in the ship, to, place the helm in
that hand which can best steer it?’
‘A prince,’ said HAMET,
’who sincerely intends the good of his people,
can scarce fail to effect it; all the wisdom of the
nation will be at once turned to that object:
whatever is his principal aim, will be that of all
who are admitted to his council; for to concur with
his principal aim, must be the surest recommendation
to his favour. Let us, then, hear others; but
let us act ourselves.’
As ALMORAN now perceived, that the
longer this conversation continued, the more he should
be embarrassed; he put an end to it, by appearing to
acquiesce in what HAMET had proposed. HAMET withdrew,
charmed with the candour and flexibility which he
imagined he had discovered in his brother; and not
without some exultation in his own rhetoric, which,
he supposed had gained no inconsiderable victory.
ALMORAN, in the mean time, applauded himself for having
thus far practised the arts of dissimulation with
success; fortified himself in the resolutions he had
before taken; and conceived new malevolence and jealousy
against HAMET.