THE RELATION OF ENGRAVING
TO OTHER ARTS IN FLORENCE.
39. From what was laid before
you in my last lecture, you must now be aware that
I do not mean, by the word ‘engraving,’
merely the separate art of producing plates from which
black pictures may be printed.
I mean, by engraving, the art of producing
decoration on a surface by the touches of a chisel
or a burin; and I mean by its relation to other arts,
the subordinate service of this linear work, in sculpture,
in metal work, and in painting; or in the representation
and repetition of painting.
And first, therefore, I have to map
out the broad relations of the arts of sculpture,
metal work, and painting, in Florence, among themselves,
during the period in which the art of engraving was
distinctly connected with them.
40. You will find, or may remember,
that in my lecture on Michael Angelo and Tintoret
I indicated the singular importance, in the history
of art, of a space of forty years, between 1480, and
the year in which Raphael died, 1520. Within
that space of time the change was completed, from the
principles of ancient, to those of existing, art; a
manifold change, not definable in brief terms, but
most clearly characterized, and easily remembered,
as the change of conscientious and didactic art, into
that which proposes to itself no duty beyond technical
skill, and no object but the pleasure of the beholder.
Of that momentous change itself I do not purpose to
speak in the present course of lectures; but my endeavor
will be to lay before you a rough chart of the course
of the arts in Florence up to the time when it took
place; a chart indicating for you, definitely, the
growth of conscience, in work which is distinctively
conscientious, and the perfecting of expression and
means of popular address, in that which is distinctively
didactic.
41. Means of popular address,
observe, which have become singularly important to
us at this day. Nevertheless, remember that the
power of printing, or reprinting, black pictures, practically
contemporary with that of reprinting black letters, modified
the art of the draughtsman only as it modified that
of the scribe. Beautiful and unique writing,
as beautiful and unique painting or engraving, remain
exactly what they were; but other useful and reproductive
methods of both have been superadded. Of these,
it is acutely said by Dr. Alfred Woltmann,
“A far more important part is
played in the art-life of Germany by the technical
arts for the multiplying of works; for Germany,
while it was the land of book-printing, is also the
land of picture-printing. Indeed, wood-engraving,
which preceded the invention of book-printing,
prepared the way for it, and only left one
step more necessary for it. Book-printing
and picture-printing have both the same inner
cause for their origin, namely, the impulse to
make each mental gain a common blessing.
Not merely princes and rich nobles were to have
the privilege of adorning their private chapels and
apartments with beautiful religious pictures;
the poorest man was also to have his delight
in that which the artist had devised and produced.
It was not sufficient for him when it stood in
the church as an altar-shrine, visible to him and to
the congregation from afar; he desired to have
it as his own, to carry it about with him, to
bring it into his own home. The grand importance
of wood-engraving and copperplate is not sufficiently
estimated in historical investigations. They were
not alone of use in the advance of art; they form
an epoch in the entire life of mind and culture.
The idea embodied and multiplied in pictures
became like that embodied in the printed word,
the herald of every intellectual movement, and conquered
the world.”
42. “Conquered the world”?
The rest of the sentence is true, but this, hyperbolic,
and greatly false. It should have been said that
both painting and engraving have conquered much of
the good in the world, and, hitherto, little or none
of the evil.
Nor do I hold it usually an advantage
to art, in teaching, that it should be common,
or constantly seen. In becoming intelligibly and
kindly beautiful, while it remains solitary and unrivaled,
it has a greater power. Westminster Abbey is
more didactic to the English nation, than a million
of popular illustrated treatises on architecture.
Nay, even that it cannot be understood
but with some difficulty, and must be sought before
it can be seen, is no harm. The noblest didactic
art is, as it were, set on a hill, and its disciples
come to it. The vilest destructive and corrosive
art stands at the street corners, crying, “Turn
in hither; come, eat of my bread, and drink of my wine,
which I have mingled.”
And Dr. Woltmann has allowed himself
too easily to fall into the common notion of Liberalism,
that bad art, disseminated, is instructive, and good
art isolated, not so. The question is, first,
I assure you, whether what art you have got is good
or bad. If essentially bad, the more you see
of it, the worse for you. Entirely popular art
is all that is noble, in the cathedral, the council
chamber, and the market-place; not the paltry colored
print pinned on the wall of a private room.
43. I despise the poor! do
I, think you? Not so. They only despise the
poor who think them better off with police news, and
colored tracts of the story of Joseph and Potiphar’s
wife, than they were with Luini painting on their
church walls, and Donatello carving the pillars of
their market-places.
Nevertheless, the effort to be universally,
instead of locally, didactic, modified advantageously,
as you know, and in a thousand ways varied, the earlier
art of engraving: and the development of its popular
power, whether for good or evil, came exactly so
fate appointed at a time when the minds
of the masses were agitated by the struggle which
closed in the Reformation in some countries, and in
the desperate refusal of Reformation in others.
The two greatest masters of engraving whose lives
we are to study, were, both of them, passionate reformers:
Holbein no less than Luther; Botticelli no less than
Savonarola.
44. Reformers, I mean, in the
full and, accurately, the only, sense. Not preachers
of new doctrines; but witnesses against the betrayal
of the old ones, which were on the lips of all men,
and in the lives of none. Nay, the painters are
indeed more pure reformers than the priests. They
rebuked the manifest vices of men, while they realized
whatever was loveliest in their faith. Priestly
reform soon enraged itself into mere contest for personal
opinions; while, without rage, but in stern rebuke
of all that was vile in conduct or thought, in
declaration of the always-received faiths of the Christian
Church, and in warning of the power of faith, and
death, over the petty designs of men, Botticelli
and Holbein together fought foremost in the ranks of
the Reformation.
45. To-day I will endeavor to
explain how they attained such rank. Then, in
the next two lectures, the technics of both, their
way of speaking; and in the last two, what they had
got to say.
First, then, we ask how they attained
this rank; who taught them what
they were finally best to teach? How far must
every people how far did this Florentine
people teach its masters, before they
could teach it?
Even in these days, when every man
is, by hypothesis, as good as another, does not the
question sound strange to you? You recognize in
the past, as you think, clearly, that national advance
takes place always under the guidance of masters,
or groups of masters, possessed of what appears to
be some new personal sensibility or gift of invention;
and we are apt to be reverent to these alone, as if
the nation itself had been unprogressive, and suddenly
awakened, or converted, by the genius of one man.
No idea can be more superficial.
Every nation must teach its tutors, and prepare itself
to receive them; but the fact on which our impression
is founded the rising, apparently by chance,
of men whose singular gifts suddenly melt the multitude,
already at the point of fusion; or suddenly form,
and inform, the multitude which has gained coherence
enough to be capable of formation, enables
us to measure and map the gain of national intellectual
territory, by tracing first the lifting of the mountain
chains of its genius.
46. I have told you that we have
nothing to do at present with the great transition
from ancient to modern habits of thought which took
place at the beginning of the sixteenth century.
I only want to go as far as that point; where
we shall find the old superstitious art represented
finally by Perugino, and the modern scientific
and anatomical art represented primarily by
Michael Angelo. And the epithet bestowed on Perugino
by Michael Angelo, ‘goffo nell’
arte,’ dunce, or blockhead, in art, being,
as far as my knowledge of history extends, the most
cruel, the most false, and the most foolish insult
ever offered by one great man to another, does
you at least good service, in showing how trenchant
the separation is between the two orders of artists, how
exclusively we may follow out the history of all the
‘goffi nell’ arte,’ and
write our Florentine Dunciad, and Laus Stultitiae,
in peace; and never trench upon the thoughts or ways
of these proud ones, who showed their fathers’
nakedness, and snatched their masters’ fame.
47. The Florentine dunces in
art are a multitude; but I only want you to know something
about twenty of them.
Twenty! you think that
a grievous number? It may, perhaps, appease you
a little to be told that when you really have learned
a very little, accurately, about these twenty dunces,
there are only five more men among the artists of
Christendom whose works I shall ask you to examine
while you are under my care. That makes twenty-five
altogether, an exorbitant demand on your
attention, you still think? And yet, but a little
while ago, you were all agog to get me to go and look
at Mrs. A’s sketches, and tell you what was
to be thought about them; and I’ve had
the greatest difficulty to keep Mrs. B’s photographs
from being shown side by side with the Raphael drawings
in the University galleries. And you will waste
any quantity of time in looking at Mrs. A’s sketches
or Mrs. B’s photographs; and yet you look grave,
because, out of nineteen centuries of European art-labor
and thought, I ask you to learn something seriously
about the works of five-and-twenty men!
48. It is hard upon you, doubtless,
considering the quantity of time you must nowadays
spend in trying which can hit balls farthest.
So I will put the task into the simplest form I can.
Here are the names of the twenty-five
men, and opposite each, a line indicating the length
of his life, and the position of it in his century.
The diagram still, however, needs a few words of explanation.
Very chiefly, for those who know anything of my writings,
there is needed explanation of its not including the
names of Titian, Reynolds, Velasquez, Turner, and
other such men, always reverently put before you at
other times.
They are absent, because I have no
fear of your not looking at these. All your lives
through, if you care about art, you will be looking
at them. But while you are here at Oxford, I
want to make you learn what you should know of these
earlier, many of them weaker, men, who yet, for the
very reason of their greater simplicity of power, are
better guides for you, and of whom some will remain
guides to all generations. And, as regards the
subject of our present course, I have a still more
weighty reason; Vandyke, Gainsborough, Titian,
Reynolds, Velasquez, and the rest, are essentially
portrait painters. They give you the likeness
of a man: they have nothing to say either about
his future life, or his gods. ‘That is
the look of him,’ they say: ’here,
on earth, we know no more.’
49. But these, whose names I
have engraved, have something to say generally
much, either about the future life of man,
or about his gods. They are therefore, literally,
seers or prophets. False prophets, it may be,
or foolish ones; of that you must judge; but you must
read before you can judge; and read (or hear) them
consistently; for you don’t know them till you
have heard them out. But with Sir Joshua, or
Titian, one portrait is as another: it is here
a pretty lady, there a great lord; but speechless,
all; whereas, with these twenty-five men,
each picture or statue is not merely another person
of a pleasant society, but another chapter of a Sibylline
book.
50. For this reason, then, I
do not want Sir Joshua or Velasquez in my defined
group; and for my present purpose, I can spare from
it even four others: namely, three who
have too special gifts, and must each be separately
studied Correggio, Carpaccio, Tintoret; and
one who has no special gift, but a balanced group
of many Cima. This leaves twenty-one
for classification, of whom I will ask you to lay hold
thus. You must continually have felt the difficulty
caused by the names of centuries not tallying with
their years; the year 1201 being the first
of the thirteenth century, and so on. I am always
plagued by it myself, much as I have to think and
write with reference to chronology; and I mean for
the future, in our art chronology, to use as far as
possible a different form of notation.
51. In my diagram the vertical
lines are the divisions of tens of years; the thick
black lines divide the centuries. The horizontal
lines, then, at a glance, tell you the length and
date of each artist’s life. In one or two
instances I cannot find the date of birth; in one or
two more, of death; and the line indicates then only
the ascertained period during which the artist
worked.
And, thus represented, you see nearly
all their lives run through the year of a new century;
so that if the lines representing them were needles,
and the black bars of the years 1300, 1400, 1500 were
magnets, I could take up nearly all the needles by
lifting the bars.
52. I will actually do this,
then, in three other simple diagrams. I place
a rod for the year 1300 over the lines of life, and
I take up all it touches. I have to drop Niccola
Pisano, but I catch five. Now, with my rod of
1400, I have dropped Orcagna indeed, but I again catch
five. Now, with my rod of 1500, I indeed drop
Filippo Lippi and Verrocchio, but I catch seven.
And here I have three pennons, with the staves
of the years 1300, 1400, and 1500 running through
them, holding the names of nearly all the
men I want you to study in easily remembered groups
of five, five, and seven. And these three groups
I shall hereafter call the 1300 group, 1400 group,
and 1500 group.
53. But why should four unfortunate
masters be dropped out?
Well, I want to drop them out, at
any rate; but not in disrespect. In hope, on
the contrary, to make you remember them very separately
indeed; for this following reason.
We are in the careless habit of speaking
of men who form a great number of pupils, and have
a host of inferior satellites round them, as masters
of great schools.
But before you call a man a master,
you should ask, Are his pupils greater or less than
himself? If they are greater than himself, he
is a master indeed; he has been a true
teacher. But if all his pupils are less than
himself, he may have been a great man, but in
all probability has been a bad master, or no
master.
Now these men, whom I have signally
left out of my groups, are true Masters.
Niccola Pisano taught all Italy; but
chiefly his own son, who succeeded, and in some things
very much surpassed him.
Orcagna taught all Italy, after him,
down to Michael Angelo. And these two Lippi,
the religious schools, Verrocchio, the artist schools,
of their century.
Lippi taught Sandro Botticelli;
and Verrocchio taught Lionardo da Vinci,
Lorenzo di Credi, and Perugino.
Have I not good reason to separate the masters of
such pupils from the schools they created?
54. But how is it that I can
drop just the cards I want out of my pack?
Well, certainly I force and fit matters
a little: I leave some men out of my list whom
I should like to have in it; Benozzo Gozzoli,
for instance, and Mino da Fiesole; but I
can do without them, and so can you also, for the
present. I catch Luca by a hair’s-breadth
only, with my 1400 rod; but on the whole, with very
little coaxing, I get the groups in this memorable
and quite literally ‘handy’ form.
For see, I write my lists of five, five, and seven,
on bits of pasteboard; I hinge my rods to these; and
you can brandish the school of 1400 in your left hand,
and of 1500 in your right, like railway
signals; and I wish all railway signals
were as clear. Once learn, thoroughly, the groups
in this artificially contracted form, and you can
refine and complete afterwards at your leisure.
55. And thus actually flourishing
my two pennons, and getting my grip of the men,
in either hand, I find a notable thing concerning my
two flags. The men whose names I hold in my left
hand are all sculptors; the men whose names I hold
in my right are all painters.
You will infallibly suspect me of
having chosen them thus on purpose. No, honor
bright! I chose simply the greatest men, those
I wanted to talk to you about. I arranged them
by their dates; I put them into three conclusive pennons;
and behold what follows!
56. Farther, note this:
in the 1300 group, four out of the five men are architects
as well as sculptors and painters. In the 1400
group, there is one architect; in the 1500, none.
And the meaning of that is, that in 1300 the arts
were all united, and duly led by architecture; in 1400,
sculpture began to assume too separate a power to herself;
in 1500, painting arrogated all, and, at last, betrayed
all. From which, with much other collateral evidence,
you may justly conclude that the three arts ought
to be practiced together, and that they naturally are
so. I long since asserted that no man could be
an architect who was not a sculptor. As I learned
more and more of my business, I perceived also that
no man could be a sculptor who was not an architect; that
is to say, who had not knowledge enough, and pleasure
enough in structural law, to be able to build, on
occasion, better than a mere builder. And so,
finally, I now positively aver to you that nobody,
in the graphic arts, can be quite rightly a master
of anything, who is not master of everything!
57. The junction of the three
arts in men’s minds, at the best times, is shortly
signified in these words of Chaucer. Love’s
Garden,
Everidele
Enclosed was, and walled well
With high walls, embatailled,
Portrayed without, and well
entayled
With many rich portraitures.
The French original is better still,
and gives four arts in unison:
Quant suis avant
un pou ale
Et vy un vergier grant et
lé,
Bien cloz de bon mur
batillie
Pourtrait dehors, et
entaillie
Ou (for au) maintes riches
escriptures.
Read also carefully the description
of the temples of Mars and Venus in the Knight’s
Tale. Contemporary French uses ‘entaille’
even of solid sculpture and of the living form; and
Pygmalion, as a perfect master, professes wood carving,
ivory carving, waxwork, and iron-work, no less than
stone sculpture:
Pimalion, uns entaillieres
Pourtraians en fuz et
en pierres,
En mettaux, en os,
et en cire,
Et en toute
autre matire.
58. I made a little sketch, when
last in Florence, of a subject which will fix the
idea of this unity of the arts in your minds.
At the base of the tower of Giotto are two rows of
hexagonal panels, filled with bas-reliefs. Some
of these are by unknown hands, some by Andrea
Pisano, some by Luca della Robbia, two by
Giotto himself; of these I sketched the panel representing
the art of Painting.
You have in that bas-relief one of
the foundation-stones of the most perfectly built
tower in Europe; you have that stone carved by its
architect’s own hand; you find, further, that
this architect and sculptor was the greatest painter
of his time, and the friend of the greatest poet;
and you have represented by him a painter in his shop, bottega, as
symbolic of the entire art of painting.
59. In which representation,
please note how carefully Giotto shows you the tabernacles
or niches, in which the paintings are to be placed.
Not independent of their frames, these panels of his,
you see!
Have you ever considered, in the early
history of painting, how important also is the history
of the frame maker? It is a matter, I assure
you, needing your very best consideration. For
the frame was made before the picture. The painted
window is much, but the aperture it fills was thought
of before it. The fresco by Giotto is much, but
the vault it adorns was planned first. Who thought
of these; who built?
Questions taking us far back before
the birth of the shepherd boy of Fesole questions
not to be answered by history of painting only, still
less of painting in Italy only.
60. And in pointing out to you
this fact, I may once for all prove to you the essential
unity of the arts, and show you how impossible it is
to understand one without reference to another.
Which I wish you to observe all the more closely,
that you may use, without danger of being misled,
the data, of unequaled value, which have been collected
by Crowe and Cavalcaselle, in the book which they
have called a History of Painting in Italy, but which
is in fact only a dictionary of details relating to
that history. Such a title is an absurdity on
the face of it. For, first, you can no more write
the history of painting in Italy than you can write
the history of the south wind in Italy. The sirocco
does indeed produce certain effects at Genoa, and others
at Rome; but what would be the value of a treatise
upon the winds, which, for the honor of any country,
assumed that every city of it had a native sirocco?
But, further, imagine what
success would attend the meteorologist who should
set himself to give an account of the south wind, but
take no notice of the north!
And, finally, suppose an attempt to
give you an account of either wind, but none of the
seas, or mountain passes, by which they were nourished,
or directed.
61. For instance, I am in this
course of lectures to give you an account of a single
and minor branch of graphic art, engraving.
But observe how many references to local circumstances
it involves. There are three materials for it,
we said; stone, wood, and metal. Stone
engraving is the art of countries possessing marble
and gems; wood engraving, of countries overgrown with
forest; metal engraving, of countries possessing treasures
of silver and gold. And the style of a stone
engraver is formed on pillars and pyramids; the style
of a wood engraver under the eaves of larch cottages;
the style of a metal engraver in the treasuries of
kings. Do you suppose I could rightly explain
to you the value of a single touch on brass by Finiguerra,
or on box by Bewick, unless I had grasp of the great
laws of climate and country; and could trace the inherited
sirocco or tramontana of thought to which the
souls and bodies of the men owed their existence?
62. You see that in this flag
of 1300 there is a dark strong line in the center,
against which you read the name of Arnolfo.
In writing our Florentine Dunciad,
or History of Fools, can we possibly begin with a
better day than All Fools’ Day? On All Fools’
Day the first, if you like better so to
call it, of the month of opening, in
the year 1300, is signed the document making Arnolfo
a citizen of Florence, and in 1310 he dies, chief
master of the works of the cathedral there. To
this man, Crowe and Cavalcaselle give half a page,
out of three volumes of five hundred pages each.
But lower down in my flag, (not put
there because of any inferiority, but by order of
chronology,) you will see a name sufficiently familiar
to you that of Giotto; and to him, our historians
of painting in Italy give some hundred pages, under
the impression, stated by them at page 243 of their
volume, that “in his hands, art in the Peninsula
became entitled for the first time to the name of
Italian.”
63. Art became Italian!
Yes, but what art? Your authors give a
perspective or what they call such, of
the upper church of Assisi, as if that were merely
an accidental occurrence of blind walls for Giotto
to paint on!
But how came the upper church of Assisi
there? How came it to be vaulted to
be aisled? How came Giotto to be asked to paint
upon it?
The art that built it, good or bad,
must have been an Italian one, before Giotto.
He could not have painted on the air. Let us see
how his panels were made for him.
64. This Captain the
center of our first group Arnolfo, has always
hitherto been called ’Arnolfo di Lapo;’ Arnolfo
the son of Lapo.
Modern investigators come down on
us delightedly, to tell us Arnolfo was
not the son of Lapo.
In these days you will have half a
dozen doctors, writing each a long book, and the sense
of all will be, Arnolfo wasn’t the
son of Lapo. Much good may you get of that!
Well, you will find the fact to be,
there was a great Northman builder, a true son of
Thor, who came down into Italy in 1200, served the
order of St. Francis there, built Assisi, taught Arnolfo
how to build, with Thor’s hammer, and disappeared,
leaving his name uncertain Jacopo Lapo nobody
knows what. Arnolfo always recognizes this man
as his true father, who put the soul-life into him;
he is known to his Florentines always as Lapo’s
Arnolfo.
That, or some likeness of that, is
the vital fact. You never can get at the literal
limitation of living facts. They disguise themselves
by the very strength of their life: get told
again and again in different ways by all manner of
people; the literalness of them is turned
topsy-turvy, inside-out, over and over again; then
the fools come and read them wrong side upwards, or
else, say there never was a fact at all. Nothing
delights a true blockhead so much as to prove a negative; to
show that everybody has been wrong. Fancy the
delicious sensation, to an empty-headed creature,
of fancying for a moment that he has emptied everybody
else’s head as well as his own! nay, that, for
once, his own hollow bottle of a head has had the
best of other bottles, and has been first empty; first
to know nothing.
65. Hold, then, steadily the
first tradition about this Arnolfo. That his
real father was called “Cambio” matters
to you not a straw. That he never called himself
Cambio’s Arnolfo that nobody else
ever called him so, down to Vasari’s time, is
an infinitely significant fact to you. In my
twenty-second letter in Fors Clavigera you
will find some account of the noble habit of the Italian
artists to call themselves by their masters’
names, considering their master as their true father.
If not the name of the master, they take that of their
native place, as having owed the character of their
life to that. They rarely take their own family
name: sometimes it is not even known, when
best known, it is unfamiliar to us. The great
Pisan artists, for instance, never bear any other
name than ‘the Pisan;’ among the other
five-and-twenty names in my list, not above six, I
think, the two German, with four Italian, are family
names. Perugino, (Peter of Perugia,) Luini, (Bernard
of Luino,) Quercia, (James of Quercia,) Correggio,
(Anthony of Correggio,) are named from their native
places. Nobody would have understood me if I had
called Giotto, ‘Ambrose Bondone;’ or Tintoret,
Robusti; or even Raphael, Sanzio. Botticelli
is named from his master; Ghiberti from his father-in-law;
and Ghirlandajo from his work. Orcagna, who did,
for a wonder, name himself from his father, Andrea
Cione, of Florence, has been always called ‘Angel’
by everybody else; while Arnolfo, who never named
himself from his father, is now like to be fathered
against his will.
But, I again beg of you, keep to the
old story. For it represents, however inaccurately
in detail, clearly in sum, the fact, that some great
master of German Gothic at this time came down into
Italy, and changed the entire form of Italian architecture
by his touch. So that while Niccola and Giovanni
Pisano are still virtually Greek artists, experimentally
introducing Gothic forms, Arnolfo and Giotto adopt
the entire Gothic ideal of form, and thenceforward
use the pointed arch and steep gable as the limits
of sculpture.
66. Hitherto I have been speaking
of the relations of my twenty-five men to each other.
But now, please note their relations altogether to
the art before them. These twenty-five include,
I say, all the great masters of Christian art.
Before them, the art was too savage
to be Christian; afterwards, too carnal to be Christian.
Too savage to be Christian? I
will justify that assertion hereafter; but you will
find that the European art of 1200 includes all the
most developed and characteristic conditions of the
style in the north which you have probably been accustomed
to think of as NORMAN, and which you may always most
conveniently call so; and the most developed conditions
of the style in the south, which, formed out of effete
Greek, Persian, and Roman tradition, you may, in like
manner, most conveniently express by the familiar
word BYZANTINE. Whatever you call them, they are
in origin adverse in temper, and remain so up to the
year 1200. Then an influence appears, seemingly
that of one man, Nicholas the Pisan, (our first MASTER,
observe,) and a new spirit adopts what is best in each,
and gives to what it adopts a new energy of its own;
namely, this conscientious and didactic power which
is the speciality of its progressive existence.
And just as the new-born and natural art of Athens
collects and reanimates Pelasgian and Egyptian tradition,
purifying their worship, and perfecting their work,
into the living heathen faith of the world, so this
new-born and natural art of Florence collects and
animates the Norman and Byzantine tradition, and forms
out of the perfected worship and work of both, the
honest Christian faith, and vital craftsmanship, of
the world.
67. Get this first summary, therefore,
well into your minds. The word ‘Norman’
I use roughly for North-savage; roughly,
but advisedly. I mean Lombard, Scandinavian,
Frankish; everything north-savage that you can think
of, except Saxon. (I have a reason for that exception;
never mind it just now.)
All north-savage I call NORMAN, all
south-savage I call BYZANTINE; this latter including
dead native Greek primarily then dead foreign
Greek, in Rome; then Arabian Persian Phoenician Indian all
you can think of, in art of hot countries, up to this
year 1200, I rank under the one term Byzantine.
Now all this cold art Norman, and all this
hot art Byzantine, is virtually dead, till
1200. It has no conscience, no didactic power;
it is devoid of both, in the sense that dreams are.
Then in the thirteenth century, men
wake as if they heard an alarum through the whole
vault of heaven, and true human life begins again,
and the cradle of this life is the Val d’Arno.
There the northern and southern nations meet; there
they lay down their enmities; there they are first
baptized unto John’s baptism for the remission
of sins; there is born, and thence exiled, thought
faithless, for breaking the font of baptism to save
a child from drowning, in his ’bel San Giovanni,’ the
greatest of Christian poets; he who had pity even for
the lost.
68. Now, therefore, my whole
history of Christian architecture and painting
begins with this Baptistery of Florence, and with its
associated Cathedral. Arnolfo brought the one
into the form in which you now see it; he laid the
foundation of the other, and that to purpose, and
he is therefore the CAPTAIN of our first school.
For this Florentine Baptistery
is the great one of the world. Here is the center
of Christian knowledge and power.
And it is one piece of large engraving.
White substance, cut into, and filled with black,
and dark-green.
No more perfect work was afterwards
done; and I wish you to grasp the idea of this building
clearly and irrevocably, first, in order
(as I told you in a previous lecture) to quit yourselves
thoroughly of the idea that ornament should be decorated
construction; and, secondly, as the noblest type of
the intaglio ornamentation, which developed itself
into all minor application of black and white to engraving.
69. That it should do so first
at Florence, was the natural sequence, and the just
reward, of the ancient skill of Etruria in chased
metal-work. The effects produced in gold, either
by embossing or engraving, were the direct means of
giving interest to his surfaces at the command of
the ‘auri faber,’ or orfèvre:
and every conceivable artifice of studding, chiseling,
and interlacing was exhausted by the artists in gold,
who were at the head of the metal-workers, and from
whom the ranks of the sculptors were reinforced.
The old French word ‘orfroiz,’
(aurifrigia,) expresses essentially what we call ‘frosted’
work in gold; that which resembles small dew or crystals
of hoar-frost; the ‘frigia’ coming from
the Latin frigus. To chase, or enchase,
is not properly said of the gold; but of the jewel
which it secures with hoops or ridges, (French, enchasser).
Then the armorer, or cup and casket maker, added to
this kind of decoration that of flat inlaid enamel;
and the silver-worker, finding that the raised filigree
(still a staple at Genoa) only attracted tarnish, or
got crushed, early sought to decorate a surface which
would bear external friction, with labyrinths of safe
incision.
70. Of the security of
incision as a means of permanent decoration, as opposed
to ordinary carving, here is a beautiful instance in
the base of one of the external shafts of the Cathedral
of Lucca; thirteenth-century work, which by this time,
had it been carved in relief, would have been a shapeless
remnant of indecipherable bosses. But it is still
as safe as if it had been cut yesterday, because the
smooth round mass of the pillar is entirely undisturbed;
into that, furrows are cut with a chisel as much under
command and as powerful as a burin. The effect
of the design is trusted entirely to the depth of
these incisions here dying out and expiring
in the light of the marble, there deepened, by drill
holes, into as definitely a black line as if it were
drawn with ink; and describing the outline of the
leafage with a delicacy of touch and of perception
which no man will ever surpass, and which very few
have rivaled, in the proudest days of design.
71. This security, in silver
plates, was completed by filling the furrows with
the black paste which at once exhibited and preserved
them. The transition from that niello-work to
modern engraving is one of no real moment: my
object is to make you understand the qualities which
constitute the merit of the engraving, whether
charged with niello or ink. And this I hope ultimately
to accomplish by studying with you some of the works
of the four men, Botticelli and Mantegna in the south,
Duerer and Holbein in the north, whose names I have
put in our last flag, above and beneath those of the
three mighty painters, Perugino the captain, Bellini
on one side Luini on the other.
The four following lectures will
contain data necessary for such study: you must
wait longer before I can place before you those by
which I can justify what must greatly surprise some
of my audience my having given Perugino
the captain’s place among the three painters.
72. But I do so, at least primarily,
because what is commonly thought affected in his design
is indeed the true remains of the great architectural
symmetry which was soon to be lost, and which makes
him the true follower of Arnolfo and Brunelleschi;
and because he is a sound craftsman and workman to
the very heart’s core. A noble, gracious,
and quiet laborer from youth to death, never
weary, never impatient, never untender, never untrue.
Not Tintoret in power, not Raphael in flexibility,
not Holbein in veracity, not Luini in love, their
gathered gifts he has, in balanced and fruitful measure,
fit to be the guide, and impulse, and father of all.