CLASSIC MYTHOLOGY.
Religion among the lively and imaginative
Greeks took a different form from that of the Aryan
race in India or Persia. However the ideas of
their divinities originated in their relations to the
thought and life of the people, their gods were neither
abstractions nor symbols. They were simply men
and women, immortal, yet having a beginning, with
passions and appetites like ordinary mortals.
They love, they hate, they eat, they drink, they have
adventures and misfortunes like men, only
differing from men in the superiority of their gifts,
in their miraculous endowments, in their stupendous
feats, in their more than gigantic size, in their
supernal beauty, in their intensified pleasures.
It was not their aim “to raise mortals to the
skies,” but to enjoy themselves in feasting
and love-making; not even to govern the world, but
to protect their particular worshippers, taking
part and interest in human quarrels, without reference
to justice or right, and without communicating any
great truths for the guidance of mankind.
The religion of Greece consisted of
a series of myths, creations for the most
part of the poets, and therefore properly
called a mythology. Yet in some respects the
gods of Greece resembled those of Phoenicia and Egypt,
being the powers of Nature, and named after the sun,
moon, and planets. Their priests did not form
a sacerdotal caste, as in India and Egypt; they were
more like officers of the state, to perform certain
functions or duties pertaining to rites, ceremonies,
and sacrifices. They taught no moral or spiritual
truths to the people, nor were they held in extraordinary
reverence. They were not ascetics or enthusiasts;
among them were no great reformers or prophets, as
among the sacerdotal class of the Jews or the Hindus.
They had even no sacred books, and claimed no esoteric
knowledge. Nor was their office hereditary.
They were appointed by the rulers of the state, or
elected by the people themselves; they imposed no
restraints on the conscience, and apparently cared
little for morals, leaving the people to an unbounded
freedom to act and think for themselves, so far as
they did not interfere with prescribed usages and
laws. The real objects of Greek worship were
beauty, grace, and heroic strength. The people
worshipped no supreme creator, no providential governor,
no ultimate judge of human actions. They had
no aspirations for heaven and no fear of hell.
They did not feel accountable for their deeds or thoughts
or words to an irresistible Power working for righteousness
or truth. They had no religious sense, apart
from wonder or admiration of the glories of Nature,
or the good or evil which might result from the favor
or hatred of the divinities they accepted.
These divinities, moreover, were not
manifestations of supreme power and intelligence,
but were creations of the fancy, as they came from
popular legends, or the brains of poets, or the hands
of artists, or the speculations of philosophers.
And as everything in Greece was beautiful and radiant, the
sea, the sky, the mountains, and the valleys, so
was religion cheerful, seen in all the festivals which
took the place of the Sabbaths and holy-days of more
spiritually minded peoples. The worshippers of
the gods danced and played and sported to the sounds
of musical instruments, and revelled in joyous libations,
in feasts and imposing processions, in
whatever would amuse the mind or intoxicate the senses.
The gods were rather unseen companions in pleasures,
in sports, in athletic contests and warlike enterprises,
than beings to be adored for moral excellence or supernal
knowledge. “Heaven was so near at hand
that their own heroes climbed to it and became demigods.”
Every grove, every fountain, every river, every beautiful
spot, had its presiding deity; while every wonder
of Nature, the sun, the moon, the stars,
the tempest, the thunder, the lightning, was
impersonated as an awful power for good or evil.
To them temples were erected, within which were their
shrines and images in human shape, glistening with
gold and gems, and wrought in every form of grace
or strength or beauty, and by artists of marvellous
excellence.
This polytheism of Greece was exceedingly
complicated, but was not so degrading as that of Egypt,
since the gods were not represented by the forms of
hideous animals, and the worship of them was not attended
by revolting ceremonies; and yet it was divested of
all spiritual aspirations, and had but little effect
on personal struggles for truth or holiness.
It was human and worldly, not lofty nor even reverential,
except among the few who had deep religious wants.
One of its characteristic features was the acknowledged
impotence of the gods to secure future happiness.
In fact, the future was generally ignored, and even
immortality was but a dream of philosophers. Men
lived not in view of future rewards and punishments,
or future existence at all, but for the enjoyment
of the present; and the gods themselves set the example
of an immoral life. Even Zeus, “the Father
of gods and men,” to whom absolute supremacy
was ascribed, the work of creation, and all majesty
and serenity, took but little interest in human affairs,
and lived on Olympian heights like a sovereign surrounded
with the instruments of his will, freely indulging
in those pleasures which all lofty moral codes have
forbidden, and taking part in the quarrels, jealousies,
and enmities of his divine associates.
Greek mythology had its source in
the legends of a remote antiquity, probably
among the Pelasgians, the early inhabitants of Greece,
which they brought with them in their migration from
their original settlement, or perhaps from Egypt and
Phoenicia. Herodotus and he is not
often wrong ascribes a great part of the
mythology which the Greek poets elaborated to a Phoenician
or Egyptian source. The legends have also some
similarity to the poetic creations of the ancient
Persians, who delighted in fairies and genii and extravagant
exploits, like the labors of Hercules The faults and
foibles of deified mortals were transmitted to posterity
and incorporated with the attributes of the supreme
divinity, and hence the mixture of the mighty and the
mean which marks the characters of the Iliad and Odyssey.
The Greeks adopted Oriental fables, and accommodated
them to those heroes who figured in their own country
in the earliest times. “The labors of Hercules
originated in Egypt, and relate to the annual progress
of the sun in the zodiac. The rape of Proserpine,
the wanderings of Ceres, the Eleusinian mysteries,
and the orgies of Bacchus were all imported from Egypt
or Phoenicia, while the wars between the gods and the
giants were celebrated in the romantic annals of Persia.
The oracle of Dodona was copied from that of Ammon
in Thebes, and the oracle of Apollo at Delphos has
a similar source.”
Behind the Oriental legends which
form the basis of Grecian mythology there was, in
all probability, in those ancient times before the
Pelasgians were known as Ionians and the Hellènes
as Dorians, a mystical and indefinite idea of supreme
power, as among the Persians, the Hindus,
and the esoteric priests of Egypt. In all the
ancient religions the farther back we go the purer
and loftier do we find the popular religion.
Belief in supreme deity underlies all the Eastern théogonies,
which belief, however, was soon perverted or lost sight
of. There is great difference of opinion among
philosophers as to the origin of myths, whether
they began in fable and came to be regarded as history,
or began as human history and were poetized into fable.
My belief is that in the earliest ages of the world
there were no mythologies. Fables were the creations
of those who sought to amuse or control the people,
who have ever delighted in the marvellous. As
the magnificent, the vast, the sublime, which was
seen in Nature, impressed itself on the imagination
of the Orientals and ended in legends, so did
allegory in process of time multiply fictions and
fables to an indefinite extent; and what were symbols
among Eastern nations became impersonations in the
poetry of Greece. Grecian mythology was a vast
system of impersonated forces, beginning with the
legends of heroes and ending with the personification
of the faculties of the mind and the manifestations
of Nature, in deities who presided over festivals,
cities, groves, and mountains, with all the infirmities
of human nature, and without calling out exalted sentiments
of love or reverence. They are all creations of
the imagination, invested with human traits and adapted
to the genius of the people, who were far from being
religious in the sense that the Hindus and Egyptians
were. It was the natural and not the supernatural
that filled their souls. It was art they worshipped,
and not the God who created the heavens and the earth,
and who exacts of his creatures obedience and faith.
In regard to the gods and goddesses
of the Grecian Pantheon, we observe that most of them
were immoral; at least they had the usual infirmities
of men. They are thus represented by the poets,
probably to please the people, who like all other
peoples had to make their own conceptions of God;
for even a miraculous revelation of deity must be interpreted
by those who receive it, according to their own understanding
of the qualities revealed. The ancient Romans,
themselves stern, earnest, practical, had an almost
Oriental reverence for their gods, so that their Jupiter
(Father of Heaven) was a majestic, powerful, all-seeing,
severely just national deity, regarded by them much
as the Jéhovah of the Hebrews was by that nation.
When in later times the conquest of Eastern countries
and of Macedon and Greece brought in luxury, works
of art, foreign literature, and all the delightful
but enervating influences of aestheticism, the Romans
became corrupted, and gradually began to identify
their own more noble deities with the beautiful but
unprincipled, self-indulgent, and tricky set of gods
and goddesses of the Greek mythology.
The Greek Zeus, with whom were associated
majesty and dominion, and who reigned supreme in the
celestial hierarchy, who as the chief god
of the skies, the god of storms, ruler of the atmosphere,
was the favorite deity of the Aryan race, the Indra
of the Hindus, the Jupiter of the Romans, was
in his Grecian presentment a rebellious son, a faithless
husband, and sometimes an unkind father. His character
was a combination of weakness and strength, anything
but a pattern to be imitated, or even to be reverenced.
He was the impersonation of power and dignity, represented
by the poets as having such immense strength that if
he had hold of one end of a chain, and all the gods
held the other, with the earth fastened to it, he
would be able to move them all.
Poseidon (Roman Neptune), the brother
of Zeus, was represented as the god of the ocean,
and was worshipped chiefly in maritime States.
His morality was no higher than that of Zeus; moreover,
he was rough, boisterous, and vindictive. He
was hostile to Troy, and yet persecuted Ulysses.
Apollo, the next great personage of
the Olympian divinities, was more respectable morally
than his father. He was the sun-god of the Greeks,
and was the embodiment of divine prescience, of healing
skill, of musical and poetical productiveness, and
hence the favorite of the poets. He had a form
of ideal beauty, grace, and vigor, inspired by unerring
wisdom and insight into futurity. He was obedient
to the will of Zeus, to whom he was not much inferior
in power. Temples were erected to this favorite
deity in every part of Greece, and he was supposed
to deliver oracular responses in several cities, especially
at Delphos.
Hephaestus (Roman Vulcan), the god
of fire, was a sort of jester at the Olympian court,
and provoked perpetual laughter from his awkwardness
and lameness. He forged the thunderbolts for
Zeus, and was the armorer of heaven. It accorded
with the grim humor of the poets to make this clumsy
blacksmith the husband of Aphrodite, the queen of beauty
and of love.
Ares (Roman Mars), the god of war,
was represented as cruel, lawless, and greedy of blood,
and as occupying a subordinate position, receiving
orders from Apollo and Athene.
Hermes (Roman Mercury) was the impersonation
of commercial dealings, and of course was full of
tricks and thievery, the Olympian man of
business, industrious, inventive, untruthful, and dishonest.
He was also the god of eloquence.
Besides these six great male divinities
there were six goddesses, the most important of whom
was Hera (Roman Juno), wife of Zeus, and hence the
Queen of Heaven. She exercised her husband’s
prerogatives, and thundered and shook Olympus; but
she was proud, vindictive, jealous, unscrupulous,
and cruel, a poor model for women to imitate.
The Greek poets, however, had a poor opinion of the
female sex, and hence represent this deity without
those elements of character which we most admire in
woman, gentleness, softness, tenderness,
and patience. She scolded her august husband
so perpetually that he gave way to complaints before
the assembled deities, and that too with a bitterness
hardly to be reconciled with our notions of dignity.
The Roman Juno, before the identification of the two
goddesses, was a nobler character, being the queen
of heaven, the protectress of virgins and of matrons,
and was also the celestial housewife of the nation,
watching over its revenues and its expenses.
She was the especial goddess of chastity, and loose
women were forbidden to touch her altars.
Athene (Roman Minerva)
however, the goddess of wisdom, had a character without
a flaw, and ranked with Apollo in wisdom. She
even expostulated with Zeus himself when he was wrong.
But on the other hand she had few attractive feminine
qualities, and no amiable weaknesses.
Artemis (Roman Diana) was “a
shadowy divinity, a pale reflection of her brother
Apollo.” She presided over the pleasures
of the chase, in which the Greeks delighted, a
masculine female who took but little interest in anything
intellectual.
Aphrodite (Roman Venus) was the impersonation
of all that was weak and erring in the nature of woman, the
goddess of sensual desire, of mere physical beauty,
silly, childish, and vain, utterly odious in a moral
point of view, and mentally contemptible. This
goddess was represented as exerting a great influence
even when despised, fascinating yet revolting, admired
and yet corrupting. She was not of much importance
among the Romans, who were far from being
sentimental or passionate, until the growth
of the legend of their Trojan origin. Then, as
mother of Aeneas, their progenitor, she took a high
rank, and the Greek poets furnished her character.
Hestia (Roman Vesta) presided over
the private hearths and homesteads of the Greeks,
and imparted to them a sacred character. Her personality
was vague, but she represented the purity which among
both Greeks and Romans is attached to home and domestic
life.
Demeter (Roman Ceres) represented
Mother Earth, and thus was closely associated with
agriculture and all operations of tillage and bread-making.
As agriculture is the primitive and most important
of all human vocations, this deity presided over civilization
and law-giving, and occupied an important position
in the Eleusinian mysteries.
These were the twelve Olympian divinities,
or greater gods; but they represent only a small part
of the Grecian Pantheon. There was Dionysus (Roman
Bacchus), the god of drunkenness. This deity presided
over vineyards, and his worship was attended with
disgraceful orgies, with wild dances, noisy
revels, exciting music, and frenzied demonstrations.
Leto (Roman Latona), another wife
of Zeus, and mother of Apollo and Diana, was a very
different personage from Hera, being the impersonation
of all those womanly qualities which are valued in
woman, silent, unobtrusive, condescending,
chaste, kindly, ready to help and tend, and subordinating
herself to her children.
Persephone (Roman Proserpina) was
the queen of the dead, ruling the infernal realm even
more distinctly than her husband Pluto, severely pure
as she was awful and terrible; but there were no temples
erected to her, as the Greeks did not trouble themselves
much about the future state.
The minor deities of the Greeks were
innumerable, and were identified with every separate
thing which occupied their thoughts, with
mountains, rivers, capes, towns, fountains, rocks;
with domestic animals, with monsters of the deep,
with demons and departed heroes, with water-nymphs
and wood-nymphs, with the qualities of mind and attributes
of the body; with sleep and death, old age and pain,
strife and victory; with hunger, grief, ridicule,
wisdom, deceit, grace; with night and day, the hours,
the thunder the rainbow, –in short,
all the wonders of Nature, all the affections of the
soul, and all the qualities of the mind; everything
they saw, everything they talked about, everything
they felt. All these wonders and sentiments they
impersonated; and these impersonations were supposed
to preside over the things they represented, and to
a certain extent were worshipped. If a man wished
the winds to be propitious, he prayed to Zeus; if he
wished to be prospered in his bargains, he invoked
Hermes; if he wished to be successful in war, he prayed
to Ares.
He never prayed to a supreme and eternal
deity, but to some special manifestation of deity,
fancied or real; and hence his religion was essentially
pantheistic, though outwardly polytheistic. The
divinities whom he invoked he celebrated with rites
corresponding with those traits which they represented.
Thus, Aphrodite was celebrated with lascivious dances,
and Dionysus with drunken revels. Each deity represented
the Grecian ideal, of majesty or grace
or beauty or strength or virtue or wisdom or madness
or folly. The character of Hera was what the poets
supposed should be the attributes of the Queen of heaven;
that of Leto, what should distinguish a disinterested
housewife; that of Hestia, what should mark the guardian
of the fireside; that of Demeter, what should show
supreme benevolence and thrift; that of Athene,
what would naturally be associated with wisdom, and
that of Aphrodite, what would be expected from a sensual
beauty. In the main, Zeus was serene, majestic,
and benignant, as became the king of the gods, although
he was occasionally faithless to his wife; Poseidon
was boisterous, as became the monarch of the seas;
Apollo was a devoted son and a bright companion, which
one would expect in a gifted poet and wise prophet,
beautiful and graceful as a sun-god should be; Hephaestus,
the god of fire and smiths, showed naturally the awkwardness
to which manual labor leads; Ares was cruel and bloodthirsty,
as the god of war should be; Hermes, as the god of
trade and business, would of course be sharp and tricky;
and Dionysus, the father of the vine, would naturally
become noisy and rollicking in his intoxication.
Thus, whatever defects are associated
with the principal deities, these are all natural
and consistent with the characters they represent,
or the duties and business in which they engage.
Drunkenness is not associated with Zeus, or unchastity
with Hera or Athene. The poets make each
deity consistent with himself, and in harmony with
the interests he represents. Hence the mythology
of the poets is elaborate and interesting. Who
has not devoured the classical dictionary before he
has learned to scan the lines of Homer or of Virgil?
As varied and romantic as the “Arabian Nights,”
it shines in the beauty of nature. In the Grecian
creations of gods and goddesses there is no insult
to the understanding, because these creations are
in harmony with Nature, are consistent with humanity.
There is no hatred and no love, no jealousy and no
fear, which has not a natural cause. The poets
proved themselves to be great artists in the very
characters they gave to their divinities. They
did not aim to excite reverence or stimulate to duty
or point out the higher life, but to amuse a worldly,
pleasure-seeking, good-natured, joyous, art-loving,
poetic people, who lived in the present and for themselves
alone.
As a future state of rewards and punishments
seldom entered into the minds of the Greeks, so the
gods are never represented as conferring future salvation.
The welfare of the soul was rarely thought of where
there was no settled belief in immortality. The
gods themselves were fed on nectar and ambrosia, that
they might not die like ordinary mortals. They
might prolong their own existence indefinitely, but
they were impotent to confer eternal life upon their
worshippers; and as eternal life is essential to perfect
happiness, they could not confer even happiness in
its highest sense.
On this fact Saint Augustine erected
the grand fabric of his theological system. In
his most celebrated work, “The City of God,”
he holds up to derision the gods of antiquity, and
with blended logic and irony makes them contemptible
as objects of worship, since they were impotent to
save the soul. In his view the grand and distinguishing
feature of Christianity, in contrast with Paganism,
is the gift of eternal life and happiness. It
is not the morality which Christ and his Apostles taught,
which gave to Christianity its immeasurable superiority
over all other religions, but the promise of a future
felicity in heaven. And it was this promise which
gave such comfort to the miserable people of the old
Pagan world, ground down by oppression, injustice,
cruelty, and poverty. It was this promise which
filled the converts to Christianity with joy, enthusiasm,
and hope, yea, more than this, even boundless
love that salvation was the gift of God through the
self-sacrifice of Christ. Immortality was brought
to light by the gospel alone, and to miserable people
the idea of eternal bliss after the trials of mortal
life were passed was the source of immeasurable joy.
No sooner was this sublime expectation of happiness
planted firmly in the minds of pagans, than they threw
their idols to the moles and the bats.
But even in regard to morality, Augustine
showed that the gods were no examples to follow.
He ridicules their morals and their offices as severely
as he points out their impotency to bestow happiness.
He shows the absurdity and inconsistency of tolerating
players in their delineation of the vices and follies
of deities for the amusement of the people in the
theatre, while the priests performed the same obscenities
as religious rites in the temples which were upheld
by the State; so that philosophers like Varro could
pour contempt on players with impunity, while he dared
not ridicule priests for doing in the temples the
same things. No wonder that the popular religion
at last was held in contempt by philosophers, since
it was not only impotent to save, but did not stimulate
to ordinary morality, to virtue, or to lofty sentiments.
A religion which was held sacred in one place and ridiculed
in another, before the eyes of the same people, could
not in the end but yield to what was better.
If we ascribe to the poets the creation
of the elaborate mythology of the Greeks, that
is, a system of gods made by men, rather than men made
by gods, whether as symbols or objects of
worship, whether the religion was pantheistic or idolatrous,
we find that artists even surpassed the poets in their
conceptions of divine power, goodness, and beauty,
and thus riveted the chains which the poets forged.
The temple of Zeus at Olympia in Elis,
where the intellect and the culture of Greece assembled
every four years to witness the games instituted in
honor of the Father of the gods, was itself calculated
to impose on the senses of the worshippers by its
grandeur and beauty. The image of the god himself,
sixty feet high, made of ivory, gold, and gems by
the greatest of all the sculptors of antiquity, must
have impressed spectators with ideas of strength and
majesty even more than any poetical descriptions could
do. If it was art which the Greeks worshipped
rather than an unseen deity who controlled their destinies,
and to whom supreme homage was due, how nobly did the
image before them represent the highest conceptions
of the attributes to be ascribed to the King of Heaven!
Seated on his throne, with the emblems of sovereignty
in his hands and attendant deities around him, his
head, neck, breast, and arms in massive proportions,
and his face expressive of majesty and sweetness,
power in repose, benevolence blended with strength, the
image of the Olympian deity conveyed to the minds of
his worshippers everything that could inspire awe,
wonder, and goodness, as well as power. No fear
was blended with admiration, since his favor could
be won by the magnificent rites and ceremonies which
were instituted in his honor.
Clarke alludes to the sculptured Apollo
Belvedere as giving a still more elevated idea of
the sun-god than the poets themselves, a
figure expressive of the highest thoughts of the Hellenic
mind, and quotes Milman in support of his
admiration:
“All, all divine!
no struggling muscle glows,
Through heaving vein
no mantling life-blood flows;
But, animate with deity
alone,
In deathless glory lives
the breathing stone.”
If a Christian poet can see divinity
in the chiselled stone, why should we wonder at the
worship of art by the pagan Greeks? The same could
be said of the statues of Artemis, of Pallas-Athene,
of Aphrodite, and other “divine” productions
of Grecian artists, since they represented the highest
ideal the world has seen of beauty, grace, loveliness,
and majesty, which the Greeks adored. Hence,
though the statues of the gods are in human shape,
it was not men that the Greeks worshipped, but those
qualities of mind and those forms of beauty to which
the cultivated intellect instinctively gave the highest
praise. No one can object to this boundless admiration
which the Greeks had for art in its highest forms,
in so far as that admiration became worship. It
was the divorce of art from morals which called out
the indignation and censure of the Christian fathers,
and even undermined the religion of philosophers so
far as it had been directed to the worship of the popular
deities, which were simply creations of poets and
artists.
It is difficult to conceive how the
worship of the gods could have been kept up for so
long a time, had it not been for the festivals.
This wise provision for providing interest and recreation
for the people was also availed of by the Mosaic ritual
among the Hebrews, and has been a part of most well-organized
religious systems. The festivals were celebrated
in honor not merely of deities, but of useful inventions,
of the seasons of the year, of great national victories, all
which were religious in the pagan sense, and constituted
the highest pleasures of Grecian life. They were
observed with great pomp and splendor in the open air
in front of temples, in sacred groves, wherever the
people could conveniently assemble to join in jocund
dances, in athletic sports, and whatever could animate
the soul with festivity and joy. Hence the religious
worship of the Greeks was cheerful, and adapted itself
to the tastes and pleasures of the people; it was,
however, essentially worldly, and sometimes degrading.
It was similar in its effects to the rural sports
of the yeomanry of the Middle Ages, and to the theatrical
representations sometimes held in mediaeval churches, certainly
to the processions and pomps which the Catholic clergy
instituted for the amusement of the people. Hence
the sneering but acute remark of Gibbon, that all
religions were equally true to the people, equally
false to philosophers, and equally useful to rulers.
The State encouraged and paid for sacrifices, rites,
processions, and scenic dances on the same principle
that they gave corn to the people to make them contented
in their miseries, and severely punished those who
ridiculed the popular religion when it was performed
in temples, even though it winked at the ridicule
of the same performances in the theatres.
Among the Greeks there were no sacred
books like the Hindu Védas or Hebrew Scriptures,
in which the people could learn duties and religious
truths. The priests taught nothing; they merely
officiated at rites and ceremonies. It is difficult
to find out what were the means and forms of religious
instruction, so far as pertained to the heart and conscience.
Duties were certainly not learned from the ministers
of religion. From what source did the people
learn the necessity of obedience to parents, of conjugal
fidelity, of truthfulness, of chastity, of honesty?
It is difficult to tell. The poets and artists
taught ideas of beauty, of grace, of strength; and
Nature in her grandeur and loveliness taught the same
things. Hence a severe taste was cultivated, which
excluded vulgarity and grossness in the intercourse
of life. It was the rule to be courteous, affable,
gentlemanly, for all this was in harmony with the
severity of art. The comic poets ridiculed pretension,
arrogance, quackery, and lies. Patriotism, which
was learned from the dangers of the State, amid warlike
and unscrupulous neighbors, called out many manly
virtues, like courage, fortitude, heroism, and self-sacrifice.
A hard and rocky soil necessitated industry, thrift,
and severe punishment on those who stole the fruits
of labor, even as miners in the Rocky Mountains sacredly
abstain from appropriating the gold of their fellow-laborers.
Self-interest and self-preservation dictated many laws
which secured the welfare of society. The natural
sacredness of home guarded the virtue of wives and
children; the natural sense of justice raised indignation
against cheating and tricks in trade. Men and
women cannot live together in peace and safety without
observing certain conditions, which may be ranked
with virtues even among savages and barbarians, much
more so in cultivated and refined communities.
The graces and amenities of life can
exist without reference to future rewards and punishments.
The ultimate law of self-preservation will protect
men in ordinary times against murder and violence,
and will lead to public and social enactments which
bad men fear to violate. A traveller ordinarily
feels as safe in a highly-civilized pagan community
as in a Christian city. The “heathen Chinee”
fears the officers of the law as much as does a citizen
of London.
The great difference between a Pagan
and a Christian people is in the power of conscience,
in the sense of a moral accountability to a spiritual
Deity, in the hopes or fears of a future state, motives
which have a powerful influence on the elevation of
individual character and the development of higher
types of social organization. But whatever laws
are necessary for the maintenance of order, the repression
of violence, of crimes against person and the State
and the general material welfare of society, are found
in Pagan as well as in Christian States; and the natural
affections, of paternal and filial love,
friendship, patriotism, generosity, etc., while
strengthened by Christianity, are also an inalienable
part of the God-given heritage of all mankind.
We see many heroic traits, many manly virtues, many
domestic amenities, and many exalted sentiments in
pagan Greece, even if these were not taught by priests
or sages. Every man instinctively clings to life,
to property, to home, to parents, to wife and children;
and hence these are guarded in every community, and
the violation of these rights is ever punished with
greater or less severity for the sake of general security
and public welfare, even if there be no belief in
God. Religion, loftily considered, has but little
to do with the temporal interests of men. Governments
and laws take these under their protection, and it
is men who make governments and laws. They are
made from the instinct of self-preservation, from
patriotic aspirations, from the necessities of civilization.
Religion, from the Christian standpoint, is unworldly,
having reference to the life which is to come, to
the enlightenment of the conscience, to restraint from
sins not punishable by the laws, and to the inspiration
of virtues which have no worldly reward.
This kind of religion was not taught
by Grecian priests or poets or artists, and did not
exist in Greece, with all its refinements and glories,
until partially communicated by those philosophers
who meditated on the secrets of Nature, the mighty
mysteries of life, and the duties which reason and
reflection reveal. And it may be noticed that
the philosophers themselves, who began with speculations
on the origin of the universe, the nature of the gods,
the operations of the mind, and the laws of matter,
ended at last with ethical inquiries and injunctions.
We see this illustrated in Socrates and Zeno.
They seemed to despair of finding out God, of explaining
the wonders of his universe, and came down to practical
life in its sad realities, like Solomon
himself when he said, “Fear God and keep his
commandments, for this is the whole duty of man.”
In ethical teachings and inquiries some of these philosophers
reached a height almost equal to that which Christian
sages aspired to climb; and had the world practised
the virtues which they taught, there would scarcely
have been need of a new revelation, so far as the
observance of rules to promote happiness on earth
is concerned. But these Pagan sages did not hold
out hopes beyond the grave. They even doubted
whether the soul was mortal or immortal. They
did teach many ennobling and lofty truths for the enlightenment
of thinkers; but they held out no divine help, nor
any hope of completing in a future life the failures
of this one; and hence they failed in saving society
from a persistent degradation, and in elevating ordinary
men to those glorious heights reached by the Christian
converts.
That was the point to which Augustine
directed his vast genius and his unrivalled logic.
He admitted that arts might civilize, and that the
elaborate mythology which he ridiculed was interesting
to the people, and was, as a creation of the poets,
ingenious and beautiful; but he showed that it did
not reveal a future state, that it did not promise
eternal happiness, that it did not restrain men from
those sins which human laws could not punish, and
that it did not exalt the soul to lofty communion
with the Deity, or kindle a truly spiritual life, and
therefore was worthless as a religion, imbecile to
save, and only to be classed with those myths which
delight an ignorant or sensuous people, and with those
rites which are shrouded in mystery and gloom.
Nor did he, in his matchless argument against the
gods of Greece and Rome, take for his attack those
deities whose rites were most degrading and senseless,
and which the thinking world despised, but the most
lofty forms of pagan religion, such as were accepted
by moralists and philosophers like Seneca and Plato.
And thus he reached the intelligence of the age, and
gave a final blow to all the gods of antiquity.
It would be instructive to show that
the religion of Greece, as embraced by the people,
did not prevent or even condemn those social evils
that are the greatest blot on enlightened civilization.
It did not discourage slavery, the direst evil which
ever afflicted humanity; it did not elevate woman
to her true position at home or in public; it ridiculed
those passive virtues that are declared and commended
in the Sermon on the Mount; it did not pronounce against
the wickedness of war, or the vanity of military glory;
it did not dignify home, or the virtues of the family
circle; it did not declare the folly of riches, or
show that the love of money is a root of all evil.
It made sensual pleasure and outward prosperity the
great aims of successful ambition, and hid with an
impenetrable screen from the eyes of men the fatal
results of a worldly life, so that suicide itself
came to be viewed as a justifiable way to avoid evils
that are hard to be borne; in short, it was a religion
which, though joyous, was without hope, and with innumerable
deities was without God in the world, which
was no religion at all, but a fable, a delusion, and
a superstition, as Paul argued before the assembled
intellect of the most fastidious and cultivated city
of the world.
And yet we see among those who worshipped
the gods of Greece a sense of dependence on supernatural
power; and this dependence stands out, both in the
Iliad and the Odyssey, among the boldest heroes.
They seem to be reverential to the powers above them,
however indefinite their views. In the best ages
of Greece the worship of the various deities was sincere
and universal, and was attended with sacrifices to
propitiate favor or avert their displeasure.
It does not appear that these sacrifices
were always offered by priests. Warriors, kings,
and heroes themselves sacrificed oxen, sheep, and
goats, and poured out libations to the gods. Homer’s
heroes were very strenuous in the exercise of these
duties; and they generally traced their calamities
and misfortunes to the neglect of sacrifices, which
was a great offence to the deities, from Zeus down
to inferior gods. We read, too, that the gods
were supplicated in fervent prayer. There was
universally felt, in earlier times, a need of divine
protection. If the gods did not confer eternal
life, they conferred, it was supposed, temporal and
worldly good. People prayed for the same blessings
that the ancient Jews sought from Jéhovah. In
this sense the early Greeks were religious. Irreverence
toward the gods was extremely rare. The people,
however, did not pray for divine guidance in the discharge
of duty, but for the blessings which would give them
health and prosperity. We seldom see a proud
self-reliance even among the heroes of the Iliad, but
great solicitude to secure aid from the deities they
worshipped.
The religion of the Romans differed
in some respects from that of the Greeks, inasmuch
as it was emphatically a state religion. It was
more of a ritual and a ceremony. It included
most of the deities of the Greek Pantheon, but was
more comprehensive. It accepted the gods of all
the nations that composed the empire, and placed them
in the Pantheon, even Mithra, the Persian
sun-god, and the Isis and Osiris of the Egyptians,
to whom sacrifices were made by those who worshipped
them at home. It was also a purer mythology,
and rejected many of the blasphemous myths concerning
the loves and quarrels of the Grecian deities.
It was more practical and less poetical. Every
Roman god had something to do, some useful office
to perform. Several divinities presided over the
birth and nursing of an infant, and they were worshipped
for some fancied good, for the benefits which they
were supposed to bestow. There was an elaborate
“division of labor” among them. A
divinity presided over bakers, another over ovens, every
vocation and every household transaction had its presiding
deities.
There were more superstitious rites
practised by the Romans than by the Greeks, such
as examining the entrails of beasts and birds for good
or bad omens. Great attention was given to dreams
and rites of divination. The Roman household
gods were of great account, since there was a more
defined and general worship of ancestors than among
the Greeks. These were the Penates, or
familiar household gods, the guardians of the home,
whose fire on the sacred hearth was perpetually burning,
and to whom every meal was esteemed a sacrifice.
These included a Lar, or ancestral family divinity,
in each house. There were Vestal virgins to guard
the most sacred places. There was a college of
pontiffs to regulate worship and perform the higher
ceremonies, which were complicated and minute.
The pontiffs were presided over by one called Pontifex
Maximus, a title shrewdly assumed by Cæsar
to gain control of the popular worship, and still
surviving in the title of the Pope of Rome with his
college of cardinals. There were augurs and haruspices
to discover the will of the gods, according to entrails
and the flight of birds.
The festivals were more numerous in
Rome than in Greece, and perhaps were more piously
observed. About one day in four was set apart
for the worship of particular gods, celebrated by
feasts and games and sacrifices. The principal
feast days were in honor of Janus, the great god of
the Sabines, the god of beginnings, celebrated
on the first of January, to which month he gave his
name; also the feasts in honor of the Penates, of
Mars, of Vesta, of Minerva, of Venus, of Ceres, of
Juno, of Jupiter, and of Saturn. The Saturnalia,
December 19, in honor of Saturn, the annual Thanksgiving,
lasted seven days, when the rich kept open house and
slaves had their liberty, the most joyous
of the festivals. The feast of Minerva lasted
five days, when offerings were made by all mechanics,
artists, and scholars. The feast of Cybele, analogous
to that of Ceres in Greece and Isis in Egypt, lasted
six days. These various feasts imposed great
contributions on the people, and were managed by the
pontiffs with the most minute observances and legalities.
The principal Roman divinities were
the Olympic gods under Latin names, like Jupiter,
Juno, Mars, Minerva, Neptune, Vesta, Apollo, Venus,
Ceres, and Diana; but the secondary deities were almost
innumerable. Some of the deities were of Etruscan,
some of Sabine, and some of Latin origin; but most
of them were imported from Greece or corresponded with
those of the Greek mythology. Many were manufactured
by the pontiffs for utilitarian purposes, and were
mere abstractions, like Hope, Fear, Concord, Justice,
Clemency, etc., to which temples were erected.
The powers of Nature were also worshipped, like the
sun, the moon, and stars. The best side of Roman
life was represented in the worship of Vesta, who
presided over the household fire and home, and was
associated with the Lares and Penates. Of these
household gods the head of the family was the officiating
minister who offered prayers and sacrifices.
The Vestal virgins received especial honor, and were
appointed by the Pontifex Maximus.
Thus the Romans accounted themselves
very religious, and doubtless are to be so accounted,
certainly in the same sense as were the Athenians by
the Apostle Paul, since altars, statues, and temples
in honor of gods were everywhere present to the eye,
and rites and ceremonies were most systematically
and mechanically observed according to strict rules
laid down by the pontiffs. They were grave and
decorous in their devotions, and seemed anxious to
learn from their augurs and haruspices the will
of the gods; and their funeral ceremonies were held
with great pomp and ceremony. As faith in the
gods declined, ceremonies and pomps were multiplied,
and the ice of ritualism accumulated on the banks of
piety. Superstition and unbelief went hand in
hand. Worship in the temples was most imposing
when the amours and follies of the gods were most
ridiculed in the theatres; and as the State was rigorous
in its religious observances, hypocrisy became the
vice of the most prominent and influential citizens.
What sincerity was there in Julius Cæsar when he
discharged the duties of high-priest of the Republic?
It was impossible for an educated Roman who read Plato
and Zeno to believe in Janus and Juno. It was
all very well for the people so to believe, he said,
who must be kept in order; but scepticism increased
in the higher classes until the prevailing atheism
culminated in the poetry of Lucretius, who had the
boldness to declare that faith in the gods had been
the curse of the human race.
If the Romans were more devoted to
mere external and ritualistic services than the Greeks, more
outwardly religious, they were also more
hypocritical. If they were not professed freethinkers, for
the State did not tolerate opposition or ridicule
of those things which it instituted or patronized, religion
had but little practical effect on their lives.
The Romans were more immoral yet more observant of
religious ceremonies than the Greeks, who acted and
thought as they pleased. Intellectual independence
was not one of the characteristics of the Roman citizen.
He professed to think as the State prescribed, for
the masters of the world were the slaves of the State
in religion as in war. The Romans were more gross
in their vices as they were more pharisaical in their
profession than the Greeks, whom they conquered and
imitated. Neither the sincere worship of ancestors,
nor the ceremonies and rites which they observed in
honor of their innumerable divinities, softened the
severity of their character, or weakened their passion
for war and bloody sports. Their hard and rigid
wills were rarely moved by the cries of agony or the
shrieks of despair. Their slavery was more cruel
than among any nation of antiquity. Butchery and
legalized murder were the delight of Romans in their
conquering days, as were inhuman sports in the days
of their political decline. Where was the spirit
of religion, as it was even in India and Egypt, when
women were debased; when every man and woman held
a human being in cruel bondage; when home was abandoned
for the circus and the amphitheatre; when the cry of
the mourner was unheard in shouts of victory; when
women sold themselves as wives to those who would
pay the highest price, and men abstained from marriage
unless they could fatten on rich dowries; when utility
was the spring of every action, and demoralizing pleasure
was the universal pursuit; when feastings and banquets
were riotous and expensive, and violence and rapine
were restrained only by the strong arm of law dictated
by instincts of self-preservation? Where was the
ennobling influence of the gods, when nobody of any
position finally believed in them? How powerless
the gods, when the general depravity was so glaring
as to call out the terrible invective of Paul, the
cosmopolitan traveller, the shrewd observer, the pure-hearted
Christian missionary, indicting not a few, but a whole
people: “Who exchanged the truth of God
for a lie, and worshipped and served the creature rather
than the Creator, ... being filled with all unrighteousness,
fornication, wickedness, covetousness, maliciousness;
full of envy, murder, strife, deceit, malignity; whisperers,
backbiters, haters of God, insolent, haughty, boastful,
inventors of evil things, disobedient to parents,
without understanding, covenant-breakers, without natural
affections, unmerciful.” An awful picture,
but sustained by the evidence of the Roman writers
of that day as certainly no worse than the hideous
reality.
If this was the outcome of the most
exquisitely poetical and art-inspiring mythology the
world has ever known, what wonder that the pure spirituality
of Jesus the Christ, shining into that blackness of
darkness, should have been hailed by perishing millions
as the “light of the world”!