Henry Ford and Secret Nazi Activities
One of the Chief Nazi propagandists
in the United States recently ran in the United States
Senate primaries in Kansas and was almost nominated.
He is Gerald B. Winrod, who poses as a Protestant minister
but has no affiliations with any reputable church.
Winrod, even before he tried to get
into the Senate, was one of the most brazen of the
Nazis’ Fifth Column operating in this country.
He has held secret consultations with officials in
the German Embassy in Washington and carries on his
propaganda under Fritz Kuhn’s direction.
Shortly after Winrod returned from
a mysterious trip to Germany and held an equally mysterious
long consultation at the Nazi Embassy in this country
(1935), he organized the Capitol News and Feature
Service, with offices at 209 Kellogg Building,
Washington. The “news service” supplied
smaller papers throughout the land with “impartial
comments” on the national scene. The Service
was edited by Dan Gilbert, a San Diego newspaperman,
and the material was sent free of charge (as is the
material sent to the Latin American countries from
Germany and Italy). It was of course, deliberately
calculated to spread pro-Hitler sentiment and propaganda.
Few who read Winrod’s publications
realize the extent of his activities. On March
1, 1937, Senator Joseph T. Robinson addressed the
United States Senate on what appeared to him to be
“unfair propaganda” carried on by Winrod
against President Roosevelt’s proposed reorganization
of the judiciary system. The Senator stated that
he could not understand why the issues should be deliberately
falsified by a gentleman of the cloth that
it reminded him of the old Ku Klux Klan tactics.
The Senator did not know that Winrod’s
propaganda against Roosevelt was only part of a propaganda
campaign cunningly and brazenly organized by Nazis
in this country in an effort to defeat a man who,
they felt, was not friendly to them. In this campaign,
Nazi agents worked openly and secretly with a few
unscrupulous members of the Republican Party in an
effort to defeat Roosevelt.
Several years ago Winrod was a poverty-stricken
man living at 145 N. Green Street, Wichita, Kansas.
He called himself a minister but all church bodies
have repudiated him. Without a church, he did
a little evangelistic preaching and lived off collections
made from his audience. It was a precarious livelihood
and often the “Reverend” did not have
enough money to buy even ordinary necessities.
Records in several Wichita department
stores tell the story of the evangelist’s poverty
before an angel came to visit him. All the storekeepers
with whom Winrod dealt requested that their names be
withheld, but signified their willingness to present
their records to any governmental body which might
be interested in the sudden wealth he acquired after
he became an intense Hitler propagandist. In the
days of his poverty Winrod, the records show, could
afford to buy only the cheapest furniture, the cheapest
clothes, and pay for them on the installment plan
in weekly payments ranging from fifty cents to two
or three dollars a week.
I am reproducing with this chapter
several of the installment cards. The reader
will notice that as late as 1934 Winrod was paying
at the rate of one dollar a week. It was in this
period that Nazi agents in the United States were
carrying on their intensive campaign, and it was also
in this period that Winrod began to harangue his audiences
about the “menace of the Jews and the Catholics.”
Then one day, the Reverend Gerald
B. Winrod suddenly found himself possessed of enough
money to go to Germany. When he came back in
February, 1935, he had new suit cases, new clothes
and a fat check book. The records in the Wichita
department stores where he had been getting credit
for clothes and furniture show that after his return
from Germany he paid all his debts in lump sums by
check. Then he became a publisher.
In his newspaper, The Revealer,
he published a report on his trip to Europe, but did
not mention where he got the money for the jaunt.
The report (February 15, 1935) told of his discovery
that the German people loved Hitler and that only
“Jewish influence in high circles of certain
governments is making it impossible for Germany to
carry on normal trade and financial relations with
other countries.”
In this period of his new-found prosperity
he established contacts with Nazi agents and pro-fascists
like Harry A. Jung of the American Vigilant Intelligence
Federation, Colonel Edwin Emerson, James True and
a host of other patrioteers.
Before the Presidential election he
made another trip to Germany. When he returned,
he enlarged his distribution apparatus and was apparently
important enough for high Nazi officials visiting the
United States to meet with him. One of these
was Hans von Reitenkranz, who came quietly to the
United States as Hitler’s personal representative
to arrange for oil purchases oil which
Germany needed badly for her factories and especially
for her growing war machine.
Von Reitenkranz is a friend of Professor
Kurt Sepmeier of the University of Wichita. He
introduced Winrod to the Professor. They became
friendly. When I was in Wichita making inquiries
about the Reverend Winrod, I constantly came across
the Professor’s trail. Both he and Winrod
had been meeting regularly but with an effort at secrecy.
In January, 1937, after several meetings
with Professor Sepmeier, Winrod went to Washington.
I also went to Washington and found that the Reverend
was calling at the German Embassy. On one of his
visits he remained inside for an hour and eighteen
minutes. Whom he saw or what he discussed I do
not know; but immediately after this long visit, the
News and Feature Service was organized with
money enough to send its items out free of charge
to the papers that would accept them.
Gilbert, who headed the Service,
was for many years the personal representative of
William Dudley Pelley, leader of the Silver Shirts.
The Nazis had been trying to get the Silver Shirts
to cooperate with them in a fascist “united
front” and the appointment of Gilbert was the
first indication that a friendly cooperation had been
established.
Winrod had been in constant communication
with Pelley, and Pelley had conferred several times
with Schwinn. The Nazis were eager to get a native
American body into the organization so they would have
an American “front.”
Gilbert opened offices in Washington
and, fearful lest their location become known, rented
Post Office Box N, Ben Franklin Station, for
use as a mailing address. After the first issue
had been sent out, Winrod and his agents canvassed
prominent industrialists for donations to support
the “news service” on the grounds that
it was furthering religious activities and fighting
Communism. The money collected was actually used
to carry on anti-democratic propaganda. A number
of industrialists contributed. I have a list of
them, but since there is no conclusive evidence that
they knew the money was being spent by Nazi agents,
I shall not publish the names. I mention it merely
as an illustration of how wealthy men are victimized
by racketeers with pleas of “patriotism”
and “public service.” Harry A. Jung
did the same thing by getting money from rich Jews
“to fight Communism” and from rich gentiles
“to fight the menace of the Jew.”
With the first issue of the Capitol
News and Feature Service, the following announcement
was mailed to the editors of rural weeklies:
“Good Morning, Mr. Editor! Capitol
News and Feature Service herewith delivers three
priceless articles, fresh from the Nation’s capitol.
Use them without cost. You will hear from us each
week. Watch for these interesting articles.”
An examination of the “priceless
articles” showed that they were designed primarily
to attack American democracy.
Since his return from Germany and
his conferences at the Nazi Embassy, Winrod has made
frequent trips into Mexico where he has met with Mexican
fascists especially with leaders of the
Mexican Gold Shirts which were organized by Hermann
Schwinn. Again we discover the tie-up between
fascist organizations in the United States and those
to the south of us.
When the Nazis reorganized their propaganda
machine several years ago and established smuggling
headquarters on the West Coast, propaganda taken off
Nazi ships docking in San Diego and Los Angeles included
material printed in Spanish for the special use of
General Nicholas Rodriguez, head of the Gold Shirts.
The Spanish as well as the English
material was taken to the Deutsches Haus in
Los Angeles and turned over to Schwinn, who forwarded
the batches to Rodriguez. The contact man between
Schwinn and the head of the fascist movement in Mexico
is a native American named Henry Douglas Allen of
San Diego. Allen, under the pretext of being
a mining engineer and interested in prospecting in
Mexico, went repeatedly into the neighboring country
with the smuggled propaganda and delivered it to Rodriguez’
agents.
Since native Americans, especially
if they say they wish to prospect, can travel across
the international boundary into Mexico as often as
they please without arousing suspicion, Allen was chosen
as the liaison man between Nazi agents in the United
States and Rodriguez. As I said earlier, the
Nazis tried from the beginning to get an American
“front” and to draw as many Americans into
it as possible obviously strategic preparation
for future work more serious than mere propaganda.
Hence Allen was instructed to become active in the
Silver Shirt movement. He organized Down Town
Post N-10 and established Silver Shirt recruiting
headquarters in Room 693 at 730 South Grand Ave.,
Los Angeles.
In August, 1936, when a lot of Nazi
and anti-Roosevelt money was being shelled out in
efforts to defeat Roosevelt, Allen became extremely
active. While Pelley was out of town, he was instructed
to work with Kenneth Alexander, Pelley’s right-hand
man. Alexander was formerly a still-photographer
at United Artists Studios. The two opened offices
in the Broadway Arcade Building and on October 1, 1935,
moved to the Lankersheim Building at Third Street
near Spring, Los Angeles.
Rodriguez, after he was given assurances
of Nazi aid, worked not only with Nazi agents in this
country but also with Julio Brunet, manager of the
Ford factory in Mexico City.
The earliest documentary record I
have of their tie-up is a letter Rodriguez wrote to
Ford’s manager on September 27, 1934, on Gold
Shirt stationery. The letter merely asks Brunet
to give jobs to two “worthy young men”
and is written in a manner that shows Rodriguez and
Brunet are rather close.
By February 7, 1935, Rodriguez and
the Ford executive in Mexico had become sufficiently
intimate for the fascist leader to express his appreciation
of Brunet’s placing Gold Shirts in the plant.
His letter addressed to the manager of the Ford Company
follows:
We have been informed by our delegate,
Senora N.M. Colunga, that she was very well
treated by you and that in addition you informed
her that our request for work for some of our comrades
who needed it has also been heard. Not doubting
but that this will be fulfilled, A.R.M. [the Gold
Shirts] sends you the most expressive thanks for
having seen in you the recognition of one of the
greatest obligations of humanity to Mexicanism.
On November 19, 1935, shortly before
the Gold Shirts felt they were powerful enough to
attempt the overthrow of the Mexican Government and
the establishment of a fascist dictatorship, Rodriguez
wrote to the manager of the Ford plant, asking for
the two ambulances which had been promised the fascists
by the Ford manager. Rodriguez had organized
his attempted Putsch carefully, with a women’s
ambulance corps to care for the wounded in the expected
fighting. The letter, again translated almost
literally, follows:
Sr. Manager of the Ford
Company No, 1935.
City
Highly Esteemed Senor:
This will be delivered to you personally
by Sr. General Juan Alvarez C., who comes
with the object of ascertaining if that company
would be able to supply two ambulances which they had
already offered, for the transportation of the
Women’s Sanitary Brigade on the 20th day
of this month at 8 A.M.
Thanking you in advance for the
references, I am happy to repeat
that I am at your command. Affectionately
and attentively, S.S.
NICHOLAS
RODRIGUEZ C.
Supreme
Commander.
In the street fighting that followed
the attempted fascist Putsch a number were killed
and wounded. It was after this fight that Rodriguez
was exiled.
I am reproducing some of these letters
from carbon copies, initialed by Rodriguez, which
were in his files. Why he initials carbon copies
I don’t know, but I have a stack of his correspondence
with Nazi agents and almost all of his carbons are
initialed.
On October 4, 1936, Allen wrote to
the exiled fascist leader. Ostensibly the letter
invited him to address the Silver Shirts. Actually
it was for a special conference about “matters
of vital importance to us both.” This letter
was written when Schwinn was holding conferences with
Pelley to merge forces in a fascist united front,
and when Schneeberger was preparing to leave for Japan
on a training ship ordered up from the Canal Zone
by the Japanese to take him on board. The letter
follows:
Dear General Rodriguez:
Upon receipt of this letter will you
kindly communicate with me and advise me whether
it would be possible for you to come to Los Angeles
in the near future to make an address to our organization
here. We shall be glad to defray all expenses
which will include airplane both ways if you desire
it. We shall also offer you bodyguard for
your protection if you deem it necessary.
Your fight is our fight and it is our desire to have
you come to Los Angeles especially to confer with
us relative to matters of vital importance to
us both. I would suggest that if you can
arrange to come, you telegraph me (charges collect)
upon receipt of this letter so that I may make
arrangements without delay.
Fraternally
yours,
HENRY
ALLEN.
When I went to Mexico to look into
Nazi activities, I gave a copy of this letter to the
Minister of the Interior. At that time Allen was
again in Mexico under the pretense of looking into
his mining interests, but a check showed that he had
actually gone there to confer secretly with a Mexican
army man, General Iturbe. At my request the Mexican
Government looked into Allen’s movements and
learned that he had entered Guaymas, center of Japanese
activities, with Kenneth Alexander, Pelley’s
chief aid.
The connection between Ford’s
Mexican manager and General Rodriguez might be considered
an unfortunate incident for which Ford could not be
held responsible. This would be a reasonable assumption
if the Nazi-Rodriguez-Ford tie-up in Mexico were an
isolated case. The facts, however, show it is
not.
The national leader of the Nazi propaganda
machine in this country has been on the Ford pay roll.
Kuhn was supposed to work for Ford as a chemist, but
while on Ford’s pay roll he traveled around the
United States conferring with other secret Nazi agents
and actively directing Nazi work in this country.
Ford has a highly developed and exceedingly
efficient espionage system of his own which, among
other things, watches what his employees do even
to their home life. Kuhn’s activities were
known to Harry Bennett, head of the Ford secret service
or “Personnel Department,” as it is called,
and Bennett reports to Ford. Furthermore, Kuhn’s
Nazi connections had been publicized in both the American
and the Nazi press and were no secret. Jews and
Christians alike protested to Ford about his employee’s
anti-democratic work while on the motor magnate’s
pay roll, but Kuhn was left undisturbed to travel around
organizing Nazi groups. In 1938 Ford was given
the highest medal of honor which Hitler can give to
a foreigner. No statement was ever made as to
just what Henry Ford had done for the Nazi Fuehrer
to merit the honor.
Simultaneously with Kuhn’s intensified
work, Ford’s confidential secretary, William
J. Cameron, became active again. Cameron was editor
of Ford’s Dearborn Independent when that
newspaper published the “Protocols of the Elders
of Zion” after they had been proved to be forgeries.
When a nation-wide protest arose from Jews and Christians
who were shocked at seeing one of the richest and most
powerful men in the country use his wealth to disseminate
race hatred, and when the protest grew into a boycott
of his cars, Ford apologized and discontinued the
newspaper. But instead of easing his editor out
or giving him some other job, he made him his confidential
secretary.
When Kuhn went to work for Ford, the
national headquarters of the Nazi propaganda machine
was moved to Detroit, and the anti-democratic activities
increased in intensity. Employing Nazi anti-semitism
as the bait to attract dissatisfied and bewildered
elements in the population, a new organization made
its appearance: The Anglo-Saxon Federation, headed
by Ford’s private secretary. Headquarters
were established in the McCormick Building in Chicago,
Room 834, at 332 S. Michigan Ave. and in the Fox Building
in Detroit.
In July, 1936, Cameron, obviously
because Ford was violently anti-Roosevelt, stepped
out as head of the organization and became its Director
of Publications. When Winrod was raising money
from American industrialists to support the Capitol
News and Feature Service, Cameron was among the
contributors.
The Anglo-Saxon Federation began to
distribute the “Protocols” again.
I bought a copy in the Detroit offices of the organization,
stamped with the name of the organization. The
introduction quotes Ford as approving of them.
It states:
Mr. Henry Ford, in an interview
published in the New York
World. February 17,
1921, put the case for Nilus tersely
and convincingly thus:
“The only statement I care to
make about the ‘Protocols’ is that they
fit in with what is going on. They are sixteen
years old, and they have fitted the world situation
up to this time. They fit it now.”
When Ford was on the witness stand
in a libel suit some fifteen years ago and admitted
his ignorance of matters with which even grammar school
children are familiar, the country laughed. His
ignorance, however, is his own affair, but when he
takes no step to curb his personal representative
from working with secret foreign agents to undermine
a friendly government, it becomes a matter, it appears
to me, of importance to the people of this country
and the Government of the United States.