Sec. I. I trust that the reader
has been enabled, by the preceding chapters, to form
some conception of the magnificence of the streets
of Venice during the course of the thirteenth and
fourteenth centuries. Yet by all this magnificence
she was not supremely distinguished above the other
cities of the middle ages. Her early edifices
have been preserved to our times by the circuit of
her waves; while continual recurrences of ruin have
defaced the glory of her sister cities. But such
fragments as are still left in their lonely squares,
and in the corners of their streets, so far from being
inferior to the buildings of Venice, are even more
rich, more finished, more admirable in invention, more
exuberant in beauty. And although, in the North
of Europe, civilization was less advanced, and the
knowledge of the arts was more confined to the ecclesiastical
orders, so that, for domestic architecture, the period
of perfection must be there placed much later than
in Italy, and considered as extending to the middle
of the fifteenth century; yet, as each city reached
a certain point in civilization, its streets became
decorated with the same magnificence, varied only
in style according to the materials at hand, and temper
of the people. And I am not aware of any town
of wealth and importance in the middle ages, in which
some proof does not exist, that, at its period of
greatest energy and prosperity, its streets were inwrought
with rich sculpture, and even (though in this, as
before noticed, Venice always stood supreme) glowing
with color and with gold. Now, therefore, let
the reader, forming for himself as vivid
and real a conception as he is able, either of a group
of Venetian palaces in the fourteenth century, or,
if he likes better, of one of the more fantastic but
even richer street scenes of Rouen, Antwerp, Cologne,
or Nuremberg, and keeping this gorgeous image before
him, go out into any thoroughfare, representative,
in a general and characteristic way, of the feeling
for domestic architecture in modern times; let him,
for instance, if in London, walk once up and down
Harley Street, or Baker Street, or Gower Street; and
then, looking upon this picture and on this, set himself
to consider (for this is to be the subject of our
following and final inquiry) what have been the causes
which have induced so vast a change in the European
mind.
Sec. II. Renaissance architecture
is the school which has conducted men’s inventive
and constructive faculties from the Grand Canal to
Gower Street; from the marble shaft, and the lancet
arch, and the wreathed leafage, and the glowing and
melting harmony of gold and azure, to the square cavity
in the brick wall. We have now to consider the
causes and the steps of this change; and, as we endeavored
above to investigate the nature of Gothic, here to
investigate also the nature of Renaissance.
Sec. III. Although Renaissance
architecture assumes very different forms among different
nations, it may be conveniently referred to three
heads: Early Renaissance, consisting of
the first corruptions introduced into the Gothic
schools: Central or Roman Renaissance, which
is the perfectly formed style: and Grotesque Renaissance,
which is the corruption of the Renaissance itself.
Sec. IV. Now, in order to
do full justice to the adverse cause, we will consider
the abstract nature of the school with reference
only to its best or central examples. The forms
of building which must be classed generally under
the term early Renaissance are, in many cases,
only the extravagances and corruptions of
the languid Gothic, for whose errors the classical
principle is in no wise answerable. It was stated
in the second chapter of the “Seven Lamps,”
that, unless luxury had enervated and subtlety falsified
the Gothic forms, Roman traditions could not have
prevailed against them; and, although these enervated
and false conditions are almost instantly colored
by the classical influence, it would be utterly unfair
to lay to the charge of that influence the first debasement
of the earlier schools, which had lost the strength
of their system before they could be struck by the
plague.
Sec. V. The manner, however,
of the debasement of all schools of art, so far as
it is natural, is in all ages the same; luxuriance
of ornament, refinement of execution, and idle subtleties
of fancy, taking the place of true thought and firm
handling: and I do not intend to delay the reader
long by the Gothic sick-bed, for our task is not so
much to watch the wasting of fever in the features
of the expiring king, as to trace the character of
that Hazael who dipped the cloth in water, and laid
it upon his face, Nevertheless, it is necessary to
the completeness of our view of the architecture of
Venice, as well as to our understanding of the manner
in which the Central Renaissance obtained its universal
dominion, that we glance briefly at the principal forms
into which Venetian Gothic first declined. They
are two in number: one the corruption of the
Gothic itself; the other a partial return to Byzantine
forms; for the Venetian mind having carried the Gothic
to a point at which it was dissatisfied, tried to
retrace its steps, fell back first upon Byzantine
types, and through them passed to the first Roman.
But in thus retracing its steps, it does not recover
its own lost energy. It revisits the places through
which it had passed in the morning light, but it is
now with wearied limbs, and under the gloomy shadows
of evening.
Sec. VI. It has just been
said that the two principal causes of natural decline
in any school, are over-luxuriance and over-refinement.
The corrupt Gothic of Venice furnishes us with a curious
instance of the one, and the corrupt Byzantine of
the other. We shall examine them in succession.
Now, observe, first, I do not mean
by luxuriance of ornament, quantity
of ornament. In the best Gothic in the world there
is hardly an inch of stone left unsculptured.
But I mean that character of extravagance in the ornament
itself which shows that it was addressed to jaded
faculties; a violence and coarseness in curvature,
a depth of shadow, a lusciousness in arrangement of
line, evidently arising out of an incapability of
feeling the true beauty of chaste form and restrained
power. I do not know any character of design which
may be more easily recognized at a glance than this
over-lusciousness; and yet it seems to me that at
the present day there is nothing so little understood
as the essential difference between chasteness and
extravagance, whether in color, shade, or lines.
We speak loosely and inaccurately of “overcharged”
ornament, with an obscure feeling that there is indeed
something in visible Form which is correspondent to
Intemperance in moral habits; but without any distinct
detection of the character which offends us, far less
with any understanding of the most important lesson
which there can be no doubt was intended to be conveyed
by the universality of this ornamental law.
Sec. VII. In a word, then,
the safeguard of highest beauty, in all visible work,
is exactly that which is also the safeguard of conduct
in the soul, Temperance, in the broadest
sense; the Temperance which we have seen sitting on
an equal throne with Justice amidst the Four Cardinal
Virtues, and, wanting which, there is not any other
virtue which may not lead us into desperate error.
Now, observe: Temperance, in the nobler sense,
does not mean a subdued and imperfect energy; it does
not mean a stopping short in any good thing, as in
Love or in Faith; but it means the power which governs
the most intense energy, and prevents its acting in
any way but as it ought. And with respect to things
in which there may be excess, it does not mean imperfect
enjoyment of them; but the regulation of their quantity,
so that the enjoyment of them shall be greatest.
For instance, in the matter we have at present in hand,
temperance in color does not mean imperfect or dull
enjoyment of color; but it means that government of
color which shall bring the utmost possible enjoyment
out of all hues. A bad colorist does not love
beautiful color better than the best colorist does,
nor half so much. But he indulges in it to excess;
he uses it in large masses, and unsubdued; and then
it is a law of Nature, a law as universal as that of
gravitation, that he shall not be able to enjoy it
so much as if he had used it in less quantity.
His eye is jaded and satiated, and the blue and red
have life in them no more. He tries to paint them
bluer and redder, in vain: all the blue has become
grey, and gets greyer the more he adds to it; all
his crimson has become brown, and gets more sere and
autumnal the more he deepens it. But the great
painter is sternly temperate in his work; he loves
the vivid color with all his heart; but for a long
time he does not allow himself anything like it, nothing
but sober browns and dull greys, and colors that have
no conceivable beauty in them; but these by his government
become lovely: and after bringing out of them
all the life and power they possess, and enjoying them
to the uttermost, cautiously, and as the
crown of the work, and the consummation of its music,
he permits the momentary crimson and azure, and the
whole canvas is in a flame.
Sec. VIII. Again, in curvature,
which is the cause of loveliness in all form; the
bad designer does not enjoy it more than the great
designer, but he indulges in it till his eye is satiated,
and he cannot obtain enough of it to touch his jaded
feeling for grace. But the great and temperate
designer does not allow himself any violent curves;
he works much with lines in which the curvature, though
always existing, is long before it is perceived.
He dwells on all these subdued curvatures to the uttermost,
and opposes them with still severer lines to bring
them out in fuller sweetness; and, at last, he allows
himself a momentary curve of energy, and all the work
is, in an instant, full of life and grace.
The curves drawn in Plate vii.
of the first volume, were chosen entirely to show
this character of dignity and restraint, as it appears
in the lines of nature, together with the perpetual
changefulness of the degrees of curvature in one and
the same line; but although the purpose of that plate
was carefully explained in the chapter which it illustrates,
as well as in the passages of “Modern Painters”
therein referred to (vol. ii. pp. 43, 79),
so little are we now in the habit of considering the
character of abstract lines, that it was thought by
many persons that this plate only illustrated Hogarth’s
reversed line of beauty, even although the curve of
the salvia leaf, which was the one taken from
that plate for future use, in architecture, was not
a reversed or serpentine curve at all. I shall
now, however, I hope, be able to show my meaning better.
Sec. IX. Fi in Plate
I., opposite, is a piece of ornamentation from a Norman-French
manuscript of the thirteenth century, and fi from
an Italian one of the fifteenth. Observe in the
first its stern moderation in curvature; the gradually
united lines nearly straight, though none quite
straight, used for its main limb, and contrasted with
the bold but simple offshoots of its leaves, and the
noble spiral from which it shoots, these in their
turn opposed by the sharp trefoils and thorny cusps.
And see what a reserve of resource there is in the
whole; how easy it would have been to make the curves
more palpable and the foliage more rich, and how the
noble hand has stayed itself, and refused to grant
one wave of motion more.
Sec. X. Then observe the other
example, in which, while the same idea is continually
repeated, excitement and interest are sought for by
means of violent and continual curvatures wholly unrestrained,
and rolling hither and thither in confused wantonness.
Compare the character of the separate lines in these
two examples carefully, and be assured that wherever
this redundant and luxurious curvature shows itself
in ornamentation, it is a sign of jaded energy and
failing invention. Do not confuse it with fulness
or richness. Wealth is not necessarily wantonness:
a Gothic moulding may be buried half a foot deep in
thorns and leaves, and yet will be chaste in every
line; and a late Renaissance moulding may be utterly
barren and poverty-stricken, and yet will show the
disposition to luxury in every line.
Sec. XI. Plate XX., in the
second volume, though prepared for the special illustration
of the notices of capitals, becomes peculiarly interesting
when considered in relation to the points at present
under consideration. The four leaves in the upper
row are Byzantine; the two middle rows are transitional,
all but fi, which is of the formed Gothic; fi is perfect Gothic of the finest time (Ducal Palace,
oldest part), fi is Gothic beginning to decline,
fi is Renaissance Gothic in complete corruption.
Now observe, first, the Gothic naturalism
advancing gradually from the Byzantine severity; how
from the sharp, hard, formalized conventionality of
the upper series the leaves gradually expand into more
free and flexible animation, until in fi we have
the perfect living leaf as if fresh gathered out of
the dew. And then, in the last two examples and
partly in fi, observe how the forms which can
advance no longer in animation, advance, or rather
decline, into luxury and effeminacy as the strength
of the school expires.
Sec. XII. In the second
place, note that the Byzantine and Gothic schools,
however differing in degree of life, are both alike
in temperance, though the temperance of the
Gothic is the nobler, because it consists with entire
animation. Observe how severe and subtle the curvatures
are in all the leaves from fi to fi, except
only in fi; and observe especially the firmness
and strength obtained by the close approximation to
the straight line in the lateral ribs of the leaf,
fi. The longer the eye rests on these temperate
curvatures the more it will enjoy them, but it will
assuredly in the end be wearied by the morbid exaggeration
of the last example.
Sec. XIII. Finally, observe and
this is very important how one and the
same character in the work may be a sign of totally
different states of mind, and therefore in one case
bad, and in the other good. The examples, fi. and fi., are both equally pure in line; but
one is subdivided in the extreme, the other broad
in the extreme, and both are beautiful. The Byzantine
mind delighted in the delicacy of subdivision which
nature shows in the fern-leaf or parsley-leaf; and
so, also, often the Gothic mind, much enjoying the
oak, thorn, and thistle. But the builder of the
Ducal Palace used great breadth in his foliage, in
order to harmonize with the broad surface of his mighty
wall, and delighted in this breadth as nature delights
in the sweeping freshness of the dock-leaf or water-lily.
Both breadth and subdivision are thus noble, when
they are contemplated or conceived by a mind in health;
and both become ignoble, when conceived by a mind
jaded and satiated. The subdivision in fi
as compared with the type, fi, which it was intended
to improve, is the sign, not of a mind which loved
intricacy, but of one which could not relish simplicity,
which had not strength enough to enjoy the broad masses
of the earlier leaves, and cut them to pieces idly,
like a child tearing the book which, in its weariness,
it cannot read. And on the other hand, we shall
continually find, in other examples of work of the
same period, an unwholesome breadth or heaviness,
which results from the mind having no longer any care
for refinement or precision, nor taking any delight
in delicate forms, but making all things blunted,
cumbrous, and dead, losing at the same time the sense
of the elasticity and spring of natural curves.
It is as if the soul of man, itself severed from the
root of its health, and about to fall into corruption,
lost the perception of life in all things around it;
and could no more distinguish the wave of the strong
branches, full of muscular strength and sanguine circulation,
from the lax bending of a broken cord, nor the sinuousness
of the edge of the leaf, crushed into deep folds by
the expansion of its living growth, from the wrinkled
contraction of its decay. Thus, in morals, there
is a care for trifles which proceeds from love and
conscience, and is most holy; and a care for trifles
which comes of idleness and frivolity, and is most
base. And so, also, there is a gravity proceeding
from thought, which is most noble; and a gravity proceeding
from dulness and mere incapability of enjoyment, which
is most base. Now, in the various forms assumed
by the later Gothic of Venice, there are one or two
features which, under other circumstances, would not
have been signs of decline; but, in the particular
manner of their occurrence here, indicate the fatal
weariness of decay. Of all these features the
most distinctive are its crockets and finials.
Sec. XIV. There is not to
be found a single crocket or finial upon any part
of the Ducal Palace built during the fourteenth century;
and although they occur on contemporary, and on some
much earlier, buildings, they either indicate detached
examples of schools not properly Venetian, or are
signs of incipient decline.
The reason of this is, that the finial
is properly the ornament of gabled architecture; it
is the compliance, in the minor features of the building,
with the spirit of its towers, ridged roof, and spires.
Venetian building is not gabled, but horizontal in
its roots and general masses; therefore the finial
is a feature contradictory to its spirit, and adopted
only in that search for morbid excitement which is
the infallible indication of decline. When it
occurs earlier, it is on fragments of true gabled
architecture, as, for instance, on the porch of the
Carmini.
In proportion to the unjustifiableness
of its introduction was the extravagance of the form
it assumed; becoming, sometimes, a tuft at the top
of the ogee windows, half as high as the arch itself,
and consisting, in the richest examples, of a human
figure, half emergent out of a cup of leafage, as,
for instance, in the small archway of the Campo San
Zaccaria: while the crockets, as being at the
side of the arch, and not so strictly connected with
its balance and symmetry, appear to consider themselves
at greater liberty even than the finials, and fling
themselves, hither and thither, in the wildest contortions.
Fi. in Plate I, is the outline of one, carved in
stone, from the later Gothic of St. Mark’s;
fi. a crocket from the fine Veronese Gothic; in
order to enable the reader to discern the Renaissance
character better by comparison with the examples of
curvature above them, taken from the manuscripts.
And not content with this exuberance in the external
ornaments of the arch, the finial interferes with its
traceries. The increased intricacy of these, as
such, being a natural process in the developement
of Gothic, would have been no evil; but they are corrupted
by the enrichment of the finial at the point of the
cusp, corrupted, that is to say, in Venice:
for at Verona the finial, in the form of a fleur-de-lis,
appears long previously at the cusp point, with exquisite
effect; and in our own best Northern Gothic it is
often used beautifully in this place, as in the window
from Salisbury, Plate XII. (Vol. II.), fi.
But in Venice, such a treatment of it was utterly
contrary to the severe spirit of the ancient traceries;
and the adoption of a leafy finial at the extremity
of the cusps in the door of San Stefano, as opposed
to the simple ball which terminates those of the Ducal
Palace, is an unmistakable indication of a tendency
to decline.
In like manner, the enrichment and
complication of the jamb mouldings, which, in other
schools, might and did take place in the healthiest
periods, are, at Venice, signs of decline, owing to
the entire inconsistency of such mouldings with the
ancient love of the single square jamb and archivolt.
The process of enrichment in them is shown by the
successive examples given in Plate vii., below.
They are numbered, and explained in the Appendix.
Sec. XV. The date at which
this corrupt form of Gothic first prevailed over the
early simplicity of the Venetian types can be determined
in an instant, on the steps of the choir of the Church
of St. John and Paul. On our left hand, as we
enter, is the tomb of the Doge Marco Cornaro, who
died in 1367. It is rich and fully developed Gothic,
with crockets and finials, but not yet attaining any
extravagant developement. Opposite to it is that
of the Doge Andrea Morosini, who died in 1382.
Its Gothic is voluptuous, and over-wrought; the crockets
are bold and florid, and the enormous finial represents
a statue of St. Michael. There is no excuse for
the antiquaries who, having this tomb before them,
could have attributed the severe architecture of the
Ducal Palace to a later date; for every one of the
Renaissance errors is here in complete developement,
though not so grossly as entirely to destroy the loveliness
of the Gothic forms. In the Porta della
Carta, 1423, the vice reaches its climax.
Sec. XVI. Against this degraded
Gothic, then, came up the Renaissance armies; and
their first assault was in the requirement of universal
perfection. For the first time since the destruction
of Rome, the world had seen, in the work of the greatest
artists of the fifteenth century, in the
painting of Ghirlandajo, Masaccio, Francia, Perugino,
Pinturicchio, and Bellini; in the sculpture of Mino
da Fiesole, of Ghiberti, and Verrocchio, a
perfection of execution and fulness of knowledge which
cast all previous art into the shade, and which, being
in the work of those men united with all that was great
in that of former days, did indeed justify the utmost
enthusiasm with which their efforts were, or could
be, regarded. But when this perfection had once
been exhibited in anything, it was required in everything;
the world could no longer be satisfied with less exquisite
execution, or less disciplined knowledge. The
first thing that it demanded in all work was, that
it should be done in a consummate and learned way;
and men altogether forgot that it was possible to
consummate what was contemptible, and to know what
was useless. Imperatively requiring dexterity
of touch, they gradually forgot to look for tenderness
of feeling; imperatively requiring accuracy of knowledge,
they gradually forgot to ask for originality of thought.
The thought and the feeling which they despised departed
from them, and they were left to felicitate themselves
on their small science and their neat fingering.
This is the history of the first attack of the Renaissance
upon the Gothic schools, and of its rapid results,
more fatal and immediate in architecture than in any
other art, because there the demand for perfection
was less reasonable, and less consistent with the
capabilities of the workman; being utterly opposed
to that rudeness or savageness on which, as we saw
above, the nobility of the elder schools in great
part depends. But inasmuch as the innovations
were founded on some of the most beautiful examples
of art, and headed by some of the greatest men that
the world ever saw, and as the Gothic with which they
interfered was corrupt and valueless, the first appearance
of the Renaissance feeling had the appearance of a
healthy movement. A new energy replaced whatever
weariness or dulness had affected the Gothic mind;
an exquisite taste and refinement, aided by extended
knowledge, furnished the first models of the new school;
and over the whole of Italy a style arose, generally
now known as cinque-cento, which in sculpture and
painting, as I just stated, produced the noblest masters
which the world ever saw, headed by Michael Angelo,
Raphael, and Leonardo; but which failed of doing the
same in architecture, because, as we have seen above,
perfection is therein not possible, and failed more
totally than it would otherwise have done, because
the classical enthusiasm had destroyed the best types
of architectural form.
Sec. XVII. For, observe
here very carefully, the Renaissance principle, as
it consisted in a demand for universal perfection,
is quite distinct from the Renaissance principle as
it consists in a demand for classical and Roman forms
of perfection. And if I had space to follow out
the subject as I should desire, I would first endeavor
to ascertain what might have been the course of the
art of Europe if no manuscripts of classical authors
had been recovered, and no remains of classical architecture
left, in the fifteenth century; so that the executive
perfection to which the efforts of all great men had
tended for five hundred years, and which now at last
was reached, might have been allowed to develope itself
in its own natural and proper form, in connexion with
the architectural structure of earlier schools.
This refinement and perfection had indeed its own
perils, and the history of later Italy, as she sank
into pleasure and thence into corruption, would probably
have been the same whether she had ever learned again
to write pure Latin or not. Still the inquiry
into the probable cause of the enervation which might
naturally have followed the highest exertion of her
energies, is a totally distinct one from that into
the particular form given to this enervation by her
classical learning; and it is matter of considerable
regret to me that I cannot treat these two subjects
separately: I must be content with marking them
for separation in the mind of the reader.
Sec. XVIII. The effect,
then, of the sudden enthusiasm for classical literature,
which gained strength during every hour of the fifteenth
century, was, as far as respected architecture, to
do away with the entire system of Gothic science.
The pointed arch, the shadowy vault, the clustered
shaft, the heaven-pointing spire, were all swept away;
and no structure was any longer permitted but that
of the plain cross-beam from pillar to pillar, over
the round arch, with square or circular shafts, and
a low-gabled roof and pediment: two elements of
noble form, which had fortunately existed in Rome,
were, however, for that reason, still permitted; the
cupola, and, internally, the waggon vault.
Sec. XIX. These changes
in form were all of them unfortunate; and it is almost
impossible to do justice to the occasionally exquisite
ornamentation of the fifteenth century, on account
of its being placed upon edifices of the cold and
meagre Roman outline. There is, as far as I know,
only one Gothic building in Europe, the Duomo of Florence,
in which, though the ornament be of a much earlier
school, it is yet so exquisitely finished as to enable
us to imagine what might have been the effect of the
perfect workmanship of the Renaissance, coming out
of the hands of men like Verrocchio and Ghiberti,
had it been employed on the magnificent framework
of Gothic structure. This is the question which,
as I shall note in the concluding chapter, we ought
to set ourselves practically to solve in modern times.
Sec. XX. The changes effected
in form, however, were the least part of the evil
principles of the Renaissance. As I have just
said, its main mistake, in its early stages, was the
unwholesome demand for perfection, at any cost.
I hope enough has been advanced, in the chapter on
the Nature of Gothic, to show the reader that perfection
is not to be had from the general workman,
but at the cost of everything, of his whole
life, thought, and energy. And Renaissance Europe
thought this a small price to pay for manipulative
perfection. Men like Verrocchio and Ghiberti
were not to be had every day, nor in every place;
and to require from the common workman execution or
knowledge like theirs, was to require him to become
their copyist. Their strength was great enough
to enable them to join science with invention, method
with emotion, finish with fire; but, in them, the invention
and the fire were first, while Europe saw in them
only the method and the finish. This was new
to the minds of men, and they pursued it to the neglect
of everything else. “This,” they cried,
“we must have in all our work henceforward:”
and they were obeyed. The lower workman secured
method and finish, and lost, in exchange for them,
his soul.
Sec. XXI. Now, therefore,
do not let me be misunderstood when I speak generally
of the evil spirit of the Renaissance. The reader
may look through all I have written, from first to
last, and he will not find one word but of the most
profound reverence for those mighty men who could
wear the Renaissance armor of proof, and yet not feel
it encumber their living limbs, Leonardo
and Michael Angelo, Ghirlandajo and Masaccio, Titian
and Tintoret. But I speak of the Renaissance as
an evil time, because, when it saw those men go burning
forth into the battle, it mistook their armor for
their strength: and forthwith encumbered with
the painful panoply every stripling who ought to have
gone forth only with his own choice of three smooth
stones out of the brook.
Sec. XXII. This, then, the
reader must always keep in mind when he is examining
for himself any examples of cinque-cento work.
When it has been done by a truly great man, whose
life and strength could not be oppressed, and who
turned to good account the whole science of his day,
nothing is more exquisite. I do not believe, for
instance, that there is a more glorious work of sculpture
existing in the world than that equestrian statue
of Bartolomeo Colleone, by Verrocchio, of which, I
hope, before these pages are printed, there will be
a cast in England. But when the cinque-cento
work has been done by those meaner men, who, in the
Gothic times, though in a rough way, would yet have
found some means of speaking out what was in their
hearts, it is utterly inanimate, a base
and helpless copy of more accomplished models; or,
if not this, a mere accumulation of technical skill,
in gaining which the workman had surrendered all other
powers that were in him.
There is, therefore, of course, an
infinite gradation in the art of the period, from
the Sistine Chapel down to modern upholstery; but,
for the most part, since in architecture the workman
must be of an inferior order, it will be found that
this cinque-cento painting and higher religious sculpture
is noble, while the cinque-cento architecture, with
its subordinate sculpture, is universally bad; sometimes,
however, assuming forms, in which the consummate refinement
almost atones for the loss of force.
Sec. XXIII. This is especially
the case with that second branch of the Renaissance
which, as above noticed, was engrafted at Venice on
the Byzantine types. So soon as the classical
enthusiasm required the banishment of Gothic forms,
it was natural that the Venetian mind should turn
back with affection to the Byzantine models in which
the round arches and simple shafts, necessitated by
recent law, were presented under a form consecrated
by the usage of their ancestors. And, accordingly,
the first distinct school of architecture which
arose under the new dynasty, was one in which the
method of inlaying marble, and the general forms of
shaft and arch, were adopted from the buildings of
the twelfth century, and applied with the utmost possible
refinements of modern skill. Both at Verona and
Venice the resulting architecture is exceedingly beautiful.
At Verona it is, indeed, less Byzantine, but possesses
a character of richness and tenderness almost peculiar
to that city. At Venice it is more severe, but
yet adorned with sculpture which, for sharpness of
touch and delicacy of minute form, cannot be rivalled,
and rendered especially brilliant and beautiful by
the introduction of those inlaid circles of colored
marble, serpentine, and porphyry, by which Phillippe
de Commynes was so much struck on his first entrance
into the city. The two most refined buildings
in this style in Venice are, the small Church of the
Miracoli, and the Scuola di San Marco
beside the Church of St. John and St. Paul. The
noblest is the Rio Façade of the Ducal Palace.
The Casa Dario, and Casa Manzoni, on the Grand Canal,
are exquisite examples of the school, as applied to
domestic architecture; and, in the reach of the canal
between the Casa Foscari and the Rialto, there are
several palaces, of which the Casa Contarini (called
“delle Figure”) is the principal, belonging
to the same group, though somewhat later, and remarkable
for the association of the Byzantine principles of
color with the severest lines of the Roman pediment,
gradually superseding the round arch. The precision
of chiselling and delicacy of proportion in the ornament
and general lines of these palaces cannot be too highly
praised; and I believe that the traveller in Venice,
in general, gives them rather too little attention
than too much. But while I would ask him to stay
his gondola beside each of them long enough to examine
their every line, I must also warn him to observe,
most carefully, the peculiar feebleness and want of
soul in the conception of their ornament, which mark
them as belonging to a period of decline; as well
as the absurd mode of introduction of their pieces
of colored marble: these, instead of being simply
and naturally inserted in the masonry, are placed
in small circular or oblong frames of sculpture, like
mirrors or pictures, and are represented as suspended
by ribands against the wall; a pair of wings being
generally fastened on to the circular tablets, as
if to relieve the ribands and knots from their weight,
and the whole series tied under the chin of a little
cherub at the top, who is nailed against the façade
like a hawk on a barn door.
But chiefly let him notice, in the
Casa Contarini delle Figure, one most strange incident,
seeming to have been permitted, like the choice of
the subjects at the three angles of the Ducal Palace,
in order to teach us, by a single lesson, the true
nature of the style in which it occurs. In the
intervals of the windows of the first story, certain
shields and torches are attached, in the form of trophies,
to the stems of two trees whose boughs have been cut
off, and only one or two of their faded leaves left,
scarcely observable, but delicately sculptured here
and there, beneath the insertions of the severed boughs.
It is as if the workman had intended
to leave us an image of the expiring naturalism of
the Gothic school. I had not seen this sculpture
when I wrote the passage referring to its period, in
the first volume of this work (Chap. XX.
Sec. XXXI.): “Autumn came, the
leaves were shed, and the eye was directed
to the extremities of the delicate branches. The
Renaissance frosts came, and all perished!”
Sec. XXIV. And the hues
of this autumn of the early Renaissance are the last
which appear in architecture. The winter which
succeeded was colorless as it was cold; and although
the Venetian painters struggled long against its influence,
the numbness of the architecture prevailed over them
at last, and the exteriors of all the latter palaces
were built only in barren stone. As at this point
of our inquiry, therefore, we must bid farewell to
color, I have reserved for this place the continuation
of the history of chromatic decoration, from the Byzantine
period, when we left it in the fifth chapter of the
second volume, down to its final close.
Sec. XXV. It was above stated,
that the principal difference in general form and
treatment between the Byzantine and Gothic palaces
was the contraction of the marble facing into the
narrow spaces between the windows, leaving large fields
of brick wall perfectly bare. The reason for
this appears to have been, that the Gothic builders
were no longer satisfied with the faint and delicate
hues of the veined marble; they wished for some more
forcible and piquant mode of decoration, corresponding
more completely with the gradually advancing splendor
of chivalric costume and heraldic device. What
I have said above of the simple habits of life of
the thirteenth century, in no wise refers either to
costumes of state, or of military service; and any
illumination of the thirteenth and early fourteenth
centuries (the great period being, it seems to me,
from 1250 to 1350), while it shows a peculiar majesty
and simplicity in the fall of the robes (often worn
over the chain armor), indicates, at the same time,
an exquisite brilliancy of color and power of design
in the hems and borders, as well as in the armorial
bearings with which they are charged; and while, as
we have seen, a peculiar simplicity is found also in
the forms of the architecture, corresponding
to that of the folds of the robes, its colors
were constantly increasing in brilliancy and decision,
corresponding to those of the quartering of the shield,
and of the embroidery of the mantle.
Sec. XXVI. Whether, indeed,
derived from the quarterings of the knights’
shields, or from what other source, I know not; but
there is one magnificent attribute of the coloring
of the late twelfth, the whole thirteenth, and the
early fourteenth century, which I do not find definitely
in any previous work, nor afterwards in general art,
though constantly, and necessarily, in that of great
colorists, namely, the union of one color with another
by reciprocal interference: that is to say, if
a mass of red is to be set beside a mass of blue, a
piece of the red will be carried into the blue, and
a piece of the blue carried into the red; sometimes
in nearly equal portions, as in a shield divided into
four quarters, of which the uppermost on one side will
be of the same color as the lowermost on the other;
sometimes in smaller fragments, but, in the periods
above named, always definitely and grandly, though
in a thousand various ways. And I call it a magnificent
principle, for it is an eternal and universal one,
not in art only, but in human life. It is
the great principle of Brotherhood, not by equality,
nor by likeness, but by giving and receiving; the
souls that are unlike, and the nations that are unlike,
and the natures that are unlike, being bound into
one noble whole by each receiving something from, and
of, the others’ gifts and the others’
glory. I have not space to follow out this thought, it
is of infinite extent and application, but
I note it for the reader’s pursuit, because
I have long believed, and the whole second volume
of “Modern Painters” was written to prove,
that in whatever has been made by the Deity externally
delightful to the human sense of beauty, there is
some type of God’s nature or of God’s laws;
nor are any of His laws, in one sense, greater than
the appointment that the most lovely and perfect unity
shall be obtained by the taking of one nature into
another. I trespass upon too high ground; and
yet I cannot fully show the reader the extent of this
law, but by leading him thus far. And it is just
because it is so vast and so awful a law, that it has
rule over the smallest things; and there is not a
vein of color on the lightest leaf which the spring
winds are at this moment unfolding in the fields around
us, but it is an illustration of an ordainment to which
the earth and its creatures owe their continuance,
and their Redemption.
Sec. XXVII. It is perfectly
inconceivable, until it has been made a subject of
special inquiry, how perpetually Nature employs this
principle in the distribution of her light and shade;
how by the most extraordinary adaptations, apparently
accidental, but always in exactly the right place,
she contrives to bring darkness into light, and light
into darkness; and that so sharply and decisively,
that at the very instant when one object changes from
light to dark, the thing relieved upon it will change
from dark to light, and yet so subtly that the eye
will not detect the transition till it looks for it.
The secret of a great part of the grandeur in all
the noblest compositions is the doing of this delicately
in degree, and broadly in mass; in color
it may be done much more decisively than in light
and shade, and, according to the simplicity of the
work, with greater frankness of confession, until,
in purely decorative art, as in the illumination,
glass-painting, and heraldry of the great periods,
we find it reduced to segmental accuracy. Its
greatest masters, in high art, are Tintoret, Veronese,
and Turner.
Sec. XXVIII. Together with
this great principle of quartering is introduced another,
also of very high value as far as regards the delight
of the eye, though not of so profound meaning.
As soon as color began to be used in broad and opposed
fields, it was perceived that the mass of it destroyed
its brilliancy, and it was tempered by chequering
it with some other color or colors in smaller quantities,
mingled with minute portions of pure white. The
two moral principles of which this is the type, are
those of Temperance and Purity; the one requiring the
fulness of the color to be subdued, and the other
that it shall be subdued without losing either its
own purity or that of the colors with which it is
associated.
Sec. XXIX. Hence arose the
universal and admirable system of the diapered or
chequered background of early ornamental art.
They are completely developed in the thirteenth century,
and extend through the whole of the fourteenth gradually
yielding to landscape, and other pictorial backgrounds,
as the designers lost perception of the purpose of
their art, and of the value of color. The chromatic
decoration of the Gothic palaces of Venice was of
course founded on these two great principles, which
prevailed constantly wherever the true chivalric and
Gothic spirit possessed any influence. The windows,
with their intermediate spaces of marble, were considered
as the objects to be relieved, and variously quartered
with vigorous color. The whole space of the brick
wall was considered as a background; it was covered
with stucco, and painted in fresco, with diaper patterns.
Sec. XXX. What? the reader
asks in some surprise, Stucco! and in the
great Gothic period? Even so, but not stucco
to imitate stone. Herein lies all the difference;
it is stucco confessed and understood, and laid on
the bricks precisely as gesso is laid on canvas, in
order to form them into a ground for receiving color
from the human hand, color which, if well
laid on, might render the brick wall more precious
than if it had been built of emeralds. Whenever
we wish to paint, we may prepare our paper as we choose;
the value of the ground in no wise adds to the value
of the picture. A Tintoret on beaten gold would
be of no more value than a Tintoret on coarse canvas;
the gold would merely be wasted. All that we
have to do is to make the ground as good and fit for
the color as possible, by whatever means.
Sec. XXXI. I am not sure
if I am right in applying the term “stucco”
to the ground of fresco; but this is of no consequence;
the reader will understand that it was white, and
that the whole wall of the palace was considered as
the page of a book to be illuminated: but he will
understand also that the sea winds are bad librarians;
that, when once the painted stucco began to fade or
to fall, the unsightliness of the defaced color would
necessitate its immediate restoration; and that therefore,
of all the chromatic decoration of the Gothic palaces,
there is hardly a fragment left.
Happily, in the pictures of Gentile
Bellini, the fresco coloring of the Gothic palaces
is recorded, as it still remained in his time; not
with rigid accuracy, but quite distinctly enough to
enable us, by comparing it with the existing colored
designs in the manuscripts and glass of the period,
to ascertain precisely what it must have been.
Sec. XXXII. The walls were
generally covered with chequers of very warm color,
a russet inclining to scarlet, more or less relieved
with white, black, and grey; as still seen in the
only example which, having been executed in marble,
has been perfectly preserved, the front of the Ducal
Palace. This, however, owing to the nature of
its materials, was a peculiarly simple example; the
ground is white, crossed with double bars of pale
red, and in the centre of each chequer there is a cross,
alternately black with a red centre and red with a
black centre where the arms cross. In painted
work the grounds would be, of course, as varied and
complicated as those of manuscripts; but I only know
of one example left, on the Casa Sagredo, where, on
some fragments of stucco, a very early chequer background
is traceable, composed of crimson quatrefoils interlaced,
with cherubim stretching their wings filling the intervals.
A small portion of this ground is seen beside the window
taken from the palace, Vol. II. Plate XIII.
fi.
Sec. XXXIII. It ought to
be especially noticed, that, in all chequered patterns
employed in the colored designs of these noble periods,
the greatest care is taken to mark that they are grounds
of design rather than designs themselves. Modern
architects, in such minor imitations as they are beginning
to attempt, endeavor to dispose the parts in the patterns
so as to occupy certain symmetrical positions with
respect to the parts of the architecture. A Gothic
builder never does this: he cuts his ground into
pieces of the shape he requires with utter remorselessness,
and places his windows or doors upon it with no regard
whatever to the lines in which they cut the pattern:
and, in illuminations of manuscripts, the chequer
itself is constantly changed in the most subtle and
arbitrary way, wherever there is the least chance
of its regularity attracting the eye, and making it
of importance. So intentional is this,
that a diaper pattern is often set obliquely to the
vertical lines of the designs, for fear it should appear
in any way connected with them.
Sec. XXXIV. On these russet
or crimson backgrounds the entire space of the series
of windows was relieved, for the most part, as a subdued
white field of alabaster; and on this delicate and
veined white were set the circular disks of purple
and green. The arms of the family were of course
blazoned in their own proper colors, but I think generally
on a pure azure ground; the blue color is still left
behind the shields in the Casa Priuli and one or two
more of the palaces which are unrestored, and the
blue ground was used also to relieve the sculptures
of religious subject. Finally, all the mouldings,
capitals, cornices, cusps, and traceries, were either
entirely gilded or profusely touched with gold.
The whole front of a Gothic palace
in Venice may, therefore, be simply described as a
field of subdued russet, quartered with broad sculptured
masses of white and gold; these latter being relieved
by smaller inlaid fragments of blue, purple, and deep
green.
Sec. XXXV. Now, from the
beginning of the fourteenth century, when painting
and architecture were thus united, two processes of
change went on simultaneously to the beginning of
the seventeenth. The merely decorative chequerings
on the walls yielded gradually to more elaborate paintings
of figure-subject; first small and quaint, and then
enlarging into enormous pictures filled by figures
generally colossal. As these paintings became
of greater merit and importance, the architecture with
which they were associated was less studied; and at
last a style was introduced in which the framework
of the building was little more interesting than that
of a Manchester factory, but the whole space of its
walls was covered with the most precious fresco paintings.
Such edifices are of course no longer to be considered
as forming an architectural school; they were merely
large preparations of artists’ panels; and Titian,
Giorgione, and Veronese no more conferred merit on
the later architecture of Venice, as such, by painting
on its façades, than Landseer or Watts could confer
merit on that of London by first whitewashing and
then painting its brick streets from one end to the
other.
Sec. XXXVI. Contemporarily
with this change in the relative values of the color
decoration and the stone-work, one equally important
was taking place in the opposite direction, but of
course in another group of buildings. For in
proportion as the architect felt himself thrust aside
or forgotten in one edifice, he endeavored to make
himself principal in another; and, in retaliation
for the painter’s entire usurpation of certain
fields of design, succeeded in excluding him totally
from those in which his own influence was predominant.
Or, more accurately speaking, the architects began
to be too proud to receive assistance from the colorists;
and these latter sought for ground which the architect
had abandoned, for the unrestrained display of their
own skill. And thus, while one series of edifices
is continually becoming feebler in design and richer
in superimposed paintings, another, that of which
we have so often spoken as the earliest or Byzantine
Renaissance, fragment by fragment rejects the pictorial
decoration; supplies its place first with marbles,
and then, as the latter are felt by the architect,
daily increasing in arrogance and deepening in coldness,
to be too bright for his dignity, he casts even these
aside one by one: and when the last porphyry
circle has vanished from the façade, we find two palaces
standing side by side, one built, so far as mere masonry
goes, with consummate care and skill, but without
the slightest vestige of color in any part of it;
the other utterly without any claim to interest in
its architectural form, but covered from top to bottom
with paintings by Veronese. At this period, then,
we bid farewell to color, leaving the painters to
their own peculiar field; and only regretting that
they waste their noblest work on walls, from which
in a couple of centuries, if not before, the greater
part of their labor must be effaced. On the other
hand, the architecture whose decline we are tracing,
has now assumed an entirely new condition, that of
the Central or True Renaissance, whose nature we are
to examine in the next chapter.
Sec. XXXVII. But before
leaving these last palaces over which the Byzantine
influence extended itself, there is one more lesson
to be learned from them of much importance to us.
Though in many respects debased in style, they are
consummate in workmanship, and unstained in honor;
there is no imperfection in them, and no dishonesty.
That there is absolutely no imperfection, is
indeed, as we have seen above, a proof of their being
wanting in the highest qualities of architecture; but,
as lessons in masonry, they have their value, and
may well be studied for the excellence they display
in methods of levelling stones, for the precision
of their inlaying, and other such qualities, which
in them are indeed too principal, yet very instructive
in their particular way.
Sec. XXXVIII. For instance,
in the inlaid design of the dove with the olive branch,
from the Casa Trevisan (Vol. I. Plate XX. ,
it is impossible for anything to go beyond the precision
with which the olive leaves are cut out of the white
marble; and, in some wreaths of laurel below, the
rippled edge of each leaf is as finely and easily drawn,
as if by a delicate pencil. No Florentine table
is more exquisitely finished than the façade of this
entire palace; and as ideals of an executive perfection,
which, though we must not turn aside from our main
path to reach it, may yet with much advantage be kept
in our sight and memory, these palaces are most notable
amidst the architecture of Europe. The Rio Façade
of the Ducal Palace, though very sparing in color,
is yet, as an example of finished masonry in a vast
building, one of the finest things, not only in Venice,
but in the world. It differs from other work
of the Byzantine Renaissance, in being on a very large
scale; and it still retains one pure Gothic character,
which adds not a little to its nobleness, that of
perpetual variety. There is hardly one window
of it, or one panel, that is like another; and this
continual change so increases its apparent size by
confusing the eye, that, though presenting no bold
features, or striking masses of any kind, there are
few things in Italy more impressive than the vision
of it overhead, as the gondola glides from beneath
the Bridge of Sighs. And lastly (unless we are
to blame these buildings for some pieces of very childish
perspective), they are magnificently honest, as well
as perfect. I do not remember even any gilding
upon them; all is pure marble, and of the finest kind.
And therefore, in finally leaving
the Ducal Palace, let us take with us one more
lesson, the last which we shall receive from the Stones
of Venice, except in the form of a warning.
Sec. XXXIX. The school of
architecture which we have just been examining is,
as we have seen above, redeemed from severe condemnation
by its careful and noble use of inlaid marbles as
a means of color. From that time forward, this
art has been unknown, or despised; the frescoes of
the swift and daring Venetian painters long contended
with the inlaid marbles, outvying them with color,
indeed more glorious than theirs, but fugitive as
the hues of woods in autumn; and, at last, as the art
itself of painting in this mighty manner failed from
among men, the modern decorative system established
itself, which united the meaninglessness of the veined
marble with the evanescence of the fresco, and completed
the harmony by falsehood.
Sec. XL. Since first, in
the second chapter of the “Seven Lamps,”
I endeavored to show the culpableness, as well as
the baseness, of our common modes of decoration by
painted imitation of various woods or marbles, the
subject has been discussed in various architectural
works, and is evidently becoming one of daily increasing
interest. When it is considered how many persons
there are whose means of livelihood consist altogether
in these spurious arts, and how difficult it is, even
for the most candid, to admit a conviction contrary
both to their interests and to their inveterate habits
of practice and thought, it is rather a matter of
wonder, that the cause of Truth should have found even
a few maintainers, than that it should have encountered
a host of adversaries. It has, however, been
defended repeatedly by architects themselves, and
so successfully, that I believe, so far as the desirableness
of this or that method of ornamentation is to be measured
by the fact of its simple honesty or dishonesty, there
is little need to add anything to what has been already
urged upon the subject. But there are some points
connected with the practice of imitating marble, which
I have been unable to touch upon until now, and by
the consideration of which we may be enabled to see
something of the policy of honesty in this matter,
without in the least abandoning the higher ground
of principle.
Sec. XLI. Consider, then,
first, what marble seems to have been made for.
Over the greater part of the surface of the world,
we find that a rock has been providentially distributed,
in a manner particularly pointing it out as intended
for the service of man. Not altogether a common
rock, it is yet rare enough to command a certain degree
of interest and attention wherever it is found; but
not so rare as to preclude its use for any purpose
to which it is fitted. It is exactly of the consistence
which is best adapted for sculpture: that is to
say, neither hard nor brittle, nor flaky nor splintery,
but uniform, and delicately, yet not ignobly, soft, exactly
soft enough to allow the sculptor to work it without
force, and trace on it the finest lines of finished
form; and yet so hard as never to betray the touch
or moulder away beneath the steel; and so admirably
crystallized, and of such permanent elements, that
no rains dissolve it, no time changes it, no atmosphere
decomposes it: once shaped, it is shaped for
ever, unless subjected to actual violence or attrition.
This rock, then, is prepared by Nature for the sculptor
and architect, just as paper is prepared by the manufacturer
for the artist, with as great nay, with
greater care, and more perfect adaptation
of the material to the requirements. And of this
marble paper, some is white and some colored; but
more is colored than white, because the white is evidently
meant for sculpture, and the colored for the covering
of large surfaces.
Sec. XLII. Now, if we would
take Nature at her word, and use this precious paper
which she has taken so much care to provide for us
(it is a long process, the making of that paper; the
pulp of it needing the subtlest possible solution,
and the pressing of it for it is all hot-pressed having
to be done under the saw, or under something at least
as heavy); if, I say, we use it as Nature would have
us, consider what advantages would follow. The
colors of marble are mingled for us just as if on
a prepared palette. They are of all shades and
hues (except bad ones), some being united and even,
some broken, mixed, and interrupted, in order to supply,
as far as possible, the want of the painter’s
power of breaking and mingling the color with the brush.
But there is more in the colors than this delicacy
of adaptation. There is history in them.
By the manner in which they are arranged in every piece
of marble, they record the means by which that marble
has been produced, and the successive changes through
which it has passed. And in all their veins and
zones, and flame-like stainings, or broken and disconnected
lines, they write various legends, never untrue, of
the former political state of the mountain kingdom
to which they belonged, of its infirmities and fortitudes,
convulsions and consolidations, from the beginning
of time.
Now, if we were never in the habit
of seeing anything but real marbles, this language
of theirs would soon begin to be understood; that is
to say, even the least observant of us would recognize
such and such stones as forming a peculiar class,
and would begin to inquire where they came from, and,
at last, take some feeble interest in the main question,
Why they were only to be found in that or the other
place, and how they came to make a part of this mountain,
and not of that? And in a little while, it would
not be possible to stand for a moment at a shop door,
leaning against the pillars of it, without remembering
or questioning of something well worth the memory
or the inquiry, touching the hills of Italy, or Greece,
or Africa, or Spain; and we should be led on from
knowledge to knowledge, until even the unsculptured
walls of our streets became to us volumes as precious
as those of our libraries.
Sec. XLIII. But the moment
we admit imitation of marble, this source of knowledge
is destroyed. None of us can be at the pains to
go through the work of verification. If we knew
that every colored stone we saw was natural, certain
questions, conclusions, interests, would force themselves
upon us without any effort of our own; but we have
none of us time to stop in the midst of our daily
business, to touch and pore over, and decide with
painful minuteness of investigation, whether such and
such a pillar be stucco or stone. And the whole
field of this knowledge, which Nature intended us
to possess when we were children, is hopelessly shut
out from us. Worse than shut out, for the mass
of coarse imitations confuses our knowledge acquired
from other sources; and our memory of the marbles
we have perhaps once or twice carefully examined, is
disturbed and distorted by the inaccuracy of the imitations
which are brought before us continually.
Sec. XLIV. But it will be
said, that it is too expensive to employ real marbles
in ordinary cases. It may be so: yet not
always more expensive than the fitting windows with
enormous plate glass, and decorating them with elaborate
stucco mouldings and other useless sources of expenditure
in modern building; nay, not always in the end more
expensive than the frequent repainting of the dingy
pillars, which a little water dashed against them
would refresh from day to day, if they were of true
stone. But, granting that it be so, in that very
costliness, checking their common use in certain localities,
is part of the interest of marbles, considered as
history. Where they are not found, Nature has
supplied other materials, clay for brick,
or forest for timber, in the working of
which she intends other characters of the human mind
to be developed, and by the proper use of which certain
local advantages will assuredly be attained, while
the delightfulness and meaning of the precious marbles
will be felt more forcibly in the districts where they
occur, or on the occasions when they may be procured.
Sec. XLV. It can hardly
be necessary to add, that, as the imitation of marbles
interferes with and checks the knowledge of geography
and geology, so the imitation of wood interferes with
that of botany; and that our acquaintance with the
nature, uses, and manner of growth of the timber trees
of our own and of foreign countries, would probably,
in the majority of cases, become accurate and extensive,
without any labor or sacrifice of time, were not all
inquiry checked, and all observation betrayed, by
the wretched labors of the “Grainer.”
Sec. XLVI. But this is not
all. As the practice of imitation retards
knowledge, so also it retards art.
There is not a meaner occupation for
the human mind than the imitation of the stains and
striae of marble and wood. When engaged in any
easy and simple mechanical occupation, there is still
some liberty for the mind to leave the literal work;
and the clash of the loom or the activity of the fingers
will not always prevent the thoughts from some happy
expatiation in their own domains. But the grainer
must think of what he is doing; and veritable attention
and care, and occasionally considerable skill, are
consumed in the doing of a more absolute nothing than
I can name in any other department of painful idleness.
I know not anything so humiliating as to see a human
being, with arms and limbs complete, and apparently
a head, and assuredly a soul, yet into the hands of
which when you have put a brush and pallet, it cannot
do anything with them but imitate a piece of wood.
It cannot color, it has no ideas of color; it cannot
draw, it has no ideas of form; it cannot caricature,
it has no ideas of humor. It is incapable of anything
beyond knots. All its achievement, the entire
result of the daily application of its imagination
and immortality, is to be such a piece of texture as
the sun and dew are sucking up out of the muddy ground,
and weaving together, far more finely, in millions
of millions of growing branches, over every rood of
waste woodland and shady hill.
Sec. XLVII. But what is
to be done, the reader asks, with men who are capable
of nothing else than this? Nay, they may be capable
of everything else, for all we know, and what we are
to do with them I will try to say in the next chapter;
but meanwhile one word more touching the higher principles
of action in this matter, from which we have descended
to those of expediency. I trust that some day
the language of Types will be more read and understood
by us than it has been for centuries; and when this
language, a better one than either Greek or Latin,
is again recognized amongst us, we shall find, or
remember, that as the other visible elements of the
universe its air, its water, and its flame set
forth, in their pure energies, the life-giving, purifying,
and sanctifying influences of the Deity upon His creatures,
so the earth, in its purity, sets forth His eternity
and His TRUTH. I have dwelt above on the historical
language of stones; let us not forget this, which is
their theological language; and, as we would not wantonly
pollute the fresh waters when they issue forth in
their clear glory from the rock, nor stay the mountain
winds into pestilential stagnancy, nor mock the sunbeams
with artificial and ineffective light; so let us not
by our own base and barren falsehoods, replace the
crystalline strength and burning color of the earth
from which we were born, and to which we must return;
the earth which, like our own bodies, though dust in
its degradation, is full of splendor when God’s
hand gathers its atoms; and which was for ever sanctified
by Him, as the symbol no less of His love than of His
truth, when He bade the high priest bear the names
of the Children of Israel on the clear stones of the
Breastplate of Judgment.