CO-OPERATION, AS HITHERTO UNDERSTOOD, IS PERHAPS NOT EXPEDIENT.
February
4, 1867.
4. Limiting the inquiry, then,
for the present, as proposed in the close of my last
letter, to the form of co-operation which is now upon
its trial in practice, I would beg of you to observe
that the points at issue, in the comparison of this
system with that of mastership, are by no means hitherto
frankly stated; still less can they as yet be fairly
brought to test. For all mastership is not alike
in principle; there are just and unjust masterships;
and while, on the one hand, there can be no question
but that co-operation is better than unjust and tyrannous
mastership, there is very great room for doubt whether
it be better than a just and benignant mastership.
5. At present you every
one of you speak, and act, as if there were
only one alternative; namely, between a system in which
profits shall be divided in due proportion among all;
and the present one, in which the workman is paid
the least wages he will take, under the pressure of
competition in the labor-market. But an intermediate
method is conceivable; a method which appears to me
more prudent, and in its ultimate results more just,
than the co-operative one. An arrangement may
be supposed, and I have good hope also may one day
be effected, by which every subordinate shall be paid
sufficient and regular wages, according to his rank;
by which due provision shall be made out of the profits
of the business for sick and superannuated workers;
and by which the master, being held responsible,
as a minor king or governor, for the conduct as well
as the comfort of all those under his rule, shall,
on that condition, be permitted to retain to his own
use the surplus profits of the business which the fact
of his being its master may be assumed to prove that
he has organized by superior intellect and energy.
And I think this principle of regular wage-paying,
whether it be in the abstract more just, or not, is
at all events the more prudent; for this reason mainly,
that in spite of all the cant which is continually
talked by cruel, foolish, or designing persons about
“the duty of remaining content in the position
in which Providence has placed you,” there is
a root of the very deepest and holiest truth in the
saying, which gives to it such power as it still retains,
even uttered by unkind and unwise lips, and received
into doubtful and embittered hearts.
6. If, indeed, no effort be made
to discover, in the course of their early training,
for what services the youths of a nation are individually
qualified; nor any care taken to place those who have
unquestionably proved their fitness for certain functions,
in the offices they could best fulfil, then,
to call the confused wreck of social order and life
brought about by malicious collision and competition,
an arrangement of Providence, is quite one of the most
insolent and wicked ways in which it is possible to
take the name of God in vain. But if, at the
proper time, some earnest effort be made to place
youths, according to their capacities, in the occupations
for which they are fitted, I think the system of organization
will be finally found the best, which gives the least
encouragement to thoughts of any great future advance
in social life.
7. The healthy sense of progress,
which is necessary to the strength and happiness of
men, does not consist in the anxiety of a struggle
to attain higher place, or rank, but in gradually
perfecting the manner, and accomplishing the ends,
of the life which we have chosen, or which circumstances
have determined for us. Thus, I think the object
of a workman’s ambition should not be to become
a master; but to attain daily more subtle and exemplary
skill in his own craft, to save from his wages enough
to enrich and complete his home gradually with more
delicate and substantial comforts; and to lay by such
store as shall be sufficient for the happy maintenance
of his old age (rendering him independent of the help
provided for the sick and indigent by the arrangement
pre-supposed), and sufficient also for the starting
of his children in a rank of life equal to his own.
If his wages are not enough to enable him to do this,
they are unjustly low; if they are once raised to
this adequate standard, I do not think that by the
possible increase of his gains under contingencies
of trade, or by divisions of profits with his master,
he should be enticed into feverish hope of an entire
change of condition; and as an almost necessary consequence,
pass his days in an anxious discontent with immediate
circumstances, and a comfortless scorn of his daily
life, for which no subsequent success could indemnify
him. And I am the more confident in this belief,
because, even supposing a gradual rise in social rank
possible for all well-conducted persons, my experience
does not lead me to think the elevation itself, when
attained, would be conducive to their happiness.
8. The grounds of this opinion
I will give you in a future letter; in the present
one, I must pass to a more important point namely,
that if this stability of condition be indeed desirable
for those in whom existing circumstances might seem
to justify discontent, much more must it be good and
desirable for those who already possess everything
which can be conceived necessary to happiness.
It is the merest insolence of selfishness to preach
contentment to a laborer who gets thirty shillings
a week, while we suppose an active and plotting covetousness
to be meritorious in a man who has three thousand a
year. In this, as in all other points of mental
discipline, it is the duty of the upper classes to
set an example to the lower; and to recommend and
justify the restraint of the ambition of their inferiors,
chiefly by severe and timely limitation of their own.
And, without at present inquiring into the greater
or less convenience of the possible methods of accomplishing
such an object, (every detail in suggestions of this
kind necessarily furnishing separate matter of dispute,)
I will merely state my long-fixed conviction, that
one of the most important conditions of a healthful
system of social economy, would be the restraint of
the properties and incomes of the upper classes within
certain fixed limits. The temptation to use every
energy in the accumulation of wealth being thus removed,
another, and a higher ideal of the duties of advanced
life would be necessarily created in the national
mind; by withdrawal of those who had attained the prescribed
limits of wealth from commercial competition, earlier
worldly success, and earlier marriage, with all its
beneficent moral results, would become possible to
the young; while the older men of active intellect,
whose sagacity is now lost or warped in the furtherance
of their own meanest interests, would be induced unselfishly
to occupy themselves in the superintendence of public
institutions, or furtherance of public advantage.
And out of this class it would be found natural and
prudent always to choose the members of the legislative
body of the Commons; and to attach to the order also
some peculiar honors, in the possession of which such
complacency would be felt as would more than replace
the unworthy satisfaction of being supposed richer
than others, which to many men is the principal charm
of their wealth. And although no law of this
purport would ever be imposed on themselves by the
actual upper classes, there is no hindrance to its
being gradually brought into force from beneath, without
any violent or impatient proceedings; and this I will
endeavor to show you in my next letter.