Two interpretations may be given of
the mode of government of the world. It may be
by incessant divine interventions, or by the operation
of unvarying law.
To the adoption of the former a priesthood
will always incline, since it must desire to be considered
as standing between the prayer of the votary and the
providential act. Its importance is magnified
by the power it claims of determining what that act
shall be. In the pre Christian (Roman) religion,
the grand office of the priesthood was the discovery
of future events by oracles, omens, or an inspection
of the entrails of animals, and by the offering of
sacrifices to propitiate the gods. In the later,
the Christian times, a higher power was claimed; the
clergy asserting that, by their intercessions,
they could regulate the course of affairs, avert dangers,
secure benefits, work miracles, and even change the
order of Nature.
Not without reason, therefore, did
they look upon the doctrine of government by unvarying
law with disfavor. It seemed to depreciate their
dignity, to lessen their importance. To them there
was something shocking in a God who cannot be swayed
by human entreaty, a cold, passionless divinity something
frightful in fatalism, destiny.
But the orderly movement of the heavens
could not fail in all ages to make a deep impression
on thoughtful observers the rising and setting
of the sun; the increasing or diminishing light of
the day; the waxing and waning of the moon; the return
of the seasons in their proper courses; the measured
march of the wandering planets in the sky what
are all these, and a thousand such, but manifestations
of an orderly and unchanging procession of events?
The faith of early observers in this interpretation
may perhaps have been shaken by the occurrence of such
a phenomenon as an eclipse, a sudden and mysterious
breach of the ordinary course of natural events; but
it would be resumed in tenfold strength as soon as
the discovery was made that eclipses themselves recur,
and may be predicted.
Astronomical predictions of all kinds
depend upon the admission of this fact that
there never has been and never will be any intervention
in the operation of natural laws. The scientific
philosopher affirms that the condition of the world
at any given moment is the direct result of its condition
in the preceding moment, and the direct cause of its
condition in the subsequent moment. Law and chance
are only different names for mechanical necessity.
About fifty years after the death
of Copernicus, John Kepler, a native of Wurtemberg,
who had adopted the heliocentric theory, and who was
deeply impressed with the belief that relationships
exist in the revolutions of the planetary bodies round
the sun, and that these if correctly examined would
reveal the laws under which those movements take place,
devoted himself to the study of the distances, times,
and velocities of the planets, and the form of their
orbits. His method was, to submit the observations
to which he had access, such as those of Tycho Brahe,
to computations based first on one and then on another
hypothesis, rejecting the hypothesis if he found that
the calculations did not accord with the observations.
The incredible labor he had undergone (he says, “I
considered, and I computed, until I almost went mad”)
was at length rewarded, and in 1609 he published his
book, “On the Motions of the Planet Mars.”
In this he had attempted to reconcile the movements
of that planet to the hypothesis of eccentrics and
epicycles, but eventually discovered that the orbit
of a planet is not a circle but an ellipse, the sun
being in one of the foci, and that the areas swept
over by a line drawn from the planet to the sun are
proportional to the times. These constitute what
are now known as the first and second laws of Kepler.
Eight years subsequently, he was rewarded by the discovery
of a third law, defining the relation between the mean
distances of the planets from the sun and the times
of their revolutions; “the squares of the periodic
times are proportional to the cubes of the distances.”
In “An Epitome of the Copernican System,”
published in 1618, he announced this law, and showed
that it holds good for the satellites of Jupiter as
regards their primary. Hence it was inferred that
the laws which preside over the grand movements of
the solar system preside also over the less movements
of its constituent parts.
The conception of law which is unmistakably
conveyed by Kepler’s discoveries, and the evidence
they gave in support of the heliocentric as against
the geocentric theory, could not fail to incur the
reprehension of the Roman authorities. The congregation
of the Index, therefore, when they denounced the Copernican
system as utterly contrary to the Holy Scriptures,
prohibited Kepler’s “Epitome” of
that system. It was on this occasion that Kepler
submitted his celebrated remonstrance: “Eighty
years have elapsed during which the doctrines of Copernicus
regarding the movement of the earth and the immobility
of the sun have been promulgated without hinderance,
because it was deemed allowable to dispute concerning
natural things, and to elucidate the works of God,
and now that new testimony is discovered in proof of
the truth of those doctrines testimony
which was not known to the spiritual judges ye
would prohibit the promulgation of the true system
of the structure of the universe.”
None of Kepler’s contemporaries
believed the law of the areas, nor was it accepted
until the publication of the “Principia”
of Newton. In fact, no one in those times understood
the philosophical meaning of Kepler’s laws.
He himself did not foresee what they must inevitably
lead to. His mistakes showed how far he was from
perceiving their result. Thus he thought that
each planet is the seat of an intelligent principle,
and that there is a relation between the magnitudes
of the orbits of the five principal planets and the
five regular solids of geometry. At first he
inclined to believe that the orbit of Mars is oval,
nor was it until after a wearisome study that he detected
the grand truth, its elliptical form. An idea
of the incorruptibility of the celestial objects had
led to the adoption of the Aristotelian doctrine of
the perfection of circular motions, and to the belief
that there were none but circular motions in the heavens.
He bitterly complains of this as having been a fatal
“thief of his time.” His philosophical
daring is illustrated in his breaking through this
time-honored tradition.
In some most important particulars
Kepler anticipated Newton. He was the first to
give clear ideas respecting gravity. He says every
particle of matter will rest until it is disturbed
by some other particle that the earth attracts
a stone more than the stone attracts the earth, and
that bodies move to each other in proportion to their
masses; that the earth would ascend to the moon one-fifty-fourth
of the distance, and the moon would move toward the
earth the other fifty-three. He affirms that the
moon’s attraction causes the tides, and that
the planets must impress irregularities on the moon’s
motions.
The progress of astronomy is obviously
divisible into three periods:
1. The period of observation
of the apparent motions of the heavenly bodies.
2. The period of discovery of
their real motions, and particularly of the laws of
the planetary revolutions; this was signally illustrated
by Copernicus and Kepler.
3. The period of the ascertainment
of the causes of those laws. It was the epoch
of Newton.
The passage of the second into the
third period depended on the development of the Dynamical
branch of mechanics, which had been in a stagnant
condition from the time of Archimedes or the Alexandrian
School.
In Christian Europe there had not
been a cultivator of mechanical philosophy until Leonardo
da Vinci, who was born A.D. 1452. To
him, and not to Lord Bacon, must be attributed the
renaissance of science. Bacon was not only ignorant
of mathematics, but depreciated its application to
physical inquiries. He contemptuously rejected
the Copernican system, alleging absurd objections
to it. While Galileo was on the brink of his
great telescopic discoveries, Bacon was publishing
doubts as to the utility of instruments in scientific
investigations. To ascribe the inductive method
to him is to ignore history. His fanciful philosophical
suggestions have never been of the slightest practical
use. No one has ever thought of employing them.
Except among English readers, his name is almost unknown.
To Da Vinci I shall
have occasion to allude more particularly on a subsequent
page. Of his works still remaining in manuscript,
two volumes are at Milan, and one in Paris, carried
there by Napoleon. After an interval of about
seventy years, Da Vinci was followed by the
Dutch engineer, Stevinus, whose work on the principles
of equilibrium was published in 1586. Six years
afterward appeared Galileo’s treatise on mechanics.
To this great Italian is due the establishment
of the three fundamental laws of dynamics, known as
the Laws of Motion.
The consequences of the establishment
of these laws were very important.
It had been supposed that continuous
movements, such, for instance, as those of the celestial
bodies, could only be maintained by a perpetual consumption
and perpetual application of force, but the first of
Galileo’s laws declared that every body will
persevere in its state of rest, or of uniform motion
in a right line, until it is compelled to change that
state by disturbing forces. A clear perception
of this fundamental principle is essential to a comprehension
of the elementary facts of physical astronomy.
Since all the motions that we witness taking place
on the surface of the earth soon come to an end, we
are led to infer that rest is the natural condition
of things. We have made, then, a very great advance
when we have become satisfied that a body is equally
indifferent to rest as to motion, and that it equally
perseveres in either state until disturbing forces
are applied. Such disturbing forces in the case
of common movements are friction and the resistance
of the air. When no such resistances exist, movement
must be perpetual, as is the case with the heavenly
bodies, which are moving in a void.
Forces, no matter what their difference
of magnitude may be, will exert their full influence
conjointly, each as though the other did not exist.
Thus, when a ball is suffered to drop from the mouth
of a cannon, it falls to the ground in a certain interval
of time through the influence of gravity upon it.
If, then, it be fired from the cannon, though now
it may be projected some thousands of feet in a second,
the effect of gravity upon it will be precisely the
same as before. In the intermingling of forces
there is no deterioration; each produces its own specific
effect.
In the latter half of the seventeenth
century, through the works of Borelli, Hooke, and
Huyghens, it had become plain that circular motions
could be accounted for by the laws of Galileo.
Borelli, treating of the motions of Jupiter’s
satellites, shows how a circular movement may arise
under the influence of a central force. Hooke
exhibited the inflection of a direct motion into a
circular by a supervening central attraction.
The year 1687 presents, not only an
epoch in European science, but also in the intellectual
development of man. It is marked by the publication
of the “Principia” of Newton, an incomparable,
an immortal work.
On the principle that all bodies attract
each other with forces directly as their masses, and
inversely as the squares of their distances, Newton
showed that all the movements of the celestial bodies
may be accounted for, and that Kepler’s laws
might all have been predicted the elliptic
motions the described areas the relation
of the times and distances. As we have seen,
Newton’s contemporaries had perceived how circular
motions could be explained; that was a special case,
but Newton furnished the solution of the general problem,
containing all special cases of motion in circles,
ellipses, parábolas, hyperbolas that
is, in all the conic sections.
The Alexandrian mathematicians had
shown that the direction of movement of falling bodies
is toward the centre of the earth. Newton proved
that this must necessarily be the case, the general
effect of the attraction of all the particles of a
sphere being the same as if they were all concentrated
in its centre. To this central force, thus determining
the fall of bodies, the designation of gravity was
given. Up to this time, no one, except Kepler,
had considered how far its influence reached.
It seemed to Newton possible that it might extend
as far as the moon, and be the force that deflects
her from a rectilinear path, and makes her revolve
in her orbit round the earth. It was easy to compute,
on the principle of the law of inverse squares, whether
the earth’s attraction was sufficient to produce
the observed effect. Employing the measures of
the size of the earth accessible at the time, Newton
found that the moon’s deflection was only thirteen
feet in a minute; whereas, if his hypothesis of gravitation
were true, it should be fifteen feet. But in
1669 Picard, as we have seen, executed the measurement
of a degree more carefully than had previously been
done; this changed the estimate of the magnitude of
the earth, and, therefore, of the distance of the moon;
and, Newton’s attention having been directed
to it by some discussions that took place at the Royal
Society in 1679, he obtained Picard’s results,
went home, took out his old papers, and resumed his
calculations. As they drew to a close, he became
so much agitated that he was obliged to desire a friend
to finish them. The expected coincidence was
established. It was proved that the moon is retained
in her orbit and made to revolve round the earth by
the force of terrestrial gravity. The genii of
Kepler had given place to the vortices of Descartes,
and these in their turn to the central force of Newton.
In like manner the earth, and each
of the planets, are made to move in an elliptic orbit
round the sun by his attractive force, and perturbations
arise by reason of the disturbing action of the planetary
masses on one another. Knowing the masses and
the distances, these disturbances may be computed.
Later astronomers have even succeeded with the inverse
problem, that is, knowing the perturbations or disturbances,
to find the place and the mass of the disturbing body.
Thus, from the deviations of Uranus from his theoretical
position, the discovery of Neptune was accomplished.
Newton’s merit consisted in
this, that he applied the laws of dynamics to the
movements of the celestial bodies, and insisted that
scientific theories must be substantiated by the agreement
of observations with calculations.
When Kepler announced his three laws,
they were received with condemnation by the spiritual
authorities, not because of any error they were supposed
to present or to contain, but partly because they gave
support to the Copernican system, and partly because
it was judged inexpedient to admit the prevalence
of law of any kind as opposed to providential intervention.
The world was regarded as the theatre in which the
divine will was daily displayed; it was considered
derogatory to the majesty of God that that will should
be fettered in any way. The power of the clergy
was chiefly manifested in the influence the were alleged
to possess in changing his arbitrary determinations.
It was thus that they could abate the baleful action
of comets, secure fine weather or rain, prevent eclipses,
and, arresting the course of Nature, work all manner
of miracles; it was thus that the shadow had been made
to go back on the dial, and the sun and the moon stopped
in mid-career.
In the century preceding the epoch
of Newton, a great religious and political revolution
had taken place the Reformation. Though
its effect had not been the securing of complete liberty
for thought, it bad weakened many of the old ecclesiastical
bonds. In the reformed countries there was no
power to express a condemnation of Newton’s works,
and among the clergy there was no disposition to give
themselves any concern about the matter. At first
the attention of the Protestant was engrossed by the
movements of his great enemy the Catholic, and when
that source of disquietude ceased, and the inevitable
partitions of the Reformation arose, that attention
was fastened upon the rival and antagonistic Churches.
The Lutheran, the Calvinist, the Episcopalian, the
Presbyterian, had something more urgent on hand than
Newton’s mathematical demonstrations.
So, uncondemned, and indeed unobserved,
in this clamor of fighting sects, Newton’s grand
theory solidly established itself. Its philosophical
significance was infinitely more momentous than the
dogmas that these persons were quarreling about.
It not only accepted the heliocentric theory and the
laws discovered by Kepler, but it proved that, no
matter what might be the weight of opposing ecclesiastical
authority, the sun must be the centre of our system,
and that Kepler’s laws are the result of a mathematical
necessity. It is impossible that they should
be other than they are.
But what is the meaning of all this?
Plainly that the solar system is not interrupted by
providential interventions, but is under the government
of irreversible law law that is itself the
issue of mathematical necessity.
The telescopic observations of Herschel
I. satisfied him that there are very many double stars double
not merely because they are accidentally in the same
line of view, but because they are connected physically,
revolving round each other. These observations
were continued and greatly extended by Herschel ii.
The elements of the elliptic orbit of the double star
zeta of the Great Bear were determined by Savary, its
period being fifty-eight and one-quarter years; those
of another, sigma Coronae, were determined by
Hind, its period being more than seven hundred and
thirty-six years. The orbital movement of these
double suns in ellipses compels us to admit that the
law of gravitation holds good far beyond the boundaries
of the solar system; indeed, as far as the telescope
can reach, it demonstrates the reign of law. D’Alembert,
in the Introduction to the Encyclopædia, says:
“The universe is but a single fact; it is only
one great truth.”
Shall we, then, conclude that the
solar and the starry systems have been called into
existence by God, and that he has then imposed upon
them by his arbitrary will laws under the control
of which it was his pleasure that their movements
should be made?
Or are there reasons for believing
that these several systems came into existence not
by such an arbitrary fiat, but through the operation
of law?
The following are some peculiarities
displayed by the solar system as enumerated by Laplace.
All the planets and their satellites move in ellipses
of such small eccentricity that they are nearly circles.
All the planets move in the same direction and nearly
in the same plane. The movements of the satellites
are in the same direction as those of the planets.
The movements of rotation of the sun, of the planets,
and the satellites, are in the same direction as their
orbital motions, and in planes little different.
It is impossible that so many coincidences
could be the result of chance! Is it not plain
that there must have been a common tie among all these
bodies, that they are only parts of what must once
have been a single mass?
But if we admit that the substance
of which the solar system consists once existed in
a nebulous condition, and was in rotation, all the
above peculiarities follow as necessary mechanical
consequences. Nay, more, the formation of planets,
the formation of satellites and of asteroids, is accounted
for. We see why the outer planets and satellites
are larger than the interior ones; why the larger
planets rotate rapidly, and the small ones slowly;
why of the satellites the outer planets have more,
the inner fewer. We are furnished with indications
of the time of revolution of the planets in their
orbits, and of the satellites in theirs; we perceive
the mode of formation of Saturn’s rings.
We find an explanation of the physical condition of
the sun, and the transitions of condition through
which the earth and moon have passed, as indicated
by their geology.
But two exceptions to the above peculiarities
have been noted; they are in the cases of Uranus and
Neptune.
The existence of such a nebulous mass
once admitted, all the rest follows as a matter of
necessity. Is there not, however, a most serious
objection in the way? Is not this to exclude Almighty
God from the worlds he has made?
First, we must be satisfied whether
there is any solid evidence for admitting the existence
of such a nebulous mass.
The nebular hypothesis rests primarily
on the telescopic discovery made by Herschel I., that
there are scattered here and there in the heavens
pale, gleaming patches of light, a few of which are
large enough to be visible to the naked eye.
Of these, many may be resolved by a sufficient telescopic
power into a congeries of stars, but some, such as
the great nebula in Orion, have resisted the best
instruments hitherto made.
It was asserted by those who were
indisposed to accept the nebular hypothesis, that
the non-resolution was due to imperfection in the
telescopes used. In these instruments two distinct
functions may be observed: their light-gathering
power depends on the diameter of their object mirror
or lens, their defining power depends on the exquisite
correctness of their optical surfaces. Grand instruments
may possess the former quality in perfection by reason
of their size, but the latter very imperfectly, either
through want of original configuration, or distortion
arising from flexure through their own weight.
But, unless an instrument be perfect in this respect,
as well as adequate in the other, it may fail to decompose
a nebula into discrete points.
Fortunately, however, other means
for the settlement of this question are available.
In 1846, it was discovered by the author of this book
that the spectrum of an ignited solid is continuous that
is, has neither dark nor bright lines. Fraunhofer
had previously made known that the spectrum of ignited
gases is discontinuous. Here, then, is the means
of determining whether the light emitted by a given
nebula comes from an incandescent gas, or from a congeries
of ignited solids, stars, or suns. If its spectrum
be discontinuous, it is a true nebula or gas; if continuous,
a congeries of stars.
In 1864, Mr. Huggins made this examination
in the case of a nebula in the constellation Draco.
It proved to be gaseous.
Subsequent observations have shown
that, of sixty nebulae examined, nineteen give discontinuous
or gaseous spectra the remainder continuous
ones.
It may, therefore, be admitted that
physical evidence has at length been obtained, demonstrating
the existence of vast masses of matter in a gaseous
condition, and at a temperature of incandescence.
The hypothesis of Laplace has thus a firm basis.
In such a nebular mass, cooling by radiation is a
necessary incident, and condensation and rotation the
inevitable results. There must be a separation
of rings all lying in one plane, a generation of planets
and satellites all rotating alike, a central sun and
engirdling globes. From a chaotic mass, through
the operation of natural laws, an organized system
has been produced. An integration of matter into
worlds has taken place through a decline of heat.
If such be the cosmogony of the solar
system, such the genesis of the planetary worlds,
we are constrained to extend our views of the dominion
of law, and to recognize its agency in the creation
as well as in the conservation of the innumerable
orbs that throng the universe.
But, again, it may be asked:
“Is there not something profoundly impious in
this? Are we not excluding Almighty God from the
world he has made?”
We have often witnessed the formation
of a cloud in a serene sky. A hazy point, barely
perceptible a little wreath of mist increases
in volume, and becomes darker and denser, until it
obscures a large portion of the heavens. It throws
itself into fantastic shapes, it gathers a glory from
the sun, is borne onward by the wind, and, perhaps,
as it gradually came, so it gradually disappears,
melting away in the untroubled air.
Now, we say that the little vesicles
of which this cloud was composed arose from the condensation
of water-vapor preexisting in the atmosphere, through
reduction of temperature; we show how they assumed
the form they present. We assign optical reasons
for the brightness or blackness of the cloud; we explain,
on mechanical principles, its drifting before the
wind; for its disappearance we account on the principles
of chemistry. It never occurs to us to invoke
the interposition of the Almighty in the production
and fashioning of this fugitive form. We explain
all the facts connected with it by physical laws,
and perhaps should reverentially hesitate to call into
operation the finger of God.
But the universe is nothing more than
such a cloud a cloud of suns and worlds.
Supremely grand though it may seem to us, to the Infinite
and Eternal Intellect it is no more than a fleeting
mist. If there be a multiplicity of worlds in
infinite space, there is also a succession of worlds
in infinite time. As one after another cloud replaces
cloud in the skies, so this starry system, the universe,
is the successor of countless others that have preceded
it the predecessor of countless others
that will follow. There is an unceasing metamorphosis,
a sequence of events, without beginning or end.
If, on physical principles, we account
for minor meteorological incidents, mists and clouds,
is it not permissible for us to appeal to the same
principle in the origin of world-systems and universes,
which are only clouds on a space-scale somewhat larger,
mists on a time-scale somewhat less transient?
Can any man place the line which bounds the physical
on one side, the supernatural on the other? Do
not our estimates of the extent and the duration of
things depend altogether on our point of view?
Were we set in the midst of the great nebula of Orion,
how transcendently magnificent the scene! The
vast transformations, the condensations of a fiery
mist into worlds, might seem worthy of the immediate
presence, the supervision of God; here, at our distant
station, where millions of miles are inappreciable
to our eyes, and suns seem no bigger than motes
in the air, that nebula is more insignificant than
the faintest cloud. Galileo, in his description
of the constellation of Orion, did not think it worth
while so much as to mention it. The most rigorous
theologian of those days would have seen nothing to
blame in imputing its origin to secondary causes, nothing
irreligious in failing to invoke the arbitrary interference
of God in its metamorphoses. If such be the conclusion
to which we come respecting it, what would be the
conclusion to which an Intelligence seated in it might
come respecting us? It occupies an extent of space
millions of times greater than that of our solar system;
we are invisible from it, and therefore absolutely
insignificant. Would such an Intelligence think
it necessary to require for our origin and maintenance
the immediate intervention of God?
From the solar system let us descend
to what is still more insignificant a little
portion of it; let us descend to our own earth.
In the lapse of time it has experienced great changes.
Have these been due to incessant divine interventions,
or to the continuous operation of unfailing law?
The aspect of Nature perpetually varies under our eyes,
still more grandly and strikingly has it altered in
geological times. But the laws guiding those
changes never exhibit the slightest variation.
In the midst of immense vicissitudes they are immutable.
The present order of things is only a link in a vast
connected chain reaching back to an incalculable past,
and forward to an infinite future.
There is evidence, geological and
astronomical, that the temperature of the earth and
her satellite was in the remote past very much higher
than it is now. A decline so slow as to be imperceptible
at short intervals, but manifest enough in the course
of many ages, has occurred. The heat has been
lost by radiation into space.
The cooling of a mass of any kind,
no matter whether large or small, is not discontinuous;
it does not go on by fits and starts; it takes place
under the operation of a mathematical law, though for
such mighty changes as are here contemplated neither
the formula of Newton, nor that of Dulong and Petit,
may apply. It signifies nothing that periods of
partial decline, glacial periods, or others of temporary
elevation, have been intercalated; it signifies nothing
whether these variations may have arisen from topographical
variations, as those of level, or from periodicities
in the radiation of the sun. A periodical sun
would act as a mere perturbation in the gradual decline
of heat. The perturbations of the planetary motions
are a confirmation, not a disproof, of gravity.
Now, such a decline of temperature
must have been attended by innumerable changes of
a physical character in our globe. Her dimensions
must have diminished through contraction, the length
of her day must have lessened, her surface must have
collapsed, and fractures taken place along the lines
of least resistance; the density of the sea must have
increased, its volume must have become less; the constitution
of the atmosphere must have varied, especially in
the amount of water-vapor and carbonic acid that it
contained; the barometric pressure must have declined.
These changes, and very many more
that might be mentioned, must have taken place not
in a discontinuous but in an orderly manner, since
the master-fact, the decline of heat, that was causing
them, was itself following a mathematical law.
But not alone did lifeless Nature
submit to these inevitable mutations; living Nature
was also simultaneously affected.
An organic form of any kind, vegetable
or animal, will remain unchanged only so long as the
environment in which it is placed remains unchanged.
Should an alteration in the environment occur, the
organism will either be modified or destroyed.
Destruction is more likely to happen
as the change in the environment is more sudden; modification
or transformation is more possible as that change
is more gradual.
Since it is demonstrably certain that
lifeless Nature has in the lapse of ages undergone
vast modifications; since the crust of the earth, and
the sea, and the atmosphere, are no longer such as
they once were; since the distribution of the land
and the ocean and all manner of physical conditions
have varied; since there have been such grand changes
in the environment of living things on the surface
of our planet it necessarily follows that
organic Nature must have passed through destructions
and transformations in correspondence thereto.
That such extinctions, such modifications,
have taken place, how copious, how convincing, is
the evidence!
Here, again, we must observe that,
since the disturbing agency was itself following a
mathematical law, these its results must be considered
as following that law too.
Such considerations, then, plainly
force upon us the conclusion that the organic progress
of the world has been guided by the operation of immutable
law not determined by discontinuous, disconnected,
arbitrary interventions of God. They incline
us to view favorably the idea of transmutations
of one form into another, rather than that of sudden
creations.
Creation implies an abrupt appearance,
transformation a gradual change.
In this manner is presented to our
contemplation the great theory of Evolution.
Every organic being has a place in a chain of events.
It is not an isolated, a capricious fact, but an unavoidable
phenomenon. It has its place in that vast, orderly
concourse which has successively risen in the past,
has introduced the present, and is preparing the way
for a predestined future. From point to point
in this vast progression there has been a gradual,
a definite, a continuous unfolding, a resistless order
of evolution. But in the midst of these mighty
changes stand forth immutable the laws that are dominating
over all.
If we examine the introduction of
any type of life in the animal series, we find that
it is in accordance with transformation, not with creation.
Its beginning is under an imperfect form in the midst
of other forms, of which the time is nearly complete,
and which are passing into extinction. By degrees,
one species after another in succession more and more
perfect arises, until, after many ages, a culmination
is reached. From that there is, in like manner,
a long, a gradual decline.
Thus, though the mammal type of life
is the characteristic of the Tertiary and post-Tertiary
periods, it does not suddenly make its appearance
without premonition in those periods. Far back,
in the Secondary, we find it under imperfect forms,
struggling, as it were, to make good a foothold.
At length it gains a predominance under higher and
better models.
So, too, of reptiles, the characteristic
type of life of the Secondary period. As we see
in a dissolving view, out of the fading outlines of
a scene that is passing away, the dim form of a new
one emerging, which gradually gains strength, reaches
its culmination, and then melts away in some other
that is displacing it, so reptile-life doubtfully,
appears, reaches its culmination, and gradually declines.
In all this there is nothing abrupt; the changes shade
into each other by insensible degrees.
How could it be otherwise? The
hot-blooded animals could not exist in an atmosphere
so laden with carbonic acid as was that of the primitive
times. But the removal of that noxious ingredient
from the air by the leaves of plants under the influence
of sunlight, the enveloping of its carbon in the earth
under the form of coal, the disengagement of its oxygen,
permitted their life. As the atmosphere was thus
modified, the sea was involved in the change; it surrendered
a large part of its carbonic acid, and the limestone
hitherto held in solution by it was deposited in the
solid form. For every equivalent of carbon buried
in the earth, there was an equivalent of carbonate
of lime separated from the sea not necessarily
in an amorphous condition, most frequently under an
organic form. The sunshine kept up its work day
by day, but there were demanded myriads of days for
the work to be completed. It was a slow passage
from a noxious to a purified atmosphere, and an equally
slow passage from a cold-blooded to a hot-blooded type
of life. But the physical changes were taking
place under the control of law, and the organic transformations
were not sudden or arbitrary providential acts.
They were the immediate, the inevitable consequences
of the physical changes, and therefore, like them,
the necessary issue of law.
For a more detailed consideration
of this subject, I may refer the reader to Chapters
I, ii., VII, of the second book of my “Treatise
on Human Physiology,” published in 1856.
Is the world, then, governed by law
or by providential interventions, abruptly breaking
the proper sequence of events?
To complete our view of this question,
we turn finally to what, in one sense, is the most
insignificant, in another the most important, case
that can be considered. Do human societies, in
their historic career, exhibit the marks of a predetermined
progress in an unavoidable track? Is there any
evidence that the life of nations is under the control
of immutable law?
May we conclude that, in society,
as in the individual man, parts never spring from
nothing, but are evolved or developed from parts that
are already in existence?
If any one should object to or deride
the doctrine of the evolution or successive development
of the animated forms which constitute that unbroken
organic chain reaching from the beginning of life on
the globe to the present times, let him reflect that
he has himself passed through modifications the counterpart
of those he disputes. For nine months his type
of life was aquatic, and during that time he assumed,
in succession, many distinct but correlated forms.
At birth his type of life became aerial; he began
respiring the atmospheric air; new elements of food
were supplied to him; the mode of his nutrition changed;
but as yet he could see nothing, hear nothing, notice
nothing. By degrees conscious existence was assumed;
he became aware that there is an external world.
In due time organs adapted to another change of food,
the teeth, appeared, and a change of food ensued.
He then passed through the stages of childhood and
youth, his bodily form developing, and with it his
intellectual powers. At about fifteen years, in
consequence of the evolution which special parts of
his system had attained, his moral character changed.
New ideas, new passions, influenced him. And that
that was the cause, and this the effect, is demonstrated
when, by the skill of the surgeon, those parts have
been interfered with. Nor does the development,
the metamorphosis, end here; it requires many years
for the body to reach its full perfection, many years
for the mind. A culmination is at length reached,
and then there is a decline. I need not picture
its mournful incidents the corporeal, the
intellectual enfeeblement. Perhaps there is little
exaggeration in saying that in less than a century
every human being on the face of the globe, if not
cut off in an untimely manner, has passed through all
these changes.
Is there for each of us a providential
intervention as we thus pass from stage to stage of
life? or shall we not rather believe that the countless
myriads of human beings who have peopled the earth
have been under the guidance of an unchanging, a universal
law?
But individuals are the elementary
constituents of communities nations.
They maintain therein a relation like that which the
particles of the body maintain to the body itself.
These, introduced into it, commence and complete their
function; they die, and are dismissed.
Like the individual, the nation comes
into existence without its own knowledge, and dies
without its own consent, often against its own will.
National life differs in no particular from individual,
except in this, that it is spread over a longer span,
but no nation can escape its inevitable term.
Each, if its history be well considered, shows its
time of infancy, its time of youth, its time of maturity,
its time of decline, if its phases of life be completed.
In the phases of existence of all,
so far as those phases are completed, there are common
characteristics, and, as like accordances in individuals
point out that all are living under a reign of law,
we are justified in inferring that the course of nations,
and indeed the progress of humanity, does not take
place in a chance or random way, that supernatural
interventions never break the chain of historic acts,
that every historic event has its warrant in some preceding
event, and gives warrant to others that are to follow..
But this conclusion is the essential
principle of Stoicism that Grecian philosophical
system which, as I have already said, offered a support
in their hour of trial and an unwavering guide in
the vicissitudes of life, not only to many illustrious
Greeks, but also to some of the great philosophers,
statesmen, generals, and emperors of Rome; a system
which excluded chance from every thing, and asserted
the direction of all events by irresistible necessity,
to the promotion of perfect good; a system of earnestness,
sternness, austerity, virtue a protest in
favor of the common-sense of mankind. And perhaps
we shall not dissent from the remark of Montesquieu,
who affirms that the destruction of the Stoics was
a great calamity to the human race; for they alone
made great citizens, great men.
To the principle of government by
law, Latin Christianity, in its papal form, is in
absolute contradiction. The history of this branch
of the Christian Church is almost a diary of miracles
and supernatural interventions. These show that
the supplications of holy men have often arrested
the course of Nature if, indeed, there be
any such course; that images and pictures have worked
wonders; that bones, hairs, and other sacred relics,
have wrought miracles. The criterion or proof
of the authenticity of many of these objects is, not
an unchallengeable record of their origin and history,
but an exhibition of their miracle-working powers.
Is not that a strange logic which
finds proof of an asserted fact in an inexplicable
illustration of something else?
Even in the darkest ages intelligent
Christian men must have had misgivings as to these
alleged providential or miraculous interventions.
There is a solemn grandeur in the orderly progress
of Nature which profoundly impresses us; and such
is the character of continuity in the events of our
individual life that we instinctively doubt the occurrence
of the supernatural in that of our neighbor. The
intelligent man knows well that, for his personal
behoof, the course of Nature has never been checked;
for him no miracle has ever been worked; he attributes
justly every event of his life to some antecedent
event; this he looks upon as the cause, that as the
consequence. When it is affirmed that, in his
neighbor’s behalf, such grand interventions have
been vouchsafed, he cannot do otherwise than believe
that his neighbor is either deceived, or practising
deception.
As might, then, have been anticipated,
the Catholic doctrine of miraculous intervention received
a rude shock at the time of the Reformation, when
predestination and election were upheld by some of
the greatest theologians, and accepted by some of
the greatest Protestant Churches. With stoical
austerity Calvin declares: “We were elected
from eternity, before the foundation of the world,
from no merit of our own, but according to the purpose
of the divine pleasure.” In affirming this,
Calvin was resting on the belief that God has from
all eternity decreed whatever comes to pass.
Thus, after the lapse of many ages, were again emerging
into prominence the ideas of the Basilidians wad Valentinians,
Christian sects of the second century, whose Gnostical
views led to the engraftment of the great doctrine
of the Trinity upon Christianity. They asserted
that all the actions of men are necessary, that even
faith is a natural gift, to which men are forcibly
determined, and must therefore be saved, though their
lives be ever so irregular. From the Supreme God
all things proceeded. Thus, also, came into prominence
the views which were developed by Augustine in his
work, “De dono perseverantiae.”
These were: that God, by his arbitrary will,
has selected certain persons without respect to foreseen
faith or good works, and has infallibly ordained to
bestow upon them eternal happiness; other persons,
in like manner, he has condemned to eternal reprobation.
The Sublapsarians believed that “God permitted
the fall of Adam;” the Supralapsarians that
“he predestinated it, with all its pernicious
consequences, from all eternity, and that our first
parents had no liberty from the beginning.”
In this, these sectarians disregarded the remark of
St. Augustine: “Nefas est dicere
Deum aliquid nisi bonum predestinare.”
Is it true, then, that “predestination
to eternal happiness is the everlasting purpose of
God, whereby, before the foundations of the world
were laid, he hath constantly decreed by his council,
secret to us, to deliver from curse and damnation
those whom he hath chosen out of mankind?” Is
it true that of the human family there are some who,
in view of no fault of their own, Almighty God has
condemned to unending torture, eternal misery?
In 1595 the Lambeth Articles asserted
that “God from eternity hath predestinated certain
men unto life; certain he hath reprobated.”
In 1618 the Synod of Dort decided in favor of this
view. It condemned the remonstrants against it,
and treated them with such severity, that many of
them had to flee to foreign countries. Even in
the Church of England, as is manifested by its seventeenth
Article of Faith, these doctrines have found favor.
Probably there was no point which
brought down from the Catholics on the Protestants
severer condemnation than this, their partial acceptance
of the government of the world by law. In all
Reformed Europe miracles ceased. But, with the
cessation of shrine-cure, relic-cure, great pecuniary
profits ended. Indeed, as is well known, it was
the sale of indulgences that provoked the Reformation indulgences
which are essentially a permit from God for the practice
of sin, conditioned on the payment of a certain sum
of money to the priest.
Philosophically, the Reformation implied
a protest against the Catholic doctrine of incessant
divine intervention in human affairs, invoked by sacerdotal
agency; but this protest was far from being fully made
by all the Reforming Churches. The evidence in
behalf of government by law, which has of late years
been offered by science, is received by many of them
with suspicion, perhaps with dislike; sentiments which,
however, must eventually give way before the hourly-increasing
weight of evidence.
Shall we not, then, conclude with
Cicero, who, quoted by Lactantius, says:
“One eternal and immutable law embraces all things
and all times?”