“History has its truth, Legend
has its truth. Legendary truth is of a different
nature from historic truth. Legendary truth is
invention with reality for result. For the rest,
history and legend have the same aim to
paint under the man of a day eternal humanity.”
These words from his new and latest work (i are
a repetition of what Victor Hugo had already said
in the introduction to his memorable Legend of
the Ages. But the occasion of their application
is far more delicate. Poetry lends itself naturally
to the spacious, distant, vague, highly generalised
way of present and real events. A prose romance,
on the other hand, is of necessity abundant in details,
in special circumstances, in particularities of time
and place. This leaves all the more room for
historic error, and historic error in a work of imagination
dealing with actual and known occurrences is obviously
fatal, not only to legendary truth, but to legendary
beauty and poetic impressiveness. And then the
pitfalls which lie about the feet of the Frenchman
who has to speak of 1793, the terrible year
of the modern epoch! The delirium of the Terror
haunts most of the revolutionary historians, and the
choicest examples in all literature of bombast, folly,
emptiness, political immorality, inhumanity, formal
repudiation of common sense and judgment, are to be
found in the rhapsodies which men of letters,
some of them men of eminence, call histories of the
Revolution, or lives of this or that actor in it.
It was hardly a breach, therefore,
of one’s allegiance to Hugo’s superb imaginative
genius, if one had misgivings as to the result of
an attempt, even in his strong hands, to combine legend
with truth on a disastrous field, in which grave writers
with academic solemnity had confounded truth with
the falsest kind of legend. The theme was so
likely to emphasise the defects incident to his mighty
qualities; so likely to provoke an exaggeration of
those mannerisms of thought no less than of phrase,
which though never ignoble nor paltry, yet now and
then take something from the loftiness and sincerity
of the writer’s work. Wisdom, however,
is justified of her children, and M. Hugo’s
genius has justified his choice of a difficult and
perilous subject. Quatrevingt-treize is a monument
of its author’s finest gifts; and while those
who are happily endowed with the capacity of taking
delight in nobility and beauty of imaginative work
will find themselves in possession of a new treasure,
the lover of historic truth who hates to see abstractions
passed off for actualities and legend erected in the
place of fact escapes with his sensibilities almost
unwounded.
The historic interlude at the beginning
of the second volume is undoubtedly open to criticism
from the political student’s point of view.
As a sketch of the Convention, the scene of its sittings,
the stormful dramas that were enacted there one after
another for month after month, the singular men who
one after another rode triumphant upon the whirlwind
for a little space, and were then mercilessly in an
instant swept into outer darkness, the commoner men
who cowered before the fury of the storm, and were
like “smoke driven hither and thither by the
wind,” and laboured hard upon a thousand schemes
for human improvement, some admirable, others mere
frenzy, while mobs filed in and danced mad carmagnoles
before them all this is a magnificent masterpiece
of accurate, full, and vivid description. To the
philosophy of it we venture to demur. The mystic,
supernatural view of the French Revolution, which
is so popular among French writers who object to the
supernatural and the mystical everywhere else, is to
us a thing most incredible, most puerile, most mischievous.
People talk of ’93, as a Greek tragedian treats
the Tale of Troy divine, or the terrible fortunes
of the house of Atreus, as the result of dark invincible
fate, as the unalterable decree of the immortal gods.
Even Victor Hugo’s strong spirit does not quite
overcome the demoralising doctrine of a certain revolutionary
school, though he has the poet’s excuse.
Thus, of the Convention:
“Minds all a prey to the wind.
But this wind was a wind of miracle and portent.
To be a member of the Convention was to be a wave
of the ocean. And this was true of its greatest.
The force of impulsion came from on high.
There was in the Convention a will, which was
the will of all, and yet was the will of no one.
It was an idea, an idea resistless and without
measure, which breathed in the shadow from the
high heavens. We call that the Revolution.
As this idea passed, it threw down one and raised
up another; it bore away this man in the foam,
and broke that man to pieces upon the rocks.
The idea knew whither it went, and drove the gulf of
waters before it. To impute the Revolution
to men is as one who should impute the tide to
the waves. The revolution is an action of the
Unknown.... It is a form of the abiding phenomenon
that shuts us in on every side and that we call
Necessity.... In presence of these climacteric
catastrophes which waste and vivify civilisation,
one is slow to judge detail. To blame or praise
men on account of the result, is as if one should
blame or praise the figures on account of the
total. That which must pass passes, the storm
that must rage rages. The eternal serenity does
not suffer from these boisterous winds. Above
revolutions truth and justice abide, as the starry
heaven abides above the tempests” -189).
As a lyric passage, full of the breath
of inspiration; as history, superficial and untrue;
as morality, enervating and antinomian. The author
is assuredly far nearer the mark in another place when
he speaks of “that immense improvisation
which is the French Revolution” (i an
improvisation of which every step can be rationally
explained.
After all, this is no more than an
interlude. Victor Hugo only surveys the events
of ’93 as a field for the growth of types of
character. His instinct as an artist takes him
away from the Paris of ’93, where the confusion,
uproar, human frenzy, leave him no background of nature,
with nature’s fixity, sternness, indifference,
sublimity. This he found in La Vendée, whose
vast forests grow under the pencil of this master
of all the more terrible and majestic effects, into
a picture hardly less sombre and mighty in its impressiveness
than the memorable ocean pieces of the Toilers
of the Sea. If the waves are appalling in
their agitation, their thunders, their sterility, the
forest is appalling in its silence, its dimness, its
rest, and the invisibleness of the thousand kinds
of life to which it gives a shelter. If the violence
and calm and mercilessness of the sea penetrated the
romance of eight years ago with transcendent fury,
so does the stranger, more mysterious, and in a sense
even the more inhuman life of the forest penetrate
the romance of to-day. From the opening chapter
down to the very close, even while the interlude takes
us for a little while to the Paris cafe where Danton,
Robespierre, and Marat sit in angry counsel, even
while we are on the sea with the royalist Marquis and
Halmalo, the reader is subtly haunted by the great
Vendean woods, their profundity, their mystery, their
tragic and sinister beauties.
“The forest is barbarous.
“The configuration of the land
counsels man in many an act. More than we
suppose, it is his accomplice. In the presence
of certain savage landscapes, you are tempted
to exonerate man and blame creation; you feel
a silent challenge and incitement from nature; the
desert is constantly unwholesome for conscience, especially
for a conscience without light. Conscience
may be a giant; that makes a Socrates or a Jesus:
it may be a dwarf; that makes an Atreus or a Judas.
The puny conscience soon turns reptile; the twilight
thickets, the brambles, the thorns, the marsh waters
under branches, make for it a fatal haunting place;
amid all this it undergoes the mysterious infiltration
of ill suggestions. The optical illusions,
the unexplained images, the scaring hour, the
scaring spot, all throw man into that kind of affright,
half-religious, half-brutal, which in ordinary
times engenders superstition, and in epochs of
violence, savagery. Hallucinations hold the
torch that lights the path to murder. There is
something like vertigo in the brigand. Nature
with her prodigies has a double effect; she dazzles
great minds, and blinds the duller soul.
When man is ignorant, when the desert offers visions,
the obscurity of the solitude is added to the obscurity
of the intelligence; thence in man comes the opening
of abysses. Certain rocks, certain ravines,
certain thickets, certain wild openings of the
evening sky through the trees, drive man towards mad
or monstrous exploits. We might almost call
some places criminal” (i.
With La Vendée for background, and
some savage incidents of the bloody Vendean war for
external machinery, Victor Hugo has realised his conception
of ’93 in three types of character: Lantenac,
the royalist marquis; Cimourdain, the puritan turned
Jacobin; and Gauvain, for whom one can as yet find
no short name, he belonging to the millenarian times.
Lantenac, though naturally a less original creation
than the other two, is still an extremely bold and
striking figure, drawn with marked firmness of hand,
and presenting a thoroughly distinct and coherent
conception. It is a triumph of the poetic or artistic
part of the author’s nature over the merely
political part, that he should have made even his
type of the old feudal order which he execrates so
bitterly, a heroic, if ever so little also a diabolic,
personage. There is everything that is cruel,
merciless, unflinching, in Lantenac; there is nothing
that is mean or insignificant. A gunner at sea,
by inattention to the lashing of his gun, causes an
accident which breaks the ship to pieces, and then
he saves the lives of the crew by hazarding his own
life to secure the wandering monster. Lantenac
decorates him with the cross of Saint Lewis for his
gallantry, and instantly afterwards has him shot for
his carelessness. He burns homesteads and villages,
fusillades men and women, and makes the war a war
without quarter or grace. Yet he is no swashbuckler
of the melodramatic stage. There is a fine reserve,
a brief gravity, in the delineation of him, his clear
will, his quickness, his intrepidity, his relentlessness,
which make of him the incarnation of aristocratic
coldness, hatred, and pride. You might guillotine
Lantenac with exquisite satisfaction, and yet he does
not make us ashamed of mankind. Into his mouth,
as he walks about his dungeon, impatiently waiting
to be led out to execution, Victor Hugo has put the
aristocratic view of the Revolution. Some portions
of it (i-226) would fit amazingly well into
M. Renan’s notions about the moral and intellectual
reform of France.
If the Breton aristocrat of ’93
was fearless, intrepid, and without mercy in defence
of God and the King and his qualities were
all shared, the democrat may love to remember, by
the Breton peasant, whether peasant follower or peasant
leader the Jacobin was just as vigorous,
as intrepid, as merciless in defence of his Republic.
“Pays, Patrie,” says Victor Hugo, in words
which perhaps will serve to describe many a future
passage in French history, “ces deux
mots resument toute la guerre
de Vendée; querelle de l’idee
locale centre l’idee universelle; paysans
contre patriotes” (i. Certainly
the Jacobins were the patriots of that era, the deliverers
of France from something like that process of partition
which further east was consummated in this very ’93.
We do not mean the handful of odious miscreants who
played fool and demon in turns in the insurrectionary
Commune and elsewhere: such men as Collot d’Herbois,
or Carrier, or Panis. The normal Jacobin was
a remarkable type. He has been excellently described
by Louis Blanc as something powerful, original, sombre;
half agitator and half statesman; half puritan and
half monk half inquisitor and half tribune. These
words of the historian are the exact prose version
of the figure of Cimourdain, the typical Jacobin of
the poet. “Cimourdain was a pure conscience,
but sombre. He had in him the absolute.
He had been a priest and that is a serious thing.
Man, like the sky, may have a dark serenity; it is
enough that something should have brought night into
his soul. Priesthood had brought night into Cimourdain.
He who has been a priest is one still. What brings
night upon us may leave the stars with us. Cimourdain
was full of virtues, full of truths, but they shone
in the midst of darkness” . If
the aristocrat had rigidity, so had the Jacobin.
“Cimourdain had the blind certitude of the arrow,
which only sees the mark and makes for it. In
revolution, nothing so formidable as the straight
line. Cimourdain strode forward with fatality
in his step. He believed that in social genesis
the very extreme point must always be solid ground,
an error peculiar to minds that for reason substitute
logic” . And so forth, until the
character of the Jacobin lives for us with a precision,
a fulness, a naturalness, such as neither Carlyle
nor Michelet nor Quinet has been able to clothe it
with, though these too have the sacred illumination
of genius. Victor Hugo’s Jacobin is a poetic
creation, yet the creation only lies in the vivid
completeness with which the imagination of a great
master has realised to itself the traits and life
of an actual personality. It is not that he has
any special love for his Jacobin, but that he has the
poet’s eye for types, politics apart. He
sees how much the aristocrat, slaying hip and thigh
for the King, and the Jacobin, slaying hip and thigh
for the Republic, resembled one another. “Let
us confess,” he says, “these two men,
the Marquis and the priest [Lantenac and Cimourdain],
were up to a certain point the self-same man.
The bronze mask of civil war has two profiles, one
turned towards the past, the other towards the future,
but as tragic the one as the other. Lantenac
was the first of these profiles, Cimourdain was the
second; only the bitter rictus of Lantenac was covered
with shadow and night, and on the fatal brow of Cimourdain
was a gleaming of the dawn” (i.
And let us mark Victor Hugo’s
signal distinction in his analysis of character.
It is not mere vigour of drawing, nor acuteness of
perception, nor fire of imagination, though he has
all these gifts in a singular degree, and truest of
their kind. But then Scott had them too, and
yet we feel in Victor Hugo’s work a seriousness,
a significance, a depth of tone, which never touches
us in the work of his famous predecessor in romance,
delightful as the best of that work is. Balfour
of Burley is one of Scott’s most commanding figures,
and the stern Covenanter is nearly in the same plane
of character as the stern heroic Jacobin. Yet
Cimourdain impresses us more profoundly. He is
as natural, as human, as readily conceivable, and yet
he produces something of the subtle depth of effect
which belongs to the actor in a play of Aeschylus.
Why is this? Because Hugo makes us conscious of
that tragedy of temperament, that sterner Necessity
of character, that resistless compulsion of circumstance,
which is the modern and positive expression for the
old Destiny of the Greeks, and which in some expression
or other is now an essential element in the highest
presentation of human life. Here is not the Unknown.
On the contrary, we are in the very heart of science;
tragedy to the modern is not [Greek: tuchae],
but a thing of cause and effect, invariable antecedent
and invariable consequent. It is the presence
of this tragic force underlying action that gives
to all Hugo’s work its lofty quality, its breadth,
and generality, and fills both it, and us who read,
with pity and gravity and an understanding awe.
The action is this. Cimourdain
had the young Gauvain to train from his earliest childhood,
and the pupil grew up with the same rigid sense of
duty as the master, though temperament modified its
form. When the Revolution came, Gauvain, though
a noble, took sides with the people, but he was not
of the same spirit as his teacher. “The
Revolution,” says Victor Hugo, “by the
side of youthful figures of giants, such as Danton,
Saint-Just, and Robespierre, has young ideal figures,
like Hoche and Marceau. Gauvain was one
of these figures” (i. Cimourdain
has himself named delegate from the Committee of Public
Safety to the expeditionary column of which Gauvain
is in command. The warmth of affection between
them was undiminished, but difference in temperament
bred difference in their principles. They represented,
as the author says, with the candour of the poet,
the two poles of the truth; the two sides of the inarticulate,
subterranean, fatal contention of the year of the
Terror. Their arguments with one another make
the situation more intelligible to the historic student,
as they make the characters of the speakers more transparent
for the purposes of the romance.
This is Cimourdain:
“Beware, there are terrible duties
in life. Do not accuse what is not responsible.
Since when has the disorder been the fault of the
physician? Yes, what marks this tremendous
year is being without pity. Why? Because
it is the great revolutionary year. This year
incarnates the revolution. The revolution
has an enemy, the old world, and to that it is
pitiless, just as the surgeon has an enemy, gangrene,
and is pitiless to that. The revolution extirpates
kingship in the king, aristocracy in the noble, despotism
in the soldier, superstition in the priest, barbarity
in the judge, in a word whatever is tyranny in
whatever is tyrant. The operation is frightful,
the revolution performs it with a sure hand.
As to the quantity of sound flesh that it requires,
ask Boerhave what he thinks of it. What tumour
that has to be cut out does not involve loss of
blood?... The revolution devotes itself to
its fated task. It mutilates but it saves....
It has the past in its grasp, it will not spare.
It makes in civilisation a deep incision whence
shall come the safety of the human race. You
suffer? No doubt. How long will it last?
The time needed for the operation. Then you
will live,” etc. (i-66).
“One day,” he adds, “the
Revolution will justify the Terror.” To
which Gauvain retorts thus:
“Fear lest the Terror be the calumny
of the Revolution. Liberty, Equality, Fraternity,
are dogmas of peace and harmony. Why give them
an aspect of alarm? What do we seek? To win
nations to the universal public. Then why
inspire fright? Of what avail is intimidation?
It is wrong to do ill in order to do good. You
do not pull down the throne to leave the scaffold
standing. Let us hurl away crowns, let us
spare heads. The revolution is concord, not
affright. Mild ideas are ill-served by men who
do not know pity. Amnesty is for me the noblest
word in human speech. I will shed no blood
save at hazard of my own.... In the fight let
us be the enemies of our foes, and after the victory
their brothers” (i.
These two together, Cimourdain and
Gauvain, make an ideal pair of the revolutionists
of ’93. Strip each of them of the beauty
of character with which the poet’s imagination
has endowed them, add instead passion, violence, envy,
egoism, malice; then you understand how in the very
face of the foreign enemy Girondins sharpened the knife
for the men of the Mountain, Hebertists screamed for
the lives of Robespierrists, Robespierre struck off
the head of Danton, Thermidorians crushed Robespierre.
Victor Hugo has given to this typic
historical struggle of ’93 the qualities of
nobleness and beauty which art requires in dealing
with real themes. Lantenac falls into the hands
of the Blues, headed by Cimourdain and Gauvain, but
he does so in consequence of yielding to a heroic
and self-devoting impulse of humanity. Cimourdain,
true to his temperament, insists on his instant execution.
Gauvain, true also to his temperament, is seized with
a thousand misgivings, and there is no more ample,
original, and masterly presentation of a case of conscience,
that in civil war is always common enough, than the
struggle through which Gauvain passes before he can
resolve to deliver Lantenac. This pathetic debate “the
stone of Sisyphus, which is only the quarrel of man
with himself” turns on the loftiest,
broadest, most generous motives, touching the very
bases of character, and reaching far beyond the issue
of ’93. The political question is seen
to be no more than a superficial aspect of the deeper
moral question. Lantenac, the representative
of the old order, had performed an exploit of signal
devotion. Was it not well that one who had faith
in the new order should show himself equally willing
to cast away his life to save one whom self-sacrifice
had transformed from the infernal Satan into the heavenly
Lucifer?
“Gauvain saw in the shade the
sinister smile of the sphinx. The situation
was a sort of dread crossway where the conflicting
truths issued and confronted one another, and where
the three supreme ideas of man stood face to face humanity,
the family, the fatherland. Each of the voices
spoke in turn, and each in turn declared the truth.
How choose? Each in turn seemed to hit the mark
of reason and justice, and said, Do that. Was
that the thing to be done? Yes. No.
Reasoning counselled one thing; sentiment another;
the two counsels were contradictory. Reasoning
is only reason; sentiment is often conscience;
the one comes from man, the other from a loftier
source. That is why sentiment has less distinctness,
and more might. Yet what strength in the severity
of reason! Gauvain hesitated. His perplexity
was so fierce. Two abysses opened before
him: to destroy the marquis, or to save him.
Which of these two gulfs was duty?”
The whole scene (i-219) is a
masterpiece of dramatic strength, sustention, and
flexibility only equalled by the dramatic
vivacity of the scene in which Cimourdain, sitting
as judge, orders the prisoner to be brought forward,
to his horror sees Gauvain instead of Lantenac, and
then proceeds to condemn the man whom he loves best
on earth to be taken to the guillotine.
The tragedy of the story, its sombre
tone, the overhanging presence of death in it, are
prevented from being oppressive to us by the variety
of minor situation and subordinate character with which
the writer has surrounded the central figures.
No writer living is so consummate a master of landscape,
and besides the forest we here have an elaborate sea-piece,
full of the weird, ineffable, menacing suggestion of
the sea in some of her unnumbered moods; and there
is a scene of late twilight on a high solitary down
over the bay of Mont Saint-Michel, to which a reader
blessed with sensibility to the subtler impressions
of landscape will turn again and again, as one visits
again and again some actual prospect where the eye
procures for the inner sense a dream of beauty and
the incommensurable. Perhaps the palm for exquisite
workmanship will be popularly given, and justly given,
to the episode humorously headed The Massacre of
Saint Bartholomew, at the opening of the third
volume. It is the story of three little children,
barely out of infancy, awaking, playing, eating, wondering,
slumbering, in solitude through a summer day in an
old tower. As a rule the attempt to make infancy
interesting in literature ends in maudlin failure.
But at length the painters have found an equal, or
more than an equal, in an artist whose medium lends
itself less easily than colour and form to the reproduction
of the beauty and life of childhood. In his poetry
Victor Hugo had already shown his passing sensibility
to the pathos of the beginnings of our life; witness
such pieces as Chose vue un Jour de Printemps,
Les Pauvres Gens, the well-known pieces in L’Annee
Terrible, and a hundred other lively touches and
fragments of finished loveliness and penetrating sympathy.
In prose it is a more difficult feat to collect the
trivial details which make up the life of the tiny
human animal into a whole that shall be impressive,
finished, and beautiful. And prose can only describe
by details enumerated one by one. This most arduous
feat is accomplished in the children’s summer
day in the tower, and with enchanting success.
Intensely realistic, yet the picture overflows with
emotion not the emotion of the mother, but
of the poet. There is infinite tenderness, pathos,
love, but all heightened at once and strengthened
by the self-control of masculine force. A man
writing about little ones seems able to place himself
outside, and thus to gain more calmness and freedom
of vision than the more passionate interest or yearning
of women permits to them in this field of art.
Not a detail is spared, yet the whole is full of delight
and pity and humour. Only one lyric passage is
allowed to poetise and accentuate the realism of the
description. Georgette, some twenty months old,
scrambles from her cradle and prattles to the sunbeam.
“What a bird says in its song,
a child says in its prattle. ’Tis the
same hymn; a hymn indistinct, lisping, profound.
The child has what the bird has not, the sombre
human destiny in front of it. Hence the sadness
of men as they listen, mingling with the joy of the
little one as it sings. The sublimest canticle
to be heard on earth is the stammering of the
human soul on the lips of infancy. That confused
chirruping of a thought, that is as yet no more than
an instinct, has in it one knows not what sort
of artless appeal to the eternal justice; or is
it a protest uttered on the threshold before entering
in, a protest meek and poignant? This ignorance
smiling at the Infinite compromises all creation in
the lot that shall fall to the weak defenceless
being. Ill, if it shall come, will be an
abuse of confidence.
“The child’s murmuring is
more and is less than words; there are no notes,
and yet it is a song; there are no syllables, and yet
it is a language.... This poor stammering
is a compound of what the child said when it was
an angel, and of what it will say when it becomes
a man. The cradle has a Yesterday as the grave
has a Morrow; the Morrow and the Yesterday mingle
in that strange cooing their twofold mystery....”
“Her lips smiled, her eyes smiled,
the dimples in her cheeks smiled. There came
forth in this smile a mysterious welcome of the morning.
The soul has faith in the ray. The heavens were
blue, warm was the air. The fragile creature,
without knowing anything, or recognising anything,
or understanding anything, softly floating in
musings which are not thought, felt itself in safety
in the midst of nature, among those good trees
and that guileless greenery, in the pure and peaceful
landscape, amid the rustle of nests, of flowing
springs, of insects, of leaves, while over all there
glowed the great innocency of the sun” (i.
As an eminent man has recently written
about Wordsworth’s most famous Ode, there may
be some bad philosophy here, but there is assuredly
some noble and touching poetry.
If the carelessness of infancy is
caught with this perfection of finish, there is a
tragic companion piece in the horror and gnawing anguish
of the wretched woman from whom her young have been
taken her rescue from death, her fierce
yearnings for them like the yearnings of a beast,
her brute-like heedlessness of her life and her body
in the cruel search.
And so the poet conducts us along
the strange excursive windings of the life and passion
of humanity. The same hand which draws such noble
figures as Gauvain and the real Lanjuinais
of history was fully as heroic and as noble as the
imaginary Gauvain of fiction is equally
skilful in drawing the wild Breton beggar who dwells
underground among the branching tree-roots; and the
monstrous Imanus, the barbarous retainer of the Lord
of the Seven Forests; and Radoub, the serjeant
from Paris, a man of hearty oaths, hideous, heroic,
humoursome, of a bloody ingenuity in combat.
And the same hand which described the silent sundown
on the sandy shore of the bay, and the mysterious
darkness of the forests, and the blameless play of
the little ones, gives us the prodigious animation
of the night surprise at Dol, the furious conflict
at La Tourgue, and, perhaps most powerful of all, the
breaking loose of the gun on the deck of the Claymore.
You may say that this is only melodrama; but if we
turn to the actual events of ’93, the melodrama
of the romancer will seem tame compared with the melodrama
of the faithful chronicler. And so long as the
narrative of melodramatic action is filled with poetry
and beauty, there is no reproach in uncommon situation,
in intense passion, in magnanimous or subtle motives
that are not of every day. Of Hugo’s art
we may say what Dr. Newman has said of something else:
Such work is always open to criticism and it is
always above it.
There is poetry and beauty, no doubt,
in the common lives about us, if we look at them with
imaginative and sympathetic eye, and we owe much to
the art that reveals to us the tragedy of the parlour
and the frockcoat, and analyses the bitterness and
sorrow and high passion that may underlie a life of
outer smoothness and decorum. Still, criticism
cannot accept this as the final and exclusive limitation
of imaginative work. Art is nothing if not catholic
and many-sided, and it is certainly not exhausted
by mere domestic possibilities. Goethe’s
fine and luminous feeling for practical life, which
has given such depth of richness and wisdom to his
best prose writing, fills us with a delightful sense
of satisfaction and adequateness; and yet why should
it not leave us with a mind eagerly open for the larger
and more inventive romance, in which nature is clothed
with some of that awe and might and silent contemplation
of the puny destinies of man, that used to surround
the conception of the supernatural? Victor Hugo
seeks strong and extraordinary effects; he is a master
of terrible image, profound emotion, audacious fancy;
but then these are as real, as natural, as true to
fact, as the fairest reproduction of the moral poverties
and meannesses of the world. And let it be added
that while he is without a rival in the dark mysterious
heights of imaginative effect, he is equally a master
in strokes of tenderness and the most delicate human
sympathy. His last book seems to contain pieces
that surpass every other book of Hugo’s in the
latter range of qualities, and not to fall at all
short in the former. And so, in the words of
the man of genius who last wrote on Victor Hugo in
these pages, “As we pity ourselves for the
loss of poems and pictures which have perished, and
left of Sappho but a fragment and of Zeuxis but a name,
so are we inclined to pity the dead who died too soon
to enjoy the great works we have enjoyed. At
each new glory that ’swims into our ken,’
we surely feel that it is something to have lived to
see that too rise.”