THE AGE OF FAITH IN THE WEST (Continued).
The Arabian influence, allying itself
to philosophy, was henceforth productive of other
than military results. To the loss of Africa and
Asia was now added a disturbance impressed on Europe
itself, ending in the decomposition of Christianity
into two forms, Greek and Latin, and in three great
political events the emancipation of the
popes from the emperors of Constantinople, the usurpation
of power by a new dynasty in France, the reconstruction
of the Roman empire in the West.
The dispute respecting the worship
of images led to those great events. The acts
of the Mohammedan khalifs and of the iconoclastic or
image-breaking emperors occasioned that dispute.
Nothing could be more deplorable than
the condition of southern Europe when it first felt
the intellectual influence of the Arabians. Its
old Roman and Greek populations had altogether disappeared;
the races of half-breeds and mongrels substituted
for them were immersed in fetichism. An observance
of certain cérémonials constituted a religious
life. A chip of the true cross, some iron filings
from the chain of St. Peter, a tooth or bone of a
martyr, were held in adoration; the world was full
of the stupendous miracles which these relics had performed.
But especially were painted or graven images of holy
personages supposed to be endowed with such powers.
They had become objects of actual worship. The
facility with which the Empress Helena, the mother
of Constantine the Great, had given an aristocratic
fashion to this idolatry, showed that the old pagan
ideas had never really died out, and that the degenerated
populations received with approval the religious conceptions
of their great predecessors. The early Christian
fathers believed that painting and sculpture were
forbidden by the Scriptures, and that they were therefore
wicked arts; and, though the second Council of Nicea
asserted that the use of images had always been adopted
by the Church, there are abundant facts to prove that
the actual worship of them was not indulged in until
the fourth century, when, on the occasion of its occurrence
in Spain, it was condemned by the Council of Illiberis.
During the fifth century the practice of introducing
images into churches increased, and in the sixth it
had become prevalent. The common people, who
had never been able to comprehend doctrinal mysteries,
found their religious wants satisfied in turning to
these effigies. With singular obtuseness,
they believed that the saint is present in his image,
though hundreds of the same kind were in existence,
each having an equal and exclusive right to the spiritual
presence. The doctrine of invocation of departed
saints, which assumed prominence in the fifth century,
was greatly strengthened by these graphic forms.
Pagan idolatry had reappeared.
At first the simple cross was used
as a substitute for the amulets and charms of remoter
times; it constituted a fetich able to expel evil
spirits, even Satan himself. This Being, who had
become singularly debased from what he was in the
noble Oriental fictions, was an imbecile and malicious
though not a malignant spirit, affrighted not only
at pieces of wood framed in the shape of a cross, but
at the form of it made by the finger in the air.
A subordinate daemon was supposed to possess every
individual at his birth, but he was cast out by baptism.
When, in the course of time, the cross became a crucifix,
offering a representation of the dying Redeemer, it
might be supposed to have gathered increased virtue;
and soon, in addition to that adorable form, were
introduced images of the Virgin, the apostles, saints,
and martyrs. The ancient times seemed to have
come again, when these pictures were approached with
génuflexions, luminaries, and incense. The
doctrine of the more intelligent was that these were
aids to devotion, and that, among people to whom the
art of reading was unknown, they served the useful
purpose of recalling sacred events in a kind of hieroglyphic
manner. But among the vulgar, and monks, and women,
they were believed to be endowed with supernatural
power. Of some, the wounds could bleed; of others,
the eyes could wink; of others, the limbs could be
raised. In ancient times, the statues of Minerva
could brandish spears, and those of Venus could weep.
In truth, the populations of the Greek
and Latin countries were no more than nominally converted
and superficially Christianized. The old traditions
and practices had never been forgotten. A tendency
to idolatry seemed to be the necessary incident of
the climate. Not without reason have the apologists
of the clergy affirmed that image-worship was insisted
on by the people, and that the Church had to admit
ideas that she had never been able to eradicate.
After seven hundred years of apostolic labour, it
was found that the populace of Greece and Italy were
apparently in their old state, and that actually nothing
at all had been accomplished; the new-comers had passed
into the track of their predecessors. It is often
said that the restoration of image-worship was owing
to the extinction of civilization by the Northern barbarians.
But this is not true. In the blood of the German
nations the taint of idolatry is but small. In
their own countries they gave it little encouragement,
and, indeed, hastened quickly to its total rejection.
The sin lay not with them, but with the Mediterranean
people.
Nor are those barbarians to be held
accountable for the so-called extinction of civilization
in Italy. The true Roman race had prematurely
died; it came to an untimely end in consequence of
its dissolute, its violent life. Its civilization
would have spontaneously died with it had no barbarian
been present; and, if these intruders produced a baneful
effect at first, they compensated for it in the end.
As, when fresh coal is added to a fire that is burning
low, a still further diminution will ensue, perhaps
there may be a risk of entirely putting it out; but
in due season, if all goes well, the new material
will join in the contagious blaze. The savages
of Europe, thrown into the decaying foci of Greek
and Roman light, did perhaps for a time reduce the
general heat; but, by degrees, it spread throughout
their mass, and the bright flame of modern civilization
was the result. Let those who lament the intrusion
of these men into the classical countries, reflect
upon the result which must otherwise have ensued the
last spark would soon have died out, and nothing but
ashes have remained.
Three causes gave rise to Iconoclasm,
or the revolt against image-worship: 1st, the
remonstrances and derision of the Mohammedans; 2nd,
the good sense of a great sovereign, Leo the Isaurian,
who had risen by his merit from obscurity, and had
become the founder of a new dynasty at Constantinople;
3rd, the detected inability of these miracle-working
idols and fétiches to protect their worshippers
or themselves against an unbelieving enemy. Moreover,
an impression was gradually making its way among the
more intelligent classes that religion ought to free
itself from such superstitions. So important were
the consequences of Leo’s actions, that some
have been disposed to assign to his reign the first
attempt at making policy depend on theology; and to
this period, as I have elsewhere remarked, they therefore
refer the commencement of the Byzantine empire.
Through one hundred and twenty years, six emperors
devoted themselves to this reformation. But it
was premature. They were overpowered by the populace
and the monks, by the bishops of Rome, and by a superstitious
and wicked woman.
It had been a favourite argument against
the pagans how little their gods could do for them
when the hour of calamity came, when their statues
and images were insulted and destroyed, and hence how
vain was such worship, how imbecile such gods.
When Africa and Asia, full of relics and crosses,
pictures and images, fell before the Mohammedans,
those conquerors retaliated the same logic with no
little effect. There was hardly one of the fallen
towns that had not some idol for its protector.
Remembering the stern objurgations of the prophet against
this deadly sin, prohibited at once by the commandment
of God and repudiated by the reason of man, the Saracen
khalifs had ordered all the Syrian images to be destroyed.
Amid the derision of the Arab soldiery and the tears
of the terror-stricken worshippers, these orders were
remorselessly carried into effect, except in some cases
where the temptation of an enormous ransom induced
the avengers of the unity of God to swerve from their
duty. Thus the piece of linen cloth on which it
was feigned that our Saviour had impressed his countenance,
and which was the palladium of Edessa, was carried
off by the victors at the capture of that town, and
subsequently sold to Constantinople at the profitable
price of twelve thousand pounds of silver. This
picture, and also some other celebrated ones, it was
said, possessed the property of multiplying themselves
by contact with other surfaces, as in modern times
we multiply photographs. Such were the celebrated
images “made without hands.”
It was currently asserted that the
immediate origin of Iconoclasm was due to the Khalif
Yezed, who had completed the destruction of the Syrian
images, and to two Jews, who stimulated Leo the Isaurian
to his task. However that may be, Leo published
an edict, A.D. 726, prohibiting the worship of images.
This was followed by another directing their destruction,
and the whitewashing of the walls of churches ornamented
with them. Hereupon the clergy and the monks rebelled;
the emperor was denounced as a Mohammedan and a Jew.
He ordered that a statue of the Saviour in that part
of the city called Chalcopratia should be removed,
and a riot was the consequence. One of his officers
mounted a ladder and struck the idol with an axe upon
its face; it was an incident like that enacted centuries
before in the temple of Serapis at Alexandria.
The sacred image, which had often arrested the course
of Nature and worked many miracles, was now found
to be unable to protect or to avenge its own honour.
A rabble of women interfered in its behalf; they threw
down the ladder and killed the officer; nor was the
riot ended until the troops were called in and a great
massacre perpetrated. The monks spread the sedition
in all parts of the empire; they even attempted to
proclaim a new emperor. Leo was everywhere denounced
as a Mohammedan infidel, an enemy of the Mother of
God; but with inflexible resolution he persisted in
his determination as long as he lived.
His son and successor, Constantine,
pursued the same iconoclastic policy. From the
circumstance of his accidentally defiling the font
at which he was being baptized, he had received the
suggestive name of Copronymus. His subsequent
career was asserted by the monks to have been foreshadowed
by his sacrilegious beginnings. It was publicly
asserted that he was an atheist. In truth, his
biography, in many respects, proves that the higher
classes in Constantinople were largely infected with
infidelity. The patriarch deposed upon oath that
Copronymus had made the most irreligious confessions
to him, as that our Saviour, far from being the Son
of God, was, in his opinion, a mere man, born of his
mother in the common way. The truth of these accusations
was perhaps, in a measure, sustained by the revenge
that the emperor took on the patriarch for his indiscreet
revelations. He seized him, put out his eyes,
caused him to be led through the city mounted on an
ass, with his face to the tail, and then, as if to
show his unutterable contempt for all religion, with
an exquisite malice, appointed him to his office again.
If such was the religious condition
of the emperor, the higher clergy were but little
better. A council was summoned by Constantine,
A.D. 754, at Constantinople, which was attended by
388 bishops. It asserted for itself the position
of the seventh general council. It unanimously
decreed that all visible symbols of Christ, except
in the Eucharist, are blasphemous or heretical; that
image-worship is a corruption of Christianity and
a renewed form of paganism; it directed all statues
and paintings to be removed from the churches and
destroyed, it degraded every ecclesiastic and excommunicated
every layman who should be concerned in setting them
up again. It concluded its labours with prayers
for the emperor who had extirpated idolatry and given
peace to the Church.
But this decision was by no means
quietly received. The monks rose in an uproar;
some raised a clamour in their caves, some from the
tops of their pillars; one, in the church of St. Mammas,
insulted the emperor to his face, denouncing him as
a second apostate Julian. Nor could he deliver
himself from them by the scourging, strangling, and
drowning of individuals. In his wrath, Copronymus,
plainly discerning that it was the monks on one side
and the government on the other, determined to strike
at the root of the evil, and to destroy monasticism
itself. He drove the holy men out of their cells
and cloisters; made the consecrated virgins marry;
gave up the buildings for civil uses; burnt pictures,
idols, and all kinds of relics; degraded the patriarch
from his office, scourged him, shaved off his eyebrows,
set him for public derision in the circus in a sleeveless
shirt, and then beheaded him. Already he had
consecrated a eunuch in his stead. Doubtless these
atrocities strengthened the bishops of Rome in their
resolve to seek a protector from such a master among
the barbarian kings of the West.
Constantine Copronymus was succeeded
by his son, Leo the Chazar, who, during a short reign
of five years, continued the iconoclastic policy.
On his death his wife Irene seized the government,
ostensibly in behalf of her son. This woman,
pre-eminently wicked and superstitious beyond her
times, undertook the restoration of images. She
caused the patriarch to retire from his dignity, appointed
one of her creatures, Tarasius, in his stead, and
summoned another council. In this second Council
of Nicea that of Constantinople was denounced as a
synod of fools and atheists, the worship of images
was pronounced agreeable to Scripture and reason,
and in conformity to the usages and traditions of the
Church.
Irene, saluted as the second Helena,
and set forth by the monks as an exemplar of piety,
thus accomplished the restoration of image-worship.
In a few years this ambitious woman, refusing to surrender
his rightful dignity to her son, caused him to be
seized, and, in the porphyry chamber in which she
had borne him, put out his eyes. Constantinople,
long familiar with horrible crimes, was appalled at
such an unnatural deed.
During the succeeding reigns to that
of Leo the Armenian, matters remained without change;
but that emperor resumed the policy of Leo the Isaurian.
By an edict he prohibited image-worship, and banished
the Patriarch of Constantinople, who had admonished
him that the apostles had made images of the Saviour
and the Virgin, and that there was at Rome a picture
of the Transfiguration, painted by order of St. Peter.
After the murder of Leo, his successor, Michael the
Stammerer, showed no encouragement to either party.
It was affirmed that he was given to profane jesting,
was incredulous as to the resurrection of the dead,
disbelieved the existence of the devil, was indifferent
whether images were worshipped or not, and recommended
the patriarch to bury the decrees of Constantinople
and Nicea equally in oblivion. His successor
and son, however, observed no such impartiality.
To Saracenic tastes, shown by his building a palace
like that of the khalif; to a devotion for poetry,
exemplified by branding some of his own stanzas on
his image-worshipping enemies; to the composition
of music and its singing by himself as an amateur
in the choir; to mechanical knowledge, displayed by
hydraulic contrivances, musical instruments, organs,
automatic singing-birds sitting in golden trees, he
added an abomination of monks and a determined iconoclasm.
Instead of merely whitewashing the walls of the churches,
he adorned them with pictures of beasts and birds.
Iconoclasm had now become a struggle between the emperors
and the monks.
Again, on the death of Theophilus,
image-worship triumphed, and triumphed in the same
manner as before. His widow, Theodora, alarmed
by the monks for the safety of the soul of her husband,
purchased absolution for him at the price of the restoration
of images.
Such was the issue of Iconoclasm in
the East. The monks proved stronger than the
emperors, and, after a struggle of 120 years, the images
were finally restored. In the West far more important
consequences followed.
To image-worship Italy was devoutly
attached. When the first edict of Leo was made
known by the exarch, it produced a rebellion, of which
Pope Gregory II. took advantage to suspend the tribute
paid by Italy. In letters that he wrote to the
emperor he defended the popular delusion, declaring
that the first Christians had caused pictures to be
made of our Lord, of his brother James, of Stephen,
and all the martyrs, and had sent them throughout
the world; the reason that God the Father had not
been painted was that his countenance was not known.
These letters display a most audacious presumption
of the ignorance of the emperor respecting common
Scripture incidents, and, as some have remarked, suggest
a doubt of the pope’s familiarity with the sacred
volume. He points out the difference between
the statues of antiquity, which are only the representations
of phantoms, and the images of the Church, which have
approved themselves, by numberless miracles, to be
the genuine forms of the Saviour, his mother, and
his saints. Referring to the statue of St. Peter,
which the emperor had ordered to be broken to pieces,
he declares that the Western nations regard that apostle
as a god upon earth, and ominously threatens the vengeance
of the pious barbarians if it should be destroyed.
In this defence of images Gregory found an active
coadjutor in a Syrian, John of Damascus, who had witnessed
the rage of the khalifs against the images of his own
country, and whose hand, having been cut off by those
tyrants, had been miraculously rejoined to his body
by an idol of the Virgin to which he prayed.
But Gregory was not alone in his policy,
nor John of Damascus in his controversies. The
King of the Lombards, Luitprand, also perceived the
advantage of putting himself forth as the protector
of images, and of appealing to the Italians, for their
sake, to expel the Greeks from the country. The
pope acted on the principle that heresy in a sovereign
justifies withdrawal of allegiance, the Lombard that
it excuses the seizure of possessions. Luitprand
accordingly ventured on the capture of Ravenna.
An immense booty, the accumulation of the emperors,
the Gothic kings, and the exarchs, which was taken
at the storming of the town, at once rewarded his
piety, stimulated him to new enterprises of a like
nature, and drew upon him the attention of his enemy
the emperor, whom he had plundered, and of his confederate
the pope, whom he had overreached.
This was the position of affairs.
If the Lombards, who were Arians, and therefore heretics,
should succeed in extending their sway all over Italy,
the influence and prosperity of the papacy must come
to an end; their action on the question of the images
was altogether of an ephemeral and delusive kind,
for all the northern nations preferred a simple worship
like that of primitive times, and had never shown any
attachment to the adoration of graven forms. If,
on the other hand, the pope should continue his allegiance
to Constantinople, he must be liable to the atrocious
persécutions so often and so recently inflicted
on the patriarchs of that city by their tyrannical
master; and the breaking of that connexion in reality
involved no surrender of any solid advantages, for
the emperor was too weak to give protection from the
Lombards. Already had been experienced a portentous
difficulty in sending relief from Constantinople,
on account of the naval superiority of the Saracens
in the Mediterranean. For the taxes paid to the
sovereign no real equivalent was received; but Rome,
in ignominy, was obliged to submit, like an obscure
provincial town, to the mandates of the Eastern court.
Moreover, in her eyes, the emperor, by reason of his
iconoclasm, was a heretic. But if alliance with
the Lombards and allegiance to the Greeks were equally
inexpedient, a third course was possible. A mayor
of the palace of the Frankish kings had successfully
led his armies against the Arabs from Spain, and had
gained the great victory of Tours. If the Franks,
under the influence of their climate or the genius
of their race, had thus far shown no encouragement
to images, in all other respects they were orthodox,
for they had been converted by Catholic missionaries;
their kings, it was true, were mere phantoms, but Charles
Martel had proved himself a great soldier; he was,
therefore, an ambitious man. There was Scripture
authority for raising a subordinate to sovereign power;
the prophets of Israel had thus, of old, with oil
anointed kings. And if the sword of France was
gently removed from the kingly hand that was too weak
to hold it, and given to the hero who had already
shown that he could smite terribly with it if
this were done by the authority of the pope, acting
as the representative of God, how great the gain to
the papacy! A thousand years might not be enough
to separate the monarchy of France from the theocracy
of Italy.
The resistance which had sprung up
to the imperial edict for the destruction of images
determined the course of events. The pope rebelled,
and attempts were made by the emperor to seize or assassinate
him. A fear that the pontiff might be carried
to Constantinople, and the preparations making to
destroy the images in the churches, united all Italy.
A council was held at Rome, which anathematized the
Iconoclasts. In retaliation, the Sicilian and
other estates of the Church were confiscated.
Gregory III., who in the meantime succeeded to the
papacy, continued the policy of his predecessor.
The emperor was defied. A fleet, fitted out by
him in support of the exarch, was lost in a storm.
With this termination of the influence of Constantinople
in Italy came the imminent danger that the pope must
acknowledge the supremacy of the Lombards. In
his distress Gregory turned to Charles Martel.
He sent him the keys of the sepulchre of St. Peter,
and implored his assistance. The die was cast.
Papal Rome revolted from her sovereign, and became
indissolubly bound to the barbarian kingdoms.
To France a new dynasty was given, to the pope temporal
power, and to the west of Europe a fictitious Roman
empire.
The monks had thus overcome the image-breaking
emperors, a result which proves them to have already
become a formidable power in the state. It is
necessary, for a proper understanding of the great
events with which henceforth they were connected,
to describe their origin and history.
In the iconoclastic quarrel they are
to be regarded as the representatives of the common
people in contradistinction to the clergy; often,
indeed, the representatives of the populace, infected
with all its instincts of superstition and fanaticism.
They are the upholders of miracle-cures, invocation
of saints, worship of images, clamorous asserters
of a unity of faith in the Church a unity
which they never practised, but which offered a convenient
pretext for a bitter persecution of heresy and paganism,
though they were more than half pagan themselves.
It was their destiny to impress on
the practical life of Europe that mixture of Christianity
and heathenism engendered by political events in Italy
and Greece. Yet, while they thus co-operated in
great affairs, they themselves exhibited, in the most
signal manner, the force of that law of continuous
variation of opinion and habits to which all enduring
communities of men must submit. Born of superstition,
obscene in their early life, they end in luxury, refinement,
learning. Theirs is a history to which we may
profitably attend.
From very early times there had been
in India zealots who, actuated by a desire of removing
themselves from the temptations of society and preparing
for another life, retired into solitary places.
Such also were the Essenes among the Jews, and the
Therapeutae in Egypt. Pliny speaks of the blameless
life of the former when he says, “They are the
companions of palms;” nor does he hide his astonishment
at an immortal society in which no one is ever born.
Their example was not lost upon more devout Christians,
particularly after the influence of Magianism began
to be felt. Though it is sometimes said that the
first of these hermits were Anthony and Paulus, they
doubtless are to be regarded as only having rendered
themselves more illustrious by their superior sanctity
among a crowd of worthies who had preceded them or
were their contemporaries. As early as the second
and third centuries the practice of retirement had
commenced among Christians; soon afterwards it had
become common. The date of Hilarion is about A.D.
328, of Basil A.D. 360. Regarding prayer as the
only occupation in which man may profitably engage,
they gave no more attention to the body than the wants
of nature absolutely demanded. A little dried
fruit or bread for food, and water for drink, were
sufficient for its support; occasionally a particle
of salt might be added, but the use of warm water
was looked upon as betraying a tendency to luxury.
The incentives to many of their rules of life might
excite a smile, if it were right to smile at the acts
of earnest men. Some, like the innocent Essenes,
who would do nothing whatever on the Sabbath, observed
the day before as a fast, rigorously abstaining from
food and drink, that nature might not force them into
sin on the morrow. For some, it was not enough,
by the passive means of abstinence, to refrain from
fault or reduce the body to subjection, though starvation
is the antidote for desire; the more active, and,
perhaps, more effectual operation of periodical flagellations
and bodily torture were added. Ingenuity was
taxed to find new means of personal infliction.
A hermit who never permitted himself to sleep more
than an hour without being awakened endured torments
not inferior to those of the modern fakir, who crosses
his arms on the top of his head and keeps them there
for years, until they are wasted to the bone, or suspends
himself to a pole by means of a hook inserted in the
flesh of his back.
Among the Oriental sects there are
some who believe that the Supreme Being is perpetually
occupied in the contemplation of himself, and that
the nearer man can approach to a state of total inaction
the more will he resemble God. For many years
the Indian sage never raises his eyes from his navel;
absorbed in the profound contemplation of it, his
perennial reverie is unbroken by any outward suggestions,
the admiring by-standers administering, as chance
offers, the little food and water that his wants require.
Under the influence of such ideas, in the fifth century,
St. Simeon Stylites, who in his youth had often been
saved from suicide, by ascending a column he had built,
sixty feet in height, and only one foot square at
the top, departed as far as he could from earthly
affairs, and approached more closely to heaven.
On this elevated retreat, to which he was fastened
by a chain, he endured, if we may believe the incredible
story, for thirty years the summer’s sun and
the winter’s frost. Afar off the passer-by
was edified by seeing the motionless figure of the
holy man with outstretched arms like a cross, projected
against the sky, in his favourite attitude of prayer,
or expressing his thankfulness for the many mercies
of which he supposed himself to be the recipient by
rapidly striking his forehead against his knees.
Historians relate that a curious spectator counted
twelve hundred and forty-four of these motions, and
then abstained through fatigue from any farther tally,
though the unwearied exhibition was still going on.
This “most holy aerial martyr,” as Evagrius
calls him, attained at last his reward, and Mount
Telenissa witnessed a vast procession of devout admirers
accompanying to the grave his mortal remains.
More commonly, however, the hermit
declined the conspicuous notoriety of these “holy
birds,” as they were called by the profane, and,
retiring to some cave in the desert, despised the
comforts of life, and gave himself up to penance and
prayer. Among men who had thus altogether exalted
themselves above the wants of the flesh, there was
no toleration for its lusts. The sinfulness of
the marriage relation, and the pre-eminent value of
chastity, followed from their principles. If it
was objected to such practices that by their universal
adoption the human species would soon be extinguished,
and no man would remain to offer praises to God, these
zealots, remembering the temptations from which they
had escaped, with truth replied that there would always
be sinners enough in the world to avoid that disaster,
and that out of their evil works good would be brought.
St. Jerome offers us the pregnant reflection that,
though it may be marriage that fills the earth, it
is virginity that replenishes heaven.
If they were not recorded by many
truthful authors, the extravagances of some of
these enthusiasts would pass belief. Men and women
ran naked upon all fours, associating themselves with
the beasts of the field. In the spring season,
when the grass is tender, the grazing hermits of Mesopotamia
went forth to the plains, sharing with the cattle their
filth, and their food. Of some, notwithstanding
a weight of evidence, the stupendous biography must
tax their admirers’ credulity. It is affirmed
that St. Ammon had never seen his own body uncovered;
that an angel carried him on his back over a river
which he was obliged to cross; that at his death he
ascended to heaven through the skies, St. Anthony
being an eye-witness of the event St. Anthony,
who was guided to the hermit Paulus by a centaur;
that Didymus never spoke to a human being for ninety
years.
From the Jewish anchorites, who of
old sought a retreat beneath the shade of the palms
of Engaddi, who beguiled their weary hours in the
chanting of psalms by the bitter waters of the Dead
Sea; from the philosophic Hindu, who sought for happiness
in bodily inaction and mental exercise, to these Christian
solitaries, the stages of delusion are numerous and
successive. It would not be difficult to present
examples of each step in the career of debasement.
To one who is acquainted with the working and accidents
of the human brain, it will not be surprizing that
an asylum for hermits who had become hopelessly insane
was instituted at Jerusalem.
The biographies of these recluses,
for ages a source of consolation to the faithful in
their temptations, are not to be regarded as mere works
of fiction, though they abound in supernatural occurrences,
and are the forerunners of the daemonology of the
Middle Ages. The whole world was a scene of daemoniac
adventures, of miracles and wonders. So far from
being mere impostures, they relate nothing
more than may be witnessed at any time under similar
conditions. In the brain of man, impressions of
whatever he has seen or heard, of whatever has been
made manifest to him by his other senses, nay, even
the vestiges of his former thoughts, are stored up.
These traces are most vivid at first, but, by degrees,
they decline in force, though they probably never
completely die out. During our waking hours,
while we are perpetually receiving new impressions
from things that surround us, such vestiges are overpowered,
and cannot attract the attention of the mind.
But in the period of sleep, when external influences
cease, they present themselves to our regard, and
the mind submitting to the delusion, groups them into
the fantastic forms of dreams. By the use of
opium and other drugs which can blunt our sensibility
to passing events, these phantasms may be made to emerge.
They also offer themselves in the delirium of fevers
and in the hour of death.
It is immaterial in what manner or
by what agency our susceptibility to the impressions
of surrounding objects is benumbed, whether by drugs,
or sleep, or disease, as soon as their force is no
greater than that of forms already registered in the
brain, those forms will emerge before us, and dreams
or apparitions are the result. So liable is the
mind to practise deception on itself, that with the
utmost difficulty it is aware of the delusion.
No man can submit to long-continued and rigorous fasting
without becoming the subject of these hallucinations;
and the more he enfeebles his organs of sense, the
more vivid is the exhibition, the more profound the
deception. An ominous sentence may perhaps be
incessantly whispered in his ear; to his fixed and
fascinated eye some grotesque or abominable object
may perpetually present itself. To the hermit,
in the solitude of his cell, there doubtless often
did appear, by the uncertain light of his lamp, obscene
shadows of diabolical import; doubtless there was
many an agony with fiends, many a struggle with monsters,
satyrs, and imps, many an earnest, solemn, and manful
controversy with Satan himself, who sometimes came
as an aged man, sometimes with a countenance of horrible
intelligence, and sometimes as a female fearfully
beautiful. St. Jerome, who, with the utmost difficulty,
had succeeded in extinguishing all carnal desires,
ingenuously confesses how sorely he was tried by this
last device of the enemy, how nearly the ancient flames
were rekindled. As to the reality of these apparitions,
why should a hermit be led to suspect that they arose
from the natural working of his own brain? Men
never dream that they are dreaming. To him they
were terrible realities; to us they should be the
proofs of insanity, not of imposture.
If, in the prison discipline of modern
times, it has been found that solitary confinement
is a punishment too dreadful for the most hardened
convict to bear, and that, if persisted in, it is liable
to lead to insanity, how much more quickly must that
unfortunate condition have been induced when the trials
of religious distress and the physical enfeeblement
arising from rigorous fastings and incessant watchings
were added? To the dreadful ennui which precedes
that state, one of the ancient monks pathetically
alludes when he relates how often he went forth and
returned to his cell, and gazed on the sun as if he
hastened too slowly to his setting. And yet such
fearful solitude is of but brief duration. Even
though we flee to the desert we cannot be long alone.
Cut off from social converse, the mind of man engenders
companions for itself companions like the
gloom from which they have emerged. It was thus
that to St. Anthony appeared the Spirit of Fornication,
under the form of a lascivious negro boy; it was thus
that multitudes of daemons of horrible aspect cruelly
beat him nearly to death, the brave old man defying
them to the last, and telling them that he did not
wish to be spared one of their blows; it was thus
that in the night, with hideous laughter, they burst
into his cell, under the form of lions, serpents,
scorpions, asps, lizards, panthers, and wolves, each
attacking him in own way; thus that when, in his dire
extremity, he lifted his eyes for help, the roof disappeared,
and amid beams of light the Saviour looked down; thus
it was with the enchanted silver dish that Satan gave
him, which, being touched, vanished in smoke; thus
with the gigantic bats and centaurs, and the two lions
that helped him to scratch a grave for Paul.
The images that may thus emerge from
the brain have been classed by physiologists among
the phenomena of inverse vision, or cerebral sight.
Elsewhere I have given a detailed investigation of
their nature (Human Physiology, chap, xxi.), and,
persuaded that they have played a far more important
part in human affairs than is commonly supposed, have
thus expressed myself: “Men in every part
of the world, even among nations the most abject and
barbarous, have an abiding faith not only in the existence
of a spirit that animates us, but also in its immortality.
Of these there are multitudes who have been shut out
from all communion with civilized countries, who have
never been enlightened by revelation, and who are
mentally incapable of reasoning out for themselves
arguments in support of those great truths. Under
such circumstances, it is not very likely that the
uncertainties of tradition, derived from remote ages,
could be any guide to them, for traditions soon disappear
except they be connected with the wants of daily life.
Can there be, in a philosophical view, anything more
interesting than the manner in which these defects
have been provided for by implanting in the very organization
of every man the means of constantly admonishing him
of these facts of recalling them with an
unexpected vividness before even after they have become
so faint as almost to die out? Let him be as
debased and benighted a savage as he may, shut out
from all communion with races whom Providence has
placed in happier circumstances, he has still the
same organization, and is liable to the same physiological
incidents, as ourselves. Like us, he sees in his
visions the fading forms of landscapes which are perhaps
connected with some of his most grateful recollections,
and what other conclusion can he possibly derive from
these unreal pictures than that they are the foreshadowings
of another land beyond that in which his lot is cast.
Like us, he is revisited at intervals by the resemblances
of those whom he has loved or hated while they were
alive, nor can he ever be so brutalized as not to
discern in such manifestations suggestions which to
him are incontrovertible proofs of the existence and
immortality of the soul. Even in the most refined
social conditions we are never able to shake off the
impressions of these occurrences, and are perpetually
drawing from them the same conclusions that our uncivilized
ancestors did. Our more elevated condition of
life in no respect relieves us from the inevitable
consequences of our own organization, any more than
it relieves us from infirmities and disease.
In these respects, all over the globe we are on an
equality. Savage or civilized, we carry within
us a mechanism intended to present to us mementoes
of the most solemn facts with which we can be concerned,
and the voice of history tells us that it has ever
been true to its design. It wants only moments
of repose or sickness, when the influence of external
things is diminished, to come into full play, and
these are precisely the moments when we are best prepared
for the truths it is going to suggest. Such a
mechanism is in keeping with the manner in which the
course of nature is fulfilled, and bears in its very
style the impress of invariability of action.
It is no respecter of persons. It neither permits
the haughtiest to be free from its monitions, nor
leaves the humblest without the consolation of a knowledge
of another life. Liable to no mischances, open
to no opportunities of being tampered with by the
designing or interested, requiring no extraneous human
agency for its effect, but always present with each
man wherever he may go, it marvellously extracts from
vestiges of the impressions of the past overwhelming
proofs of the reality of the future, and gathering
its power from what would seem to be a most unlikely
source, it insensibly leads us, no matter who or where
we may be, to a profound belief in the immortal and
imperishable, from phantoms that have scarcely made
their appearance before they are ready to vanish away.”
From such beginnings the monastic
system of Europe arose that system which
presents us with learning in the place of ferocious
ignorance, with overflowing charity to mankind in
the place of malignant hatred of society. The
portly abbot on his easy going palfrey, his hawk upon
his fist, scarce looks like the lineal descendant
of the hermit starved into insanity. How wide
the interval between the monk of the third and the
monk of the thirteenth century between the
caverns of Thebais and majestic monasteries cherishing
the relics of ancient learning, the hopes of modern
philosophy between the butler arranging
his well-stocked larder, and the jug of cold water
and crust of bread. A thousand years had turned
starvation into luxury, and alas! if the spoilers
of the Reformation are to be believed, had converted
visions of loveliness into breathing and blushing
realities, who exercised their charms with better
effect than of old their phantom sisters had done.
The successive stages to this end
may be briefly described. Around the cell of
some eremite like Anthony, who fixed his retreat on
Mount Colzim, a number of humble imitators gathered,
emulous of his austerities and of his piety.
A similar sentiment impels them to observe stated
hours of prayer. Necessity for supporting the
body indicates some pursuit of idle industry, the
plaiting of mats or making of baskets. So strong
is the instinctive tendency of man to association,
that even communities of madmen may organize.
Hilarion is said to have been the first who established
a monastic community. He went into the desert
when he was only fifteen years old. Eremitism
thus gave birth to Coenobitism, and the evils of solitude
were removed. Yet still there remained rigorous
anchorites who renounced their associated brethren
as these had renounced the world, and the monastery
was surrounded by their circle of solitary cells a
Laura, it was called. In Egypt, the sandy deserts
on each side of the rich valley of the river offered
great facilities for such a mode of life: that
of Nitria was full of monks, the climate being mild
and the wants of man easily satisfied. It is said
that there were at one time in that country of these
religious recluses not fewer than seventy-six thousand
males and twenty-seven thousand females. With
countless other uncouth forms, under the hot sun of
that climate they seemed to be spawned from the mud
of the Nile. As soon as from some celebrated
hermitage a monastery had formed, the associates submitted
to the rules of brotherhood. Their meal, eaten
in silence, consisted of bread and water, oil, and
a little salt. The bundle of papyrus which had
served the monk for a seat by day, while he made his
baskets or mats, served him for a pillow by night.
Twice he was roused from his sleep by the sound of
a horn to offer up his prayers. The culture of
superstition was compelled by inexorable rules.
A discipline of penalties, confinement, fasting, whipping,
and, at a later period even mutilation, was inflexibly
administered.
From Egypt and Syria monachism spread
like an epidemic. It was first introduced into
Italy by Athanasius, assisted by some of the disciples
of Anthony; but Jerome, whose abode was in Palestine,
is celebrated for the multitude of converts he made
to a life of retirement. Under his persuasion,
many of the high-born ladies of Rome were led to the
practice of monastic habits, as far as was possible,
in secluded spots near that city, on the ruins of
temples, and even in the Forum. Some were induced
to retreat to the Holy Land, after bestowing their
wealth for pious purposes. The silent monk insinuated
himself into the privacy of families for the purpose
of making prosélytes by stealth. Soon there
was not an unfrequented island in the Mediterranean,
no desert shore, no gloomy valley, no forest, no glen,
no volcanic crater, that did not witness exorbitant
selfishness made the rule of life. There were
multitudes of hermits on the desolate coasts of the
Black Sea. They abounded from the freezing Tanais
to the sultry Tabenne. In rigorous personal life
and in supernatural power the West acknowledged no
inferiority to the East; his admiring imitators challenged
even the desert of Thebais to produce the equal of
Martin of Tours. The solitary anchorite was soon
supplanted by the coenobitic establishment, the monastery.
It became a fashion among the rich to give all that
they had to these institutions for the salvation of
their own souls. There was now no need of basket-making
or the weaving of mats. The brotherhoods increased
rapidly. Whoever wanted to escape from the barbarian
invaders, or to avoid the hardships of serving in
the imperial army whoever had become discontented
with his worldly affairs, or saw in those dark times
no inducements in a home and family of his own, found
in the monastery a sure retreat. The number of
these religious houses eventually became very great.
They were usually placed on the most charming and
advantageous sites, their solidity and splendour illustrating
the necessity of erecting durable habitations for
societies that were immortal. It often fell out
that the Church laid claim to the services of some
distinguished monk. It was significantly observed
that the road to ecclesiastical elevation lay through
the monastery porch, and often ambition contentedly
wore for a season the cowl, that it might seize more
surely the mitre.
Though the monastic system of the
East included labour, it was greatly inferior to that
of the West in that particular. The Oriental monk,
at first making selfishness his rule of life, and
his own salvation the grand object, though all the
world else should perish, in his maturer period occupied
his intellectual powers in refined disputations of
theology. Too often he exhibited his physical
strength in the furious riots he occasioned in the
streets of the great cities. He was a fanatic
and insubordinate. On the other hand, the Occidental
monk showed far less disposition for engaging in the
discussion of things above reason, and expended his
strength in useful and honourable labour. Beneath
his hand the wilderness became a garden. To a
considerable extent this difference was due to physiological
peculiarity, and yet it must not be concealed that
the circumstances of life in the two cases were not
without their effects. The old countries of the
East, with their worn-out civilization and worn-out
soil, offered no inducements comparable with the barbarous
but young and fertile West, where to the ecclesiastic
the most lovely and inviting lands were open.
Both, however, coincided in this, that they regarded
the affairs of life as presenting perpetual interpositions
of a providential or rather supernatural kind angels
and devils being in continual conflict for the soul
of every man, who might become the happy prize of the
one or the miserable prey of the other. These
spiritual powers were perpetually controlling the
course of nature and giving rise to prodigies.
The measure of holiness in a saint was the number
of miracles he had worked. Thus, in the life
of St. Benedict, it is related that when his nurse
Cyrilla let fall a stone sieve, her distress was changed
into rejoicing by the prayer of the holy child, at
which the broken parts came together and were made
whole; that once on receiving his food in a basket,
let down to his otherwise inaccessible cell, the devil
vainly tried to vex him by breaking the rope; that
once Satan, assuming the form of a blackbird, nearly
blinded him by the flapping of his wings; that once,
too, the same tempter appeared as a beautiful Roman
girl, to whose fascinations, in his youth, St. Benedict
had been sensible, and from which he now hardly escaped
by rolling himself among thorns. Once, when his
austere rules and severity excited the resentment of
the monastery over which he was abbot, the brethren for
monks have been known to do such things attempted
to poison him, but the cup burst asunder as soon as
he took it into his hands. When the priest Florentius,
being wickedly disposed, attempted to perpetrate a
like crime by means of an adulterated loaf, a raven
carried away the deadly bread from the hand of St.
Benedict. Instructed by the devil, the same Florentius
drove from his neighbourhood the holy man, by turning
into the garden of his monastery seven naked girls;
but scarcely had the saint taken to flight, when the
chamber in which his persecutor lived fell in and
buried him beneath its ruins, though the rest of the
house was uninjured. Under the guidance of two
visible angels, who walked before him, St. Benedict
continued his journey to Monte Casino, where he erected
a noble monastery; but even here miracles did not cease;
for Satan bewitched the stones, so that it was impossible
for the masons to move them until they were released
by powerful prayers. A boy, who had stolen from
the monastery to visit his parents was not only struck
dead by God for his offence, but the consecrated ground
threw forth his body when they attempted to bury it;
nor could it be made to rest until consecrated bread
was laid upon it. Two garrulous nuns, who had
been excommunicated by St. Benedict for their perverse
prating, chanced to be buried in the church.
On the next administration of the sacrament, when
the deacon commanded all those who did not communicate
to depart, the corpses rose out of their graves and
walked forth from the church.
Volumes might be filled with such
wonders, which edified the religious for centuries,
exacting implicit belief, and being regarded as of
equal authority with the miracles of the Holy Scriptures.
Though monastic life rested upon the
principle of social abnegation, monasticism, in singular
contradiction thereto, contained within itself the
principle of organization. As early as A.D. 370,
St. Basil, the Bishop of Caesarea, incorporated the
hermits and coenobites of his diocese into one order,
called after him the Basilian. One hundred and
fifty years later, St. Benedict, under a milder rule,
organised those who have passed under his name, and
found for them occupation in suitable employments
of manual and intellectual labour. In the ninth
century, another Benedict revised the rule of the order,
and made it more austere. Offshoots soon arose,
as those of Clugni, A.D. 900; the Carthusians, A.D.
1084; the Cistercians, A.D. 1098. A favourite
pursuit among them being literary labour, they introduced
great improvements in the copying of manuscripts;
and in their illumination and illustration are found
the germs of the restoration of painting and the invention
of cursive handwriting. St. Benedict enjoined
his order to collect books. It has been happily
observed that he forgot to say anything about their
character, supposing that they must all be religious.
The Augustinians were founded in the eleventh century.
They professed, however, to be a restoration of the
society founded ages before by St. Augustine.
The influence to which monasticism
attained may be judged of from the boast of the Benedictines
that “Pope John XXII., who died in 1334, after
an exact inquiry, found that, since the first rise
of the order, there had been of it 24 popes, near
200 cardinals, 7000 archbishops, 15,000 bishops, 15,000
abbots of renown, above 4000 saints, and upward of
37,000 monasteries. There have been likewise,
of this order, 20 emperors and 10 empresses, 47 kings
and above 50 queens, 20 sons of emperors, and 48 sons
of kings; about 100 princesses, daughters of kings
and emperors; besides dukes, marquises, earls, countesses,
etc., innumerable. The order has produced
a vast number of authors and other learned men.
Their Rabanus set up the school of Germany. Their
Alcuin founded the University of Paris. Their
Dionysius Exiguus perfected ecclesiastical computation.
Their Guido invented the scale of music; their Sylvester,
the organ. They boasted to have produced Anselm,
Ildefonsus, and the Venerable Bede.”
We too often date the Christianization
of a community from the conversion of its sovereign,
but it is not in the nature of things that that should
change the hearts of men. Of what avail is it
if a barbarian chieftain drives a horde of his savages
through the waters of a river by way of extemporaneous
or speedy baptism? Such outward forms are of
little moment. It was mainly by the monasteries
that to the peasant class of Europe was pointed out
the way of civilization. The devotions and charities;
the austerities of the brethren; their abstemious meal;
their meagre clothing, the cheapest of the country
in which they lived; their shaven heads, or the cowl
which shut out the sight of sinful objects; the long
staff in their hands; their naked feet and legs; their
passing forth on their journeys by twos, each a watch
on his brother; the prohibitions against eating outside
of the wall of the monastery, which had its own mill,
its own bakehouse, and whatever was needed in an abstemious
domestic economy; their silent hospitality to the wayfarer,
who was refreshed in a separate apartment; the lands
around their buildings turned from a wilderness into
a garden, and, above all, labour exalted and ennobled
by their holy hands, and celibacy, for ever, in the
eye of the vulgar, a proof of separation from the world
and a sacrifice to heaven these were the
things that arrested the attention of the barbarians
of Europe, and led them on to civilization. In
our own material age, the advocates of the monastery
have plaintively asked, Where now shall we find an
asylum for the sinner who is sick of the world for
the man of contemplation in his old age, or for the
statesman who is tired of affairs? It was through
the leisure procured by their wealth that the monasteries
produced so many cultivators of letters, and transmitted
to us the literary relics of the old times. It
was a fortunate day when the monk turned from the
weaving of mats to the copying of manuscripts a
fortunate day when he began to compose those noble
hymns and strains of music which will live for ever.
From the “Dies Irae” there rings
forth grand poetry even in monkish Latin. The
perpetual movements of the monastic orders gave life
to the Church. The Protestant admits that to
a resolute monk the Reformation was due.
With these pre-eminent merits, the
monastic institution had its evils. Through it
was spread that dreadful materialization of religion
which, for so many ages, debased sacred things; through
it that worse than pagan apotheosis, which led to
the adoration for such it really was of
dead men; through it were sustained relics and lying
miracles, a belief in falsehoods so prodigious as
to disgrace the common sense of man. The apostles
and martyrs of old were forgotten; nay, even the worship
of God was forsaken for shrines that could cure all
diseases, and relics that could raise the dead.
Through it was developed that intense selfishness
which hesitated at no sacrifice either of the present
or the future, so far as this life is concerned, in
order to insure personal happiness in the next a
selfishness which, in the delusion of the times, passed
under the name of piety; and the degree of abasement
from the dignity of a man was made the measure of
the merit of a monk.