“In the course of my long life,”
said the Khalif Ali, “I have often observed
that men are more like the times they live in than
they are like their fathers.” This profoundly
philosophical remark of the son-in-law of Mohammed
is strictly true; for, though the personal, the bodily
linéaments of a man may indicate his parentage,
the constitution of his mind, and therefore the direction
of his thoughts, is determined by the environment
in which he lives.
When Amrou, the lieutenant of the
Khalif Omar, conquered Egypt, and annexed it to the
Saracenic Empire, he found in Alexandria a Greek grammarian,
John surnamed Philoponus, or the Labor-lover.
Presuming on the friendship which had arisen between
them, the Greek solicited as a gift the remnant of
the great library a remnant which war and
time and bigotry had spared. Amrou, therefore,
sent to the khalif to ascertain his pleasure.
“If,” replied the khalif, “the books
agree with the Koran, the Word of God, they are useless,
and need not be preserved; if they disagree with it,
they are pernicious. Let them be destroyed.”
Accordingly, they were distributed among the baths
of Alexandria, and it is said that six months were
barely sufficient to consume them.
Although the fact has been denied,
there can be little doubt that Omar gave this order.
The khalif was an illiterate man; his environment
was an environment of fanaticism and ignorance.
Omar’s act was an illustration of Ali’s
remark.
The Alexandrian library
burnt. But it must not be supposed that the
books which John the Labor-lover coveted were those
which constituted the great library of the Ptolemies,
and that of Eumenes, King of Pergamus. Nearly
a thousand years had elapsed since Philadelphus began
his collection. Julius Cæsar had burnt more than
half; the Patriarchs of Alexandria had not only permitted
but superintended the dispersion of almost all the
rest. Orosius expressly states that he saw the
empty cases or shelves of the library twenty years
after Theophilus, the uncle of St. Cyril, had procured
from the Emperor Theodosius a rescript for its destruction.
Even had this once noble collection never endured such
acts of violence, the mere wear and tear, and perhaps,
I may add, the pilfering of a thousand years, would
have diminished it sadly. Though John, as the
surname he received indicates, might rejoice in a
superfluity of occupation, we may be certain that the
care of a library of half a million books would transcend
even his well-tried powers; and the cost of preserving
and supporting it, that had demanded the ample resources
of the Ptolemies and the Caesars, was beyond the means
of a grammarian. Nor is the time required for
its combustion or destruction any indication of the
extent of the collection. Of all articles of
fuel, parchment is, perhaps, the most wretched.
Paper and papyrus do excellently well as kindling-materials,
but we may be sure that the bath-men of Alexandria
did not resort to parchment so long as they could
find any thing else, and of parchment a very large
portion of these books was composed.
There can, then, be no more doubt
that Omar did order the destruction of this library,
under an impression of its uselessness or its irreligious
tendency, than that the Crusaders burnt the library
of Tripoli, fancifully said to have consisted of three
million volumes. The first apartment entered
being found to contain nothing but the Koran, all the
other books were supposed to be the works of the Arabian
impostor, and were consequently committed to the flames.
In both cases the story contains some truth and much
exaggeration. Bigotry, however, has often distinguished
itself by such exploits. The Spaniards burnt in
Mexico vast piles of American picture-writings, an
irretrievable loss; and Cardinal Ximenes delivered
to the flames, in the squares of Granada, eighty thousand
Arabic manuscripts, many of them translations of classical
authors.
We have seen how engineering talent,
stimulated by Alexander’s Persian campaign,
led to a wonderful development of pure science under
the Ptolemies; a similar effect may be noted as the
result of the Saracenic military operations.
The friendship contracted by Amrou,
the conqueror of Egypt, with John the Grammarian,
indicates how much the Arabian mind was predisposed
to liberal ideas. Its step from the idolatry
of the Caaba to the monotheism of Mohammed prepared
it to expatiate in the wide and pleasing fields of
literature and philosophy. There were two influences
to which it was continually exposed. They conspired
in determining its path. These were 1.
That of the Nestorians in Syria; 2. That of the
Jews in Egypt.
Influence of the Nestorians
and Jews. In the last chapter I have
briefly related the persecution of Nestor and his
disciples. They bore testimony to the oneness
of God, through many sufferings and martyrdoms.
They utterly repudiated an Olympus filled with gods
and goddesses. “Away from us a queen of
heaven!”
Such being their special views, the
Nestorians found no difficulty in affiliating with
their Saracen conquerors, by whom they were treated
not only with the highest respect, but intrusted with
some of the most important offices of the state.
Mohammed, in the strongest manner, prohibited his
followers from committing any injuries against them.
Jesuiabbas, their pontiff, concluded treaties both
with the Prophet and with Omar, and subsequently the
Khalif Haroun-al-Raschid placed all his public
schools under the superintendence of John Masue, a
Nestorian.
To the influence of the Nestorians
that of the Jews was added. When Christianity
displayed a tendency to unite itself with paganism,
the conversion of the Jews was arrested; it totally
ceased when Trinitarian ideas were introduced.
The cities of Syria and Egypt were full of Jews.
In Alexandria alone, at the time of its capture by
Amrou, there were forty thousand who paid tribute.
Centuries of misfortune and persecution had served
only to confirm them in their monotheism, and to strengthen
that implacable hatred of idolatry which they had cherished
ever since the Babylonian captivity. Associated
with the Nestorians, they translated into Syriac many
Greek and Latin philosophical works, which were retranslated
into Arabic. While the Nestorian was occupied
with the education of the children of the great Mohammedan
families, the Jew found his way into them in the character
of a physician.
Fatalism of the Arabians.
Under these influences the ferocious fanaticism of
the Saracens abated, their manners were polished, their
thoughts elevated. They overran the realms of
Philosophy and Science as quickly as they had overrun
the provinces of the Roman Empire. They abandoned
the fallacies of vulgar Mohammedanism, accepting in
their stead scientific truth.
In a world devoted to idolatry, the
sword of the Saracen had vindicated the majesty of
God. The doctrine of fatalism, inculcated by the
Koran, had powerfully contributed to that result.
“No man can anticipate or postpone his predetermined
end. Death will overtake us even in lofty towers.
From the beginning God hath settled the place in which
each man shall die.” In his figurative
language the Arab said: “No man can by
flight escape his fate. The Destinies ride their
horses by night.... Whether asleep in bed or
in the storm of battle, the angel of death will find
thee.” “I am convinced,” said
Ali, to whose wisdom we have already referred “I
am convinced that the affairs of men go by divine decree,
and not by our administration.” The Mussulmen
are those who submissively resign themselves to the
will of God. They reconciled fate and free-will
by saying, “The outline is given us, we color
the picture of life as we will.” They said
that, if we would overcome the laws of Nature, we must
not resist, we must balance them against each other.
This dark doctrine prepared its devotees
for the accomplishment of great things things
such as the Saracens did accomplish. It converted
despair into resignation, and taught men to disdain
hope. There was a proverb among them that “Despair
is a freeman, Hope is a slave.”
But many of the incidents of war showed
plainly that medicines may assuage pain, that skill
may close wounds, that those who are incontestably
dying may be snatched from the grave. The Jewish
physician became a living, an accepted protest against
the fatalism of the Koran. By degrees the sternness
of predestination was mitigated, and it was admitted
that in individual life there is an effect due to free-will;
that by his voluntary acts man may within certain limits
determine his own course. But, so far as nations
are concerned, since they can yield no personal accountability
to God, they are placed under the control of immutable
law.
In this respect the contrast between
the Christian and the Mohammedan nations was very
striking: The Christian was convinced of incessant
providential interventions; he believed that there
was no such thing as law in the government of the
world. By prayers and entreaties he might prevail
with God to change the current of affairs, or, if that
failed, he might succeed with Christ, or perhaps with
the Virgin Mary, or through the intercession of the
saints, or by the influence of their relics or bones.
If his own supplications were unavailing, he might
obtain his desire through the intervention of his priest,
or through that of the holy men of the Church, and
especially if oblations or gifts of money were added.
Christendom believed that she could change the course
of affairs by influencing the conduct of superior beings.
Islam rested in a pious resignation to the unchangeable
will of God. The prayer of the Christian was
mainly an earnest intercession for benefits hoped
for, that of the Saracen a devout expression of gratitude
for the past. Both substituted prayer for the
ecstatic meditation of India. To the Christian
the progress of the world was an exhibition of disconnected
impulses, of sudden surprises. To the Mohammedan
that progress presented a very different aspect.
Every corporeal motion was due to some preceding motion;
every thought to some preceding thought; every historical
event was the offspring of some preceding event; every
human action was the result of some foregone and accomplished
action. In the long annals of our race, nothing
has ever been abruptly introduced. There has
been an orderly, an inevitable sequence from event
to event. There is an iron chain of destiny,
of which the links are facts; each stands in its preordained
place not one has ever been disturbed, not
one has ever been removed. Every man came into
the world without his own knowledge, he is to depart
from it perhaps against his own wishes. Then
let him calmly fold his hands, and expect the issues
of fate.
Coincidently with this change of opinion
as to the government of individual life, there came
a change as respects the mechanical construction of
the world. According to the Koran, the earth is
a square plane, edged with vast mountains, which serve
the double purpose of balancing it in its seat, and
of sustaining the dome of the sky. Our devout
admiration of the power and wisdom of God should be
excited by the spectacle of this vast crystalline
brittle expanse, which has been safely set in its
position without so much as a crack or any other injury.
Above the sky, and resting on it, is heaven, built
in seven stories, the uppermost being the habitation
of God, who, under the form of a gigantic man, sits
on a throne, having on either side winged bulls, like
those in the palaces of old Assyrian kings.
They measure the earth.
These ideas, which indeed are not peculiar to Mohammedanism,
but are entertained by all men in a certain stage of
their intellectual development as religious revelations,
were very quickly exchanged by the more advanced Mohammedans
for others scientifically correct. Yet, as has
been the case in Christian countries, the advance
was not made without resistance on the part of the
defenders of revealed truth. Thus when Al-Mamun,
having become acquainted with the globular form of
the earth, gave orders to his mathematicians and astronomers
to measure a degree of a great circle upon it, Takyuddin,
one of the most celebrated doctors of divinity of
that time, denounced the wicked khalif, declaring that
God would assuredly punish him for presumptuously
interrupting the devotions of the faithful by encouraging
and diffusing a false and atheistical philosophy among
them. Al-Mamun, however, persisted. On the
shores of the Red Sea, in the plains of Shinar, by
the aid of an astrolabe, the elevation of the pole
above the horizon was determined at two stations on
the same meridian, exactly one degree apart. The
distance between the two stations was then measured,
and found to be two hundred thousand Hashemite cubits;
this gave for the entire circumference of the earth
about twenty-four thousand of our miles, a determination
not far from the truth. But, since the spherical
form could not be positively asserted from one such
measurement, the khalif caused another to be made
near Cufa in Mesopotamia. His astronomers divided
themselves into two parties, and, starting from a
given point, each party measured an arc of one degree,
the one northward, the other southward. Their
result is given in cubits. If the cubit employed
was that known as the royal cubit, the length of a
degree was ascertained within one-third of a mile
of its true value. From these measures the khalif
concluded that the globular form was established.
Their passion for science.
It is remarkable how quickly the ferocious fanaticism
of the Saracens was transformed into a passion for
intellectual pursuits. At first the Koran was
an obstacle to literature and science. Mohammed
had extolled it as the grandest of all compositions,
and had adduced its unapproachable excellence as a
proof of his divine mission. But, in little more
than twenty years after his death, the experience
that had been acquired in Syria, Persia, Asia Minor,
Egypt, had produced a striking effect, and Ali the
khalif reigning at that time, avowedly encouraged
all kinds of literary pursuits. Moawyah, the
founder of the Ommiade dynasty, who followed in 661,
revolutionized the government. It had been elective,
he made it hereditary. He removed its seat from
Medina to a more central position at Damascus, and
entered on a career of luxury and magnificence.
He broke the bonds of a stern fanaticism, and put
himself forth as a cultivator and patron of letters.
Thirty years had wrought a wonderful change.
A Persian satrap who had occasion to pay homage to
Omar, the second khalif, found him asleep among the
beggars on the steps of the Mosque of Medina; but
foreign envoys who had occasion to seek Moawyah, the
sixth khalif, were presented to him in a magnificent
palace, decorated with exquisite arabesques,
and adorned with flower-gardens and fountains.
Their literature. In
less than a century after the death of Mohammed, translations
of the chief Greek philosophical authors had been made
into Arabic; poems such as the “Iliad”
and the “Odyssey,” being considered to
have an irreligious tendency from their mythological
allusions, were rendered into Syriac, to gratify the
curiosity of the learned. Almansor, during his
khalifate (A.D. 753-775), transferred the seat of government
to Bagdad, which he converted into a splendid metropolis;
he gave much of his time to the study and promotion
of astronomy, and established schools of medicine
and law. His grandson, Haroun-al-Raschid
(A.D. 786), followed his example, and ordered that
to every mosque in his dominions a school should be
attached. But the Augustan age of Asiatic learning
was during the khalifate of Al-Mamun (A.D. 813-832).
He made Bagdad the centre of science, collected great
libraries, and surrounded himself with learned men.
The elevated taste thus cultivated
continued after the division of the Saracen Empire
by internal dissensions into three parts. The
Abasside dynasty in Asia, the Fatimite in Egypt, and
the Ommiade in Spain, became rivals not merely in
politics, but also in letters and science.
They originate chemistry.
In letters the Saracens embraced every topic that
can amuse or edify the mind. In later times, it
was their boast that they had produced more poets
than all other nations combined. In science their
great merit consists in this, that they cultivated
it after the manner of the Alexandrian Greeks, not
after the manner of the European Greeks. They
perceived that it can never be advanced by mere speculation;
its only sure progress is by the practical interrogation
of Nature. The essential characteristics of their
method are experiment and observation. Geometry
and the mathematical sciences they looked upon as
instruments of reasoning. In their numerous writings
on mechanics, hydrostatics, optics, it is interesting
to remark that the solution of a problem is always
obtained by performing an experiment, or by an instrumental
observation. It was this that made them the originators
of chemistry, that led them to the invention of all
kinds of apparatus for distillation, sublimation,
fusion, filtration, etc.; that in astronomy caused
them to appeal to divided instruments, as quadrants
and astrolabes; in chemistry, to employ the balance,
the theory of which they were perfectly familiar with;
to construct tables of specific gravities and astronomical
tables, as those of Bagdad, Spain, Samarcand; that
produced their great improvements in geometry, trigonometry,
the invention of algebra, and the adoption of the
Indian numeration in arithmetic. Such were the
results of their preference of the inductive method
of Aristotle, their declining the reveries of Plato.
Their great libraries.
For the establishment and extension of the public
libraries, books were sedulously collected. Thus
the khalif Al-Mamun is reported to have brought into
Bagdad hundreds of camel-loads of manuscripts.
In a treaty he made with the Greek emperor, Michael
iii., he stipulated that one of the Constantinople
libraries should be given up to him. Among the
treasures he thus acquired was the treatise of Ptolemy
on the mathematical construction of the heavens.
He had it forthwith translated into Arabic, under
the title of “Al-magest.” The collections
thus acquired sometimes became very large; thus the
Fatimite Library at Cairo contained one hundred thousand
volumes, elegantly transcribed and bound. Among
these, there were six thousand five hundred manuscripts
on astronomy and medicine alone. The rules of
this library permitted the lending out of books to
students resident at Cairo. It also contained
two globes, one of massive silver and one of brass;
the latter was said to have been constructed by Ptolemy,
the former cost three thousand golden crowns.
The great library of the Spanish khalifs eventually
numbered six hundred thousand volumes; its catalogue
alone occupied forty-four. Besides this, there
were seventy public libraries in Andalusia. The
collections in the possession of individuals were
sometimes very extensive. A private doctor refused
the invitation of a Sultan of Bokhara because the
carriage of his books would have required four hundred
camels.
There was in every great library a
department for the copying or manufacture of translations.
Such manufactures were also often an affair of private
enterprise. Honian, a Nestorian physician, had
an establishment of the kind at Bagdad (A.D. 850).
He issued versions of Aristotle, Plato, Hippocrates,
Galen, etc. As to original works, it was
the custom of the authorities of colleges to require
their professors to prepare treatises on prescribed
topics. Every khalif had his own historian.
Books of romances and tales, such as “The Thousand
and One Arabian Nights’ Entertainments,”
bear testimony to the creative fancy of the Saracens.
Besides these, there were works on all kinds of subjects history,
jurisprudence, politics, philosophy, biographies not
only of illustrious men, but also of celebrated horses
and camels. These were issued without any censorship
or restraint, though, in later times, works on theology
required a license for publication. Books of reference
abounded, geographical, statistical, medical, historical
dictionaries, and even abridgments or condensations
of them, as the “Encyclopedic Dictionary of
all the Sciences,” by Mohammed Abu Abdallah.
Much pride was taken in the purity and whiteness of
the paper, in the skillful intermixture of variously-colored
inks, and in the illumination of titles by gilding
and other adornments.
The Saracen Empire was dotted all
over with colleges. They were established in
Mongolia, Tartary, Persia, Mesopotamia, Syria, Egypt,
North Africa, Morocco, Fez, Spain. At one extremity
of this vast region, which far exceeded the Roman
Empire in geographical extent, were the college and
astronomical observatory of Samarcand, at the other
the Giralda in Spain. Gibbon, referring
to this patronage of learning, says: “The
same royal prerogative was claimed by the independent
émirs of the provinces, and their emulation diffused
the taste and the rewards of science from Samarcand
and Bokhara to Fez and Cordova. The vizier of
a sultan consecrated a sum of two hundred thousand
pieces of gold to the foundation of a college at Bagdad,
which he endowed with an annual revenue of fifteen
thousand dinars. The fruits of instruction
were communicated, perhaps, at different times, to
six thousand disciples of every degree, from the son
of the noble to that of the mechanic; a sufficient
allowance was provided for the indigent scholars, and
the merit or industry of the professors was repaid
with adequate stipends. In every city the productions
of Arabic literature were copied and collected, by
the curiosity of the studious and the vanity of the
rich.” The superintendence of these schools
was committed with noble liberality sometimes to Nestorians,
sometimes to Jews. It mattered not in what country
a man was born, nor what were his religious opinions;
his attainment in learning was the only thing to be
considered. The great Khalif Al-Mamun had declared
that “they are the elect of God, his best and
most useful servants, whose lives are devoted to the
improvement of their rational faculties; that the
teachers of wisdom are the true luminaries and legislators
of this world, which, without their aid, would again
sink into ignorance and barbarism.”
After the example of the medical college
of Cairo, other medical colleges required their students
to pass a rigid examination. The candidate then
received authority to enter on the practice of his
profession. The first medical college established
in Europe was that founded by the Saracens at Salerno,
in Italy. The first astronomical observatory
was that erected by them at Seville, in Spain.
The Arabian scientific
movement. It would far transcend the limits
of this book to give an adequate statement of the
results of this imposing scientific movement.
The ancient sciences were greatly extended new
ones were brought into existence. The Indian method
of arithmetic was introduced, a beautiful invention,
which expresses all numbers by ten characters, giving
them an absolute value, and a value by position, and
furnishing simple rules for the easy performance of
all kinds of calculations. Algebra, or universal
arithmetic the method of calculating indeterminate
quantities, or investigating the relations that subsist
among quantities of all kinds, whether arithmetical
or geometrical was developed from the germ
that Diophantus had left. Mohammed Ben Musa furnished
the solution of quadratic equations, Omar Ben Ibra
him that of cubic equations. The Saracens also
gave to trigonometry its modern form, substituting
sines for chords, which had been previously used;
they elevated it into a separate science. Musa,
above mentioned, was the author of a “Treatise
on Spherical Trigonometry.” Al-Baghadadi
left one on land-surveying, so excellent, that by
some it has been declared to be a copy of Euclid’s
lost work on that subject.
Arabian astronomy.
In astronomy, they not only made catalogues, but maps
of the stars visible in their skies, giving to those
of the larger magnitudes the Arabic names they still
bear on our celestial globes. They ascertained,
as we have seen, the size of the earth by the measurement
of a degree on her surface, determined the obliquity
of the ecliptic, published corrected tables of the
sun and moon fixed the length of the year, verified
the precession of the équinoxes. The treatise
of Albategnius on “The Science of the Stars”
is spoken of by Laplace with respect; he also draws
attention to an important fragment of Ibn-Junis,
the astronomer of Hakem, the Khalif of Egypt, A.D.
1000, as containing a long series of observations
from the time of Almansor, of eclipses, équinoxes,
solstices, conjunctions of planets, occultations
of stars observations which have cast much
light on the great variations of the system of the
world. The Arabian astronomers also devoted themselves
to the construction and perfection of astronomical
instruments, to the measurement of time by clocks of
various kinds, by clepsydras and sun-dials. They
were the first to introduce, for this purpose, the
use of the pendulum.
In the experimental sciences, they
originated chemistry; they discovered some of its
most important reagents sulphuric acid,
nitric acid, alcohol. They applied that science
in the practice of medicine, being the first to publish
pharmacopoeias or dispensatories, and to include in
them mineral preparations. In mechanics, they
had determined the laws of falling bodies, had ideas,
by no means indistinct, of the nature of gravity;
they were familiar with the theory of the mechanical
powers. In hydrostatics they constructed the
first tables of the specific gravities of bodies,
and wrote treatises on the flotation and sinking of
bodies in water. In optics, they corrected the
Greek misconception, that a ray proceeds from the
eye, and touches the object seen, introducing the
hypothesis that the ray passes from the object to the
eye. They understood the phenomena of the reflection
and refraction of light. Alhazen made the great
discovery of the curvilinear path of a ray of light
through the atmosphere, and proved that we see the
sun and moon before they have risen, and after they
have set.
Agriculture and manufacture.
The effects of this scientific activity are plainly
perceived in the great improvements that took place
in many of the industrial arts. Agriculture shows
it in better methods of irrigation, the skillful employment
of manures, the raising of improved breeds of cattle,
the enactment of wise codes of rural laws, the introduction
of the culture of rice, and that of sugar and coffee.
The manufactures show it in the great extension of
the industries of silk, cotton, wool; in the fabrication
of cordova and morocco leather, and paper; in mining,
casting, and various metallurgic operations; in the
making of Toledo blades.
Passionate lovers of poetry and music,
they dedicated much of their leisure time to those
elegant pursuits. They taught Europe the game
of chess; they gave it its taste for works of fiction romances
and novels. In the graver domains of literature
they took delight: they had many admirable compositions
on such subjects as the instability of human greatness;
the consequences of irreligion; the reverses of fortune;
the origin, duration, and end of the world. Sometimes,
not without surprise, we meet with ideas which we
flatter ourselves have originated in our own times.
Thus our modern doctrines of evolution and development
were taught in their schools. In fact, they carried
them much farther than we are disposed to do, extending
them even to inorganic or mineral things. The
fundamental principle of alchemy was the natural process
of development of metalline bodies. “When
common people,” says Al-Khazini, writing in
the twelfth century, “hear from natural philosophers
that gold is a body which has attained to perfection
of maturity, to the goal of completeness, they firmly
believe that it is something which has gradually come
to that perfection by passing through the forms of
all other metallic bodies, so that its gold nature
was originally lead, afterward it became tin, then
brass, then silver, and finally reached the development
of gold; not knowing that the natural philosophers
mean, in saying this, only something like what they
mean when they speak of man, and attribute to him
a completeness and equilibrium in nature and constitution not
that man was once a bull, and was changed into an
ass, and afterward into a horse, and after that into
an ape, and finally became a man.”