1. The Redemption of a Slacker
Out on the Ohio River there is a large
steel town. During the last few years many foreigners
who have the Bolsheviki spirit have crossed the ocean
and found work in the great shops and factories.
Little by little the foreign newspapers have developed
the spirit that has now ruined Russia, and is here
under the American name of the I. W. W. movement.
In this steel city was an anarchist, with real power
to move the mobs. The mere mention of the name
of Carnegie or Rockefeller was to him like waving
a red flag in the face of a bull. In the evenings
it was his custom to climb upon a box at the corner
of the street, close to a little park, and tell his
hearers that all the wealth in the rich man’s
house was created by the workman’s muscle.
He made no allowance for the inventor, for the organizer,
for the risks taken by the man who built a factory.
A few weeks ago this anarchist laid down a newspaper,
containing an account of the trial of the I. W. W.
leaders in Chicago. That night, becoming alarmed,
lest he himself be caught in the drag-net, and perhaps
forced to enlist as an enemy alien, this agitator
disappeared, leaving behind him his board bill, laundry
bill, tailor’s bill, not to mention many other
forms of indebtedness a disappearance that
led every one of his creditors to give up any and all
faith in the American Bolsheviki movement.
Now there was a young boy of about
twenty-three who had long been listening to this agitator.
When, therefore, the second night after the anarchist’s
disappearance came, this young man, who aspired himself
to be a leader of the mob, climbed up on the soap
box, at the corner of the little park, and began to
speak to the same old crowd.
“Think of it, my friends!
Just think of it! Think of some soldier coming
in here and making me enlist! I have no grudge
against the Germans. I don’t want to kill
them. My forefathers were all German! My
name is German. And I am an American all right,
all right! Still, I don’t propose to have
anybody tell me what I must do. If I want to enlist,
I will enlist, and if I don’t, I won’t!
I’d like to see some Government agent come along
and grab me for the draft! When he comes, he’ll
hear a few things from me, and then some!”
At that point a man lifted up his
hand and said: “Now you may stop right
there!” Throwing back his coat collar, he showed
a little metal badge. Climbing up on the box,
the stranger took the young anarchist by his shoulder
and half choked him, saying: “So you want
to have the people see some one take you to the draft
office? Well,” said the officer, “now’s
the time for them to see him, and I’m the man.
And you people,” he went on, “just take
a good look at this fellow. It’ll be the
last chance you’re going to have, for he will
be in jail to-night, and to-morrow we will decide
whether or not he has been opposing the draft.
If he has, he stands a good chance of being shot.”
Blowing a little whistle, the officer dragged the
young anarchist to the edge of the street, half lifted
and half kicked him into the police wagon, which soon
disappeared. The enemy aliens who remained behind
were stupefied, partly with astonishment and partly
with terror. Aliens began to say, “What
will come next?” That night a number more of
pro-Germans disappeared from this town with its steel
mills.
The next morning, at ten o’clock,
the officer entered the jail. “Get a move
on you, young man!” he said brusquely. “You’re
going up to the court to be examined to see whether
you are a slacker or a traitor. In the one case
you will be interned and in the other case you will
be hanged or shot.”
The young anarchist was on his feet
in a moment. “But, officer, aren’t
you going to give me a chance to enlist?”
“Young man, this Government
does not want traitors to enlist, nor pro-Germans.”
“I am not a pro-German this
morning,” cried the excited man. “I
have thought the whole thing over last night.
I did not sleep a wink. I think this Government
is the best government in the world. And I am
willing to fight for it.”
The officer was astounded. “Well,
my young enemy,” he exclaimed, “a dungeon
seems to have had a good effect upon your mind.
What has regenerated you? Was it the cold water
or the corn bread? Or the steel door before your
dungeon? Or was it the bad air in your cell?
Or possibly it was the fear of death, or God Almighty,
or future punishment. Come now, out with it!”
It was a thoroughly frightened boy
who stood half an hour later in the prisoner’s
dock. “Give me some book on the Government
of the United States,” he exclaimed to the judge.
“And give me a week in which to show that I
am in earnest, and I will then volunteer.”
The judge was very grave. “Young man,”
he said sternly, “any boy that will eat the bread
of the United States, that will enjoy the liberty
of this country, and has had all the chances to climb
to place that have come to you, and refuses to enlist,
has something wrong with him, and it is only a question
of time when he comes to the judgment day.”
To this the young man made the answer that he had
been lazy, careless and ignorant; that he had allowed
himself to become the tool of the runaway agitator,
and then once more he asked that he might have a chance
to enlist. With the help of friends, the judge
and the draft board finally let him off and sent him
to a camp for three months’ intensive training.
Then came the news that his company had been sent
over seas, and within a short time thereafter in the
list of casualties the name of this young foreigner
appeared. But one letter reached this country,
and that letter was notable for this sentence:
“For the first time in my life I have had young
Americans for my companions. The boys in my company
have had a college education and they have taught
me bravery, truth, self-sacrifice, kindness and chivalry.
I have learned more in two months at the camp than
in all the rest of my life put together. The
companionship in my company and in my camp have saved
my soul.” It is this that explains the redemption
of the slacker.
2. Slackers versus Heroes
Going through the long communication
trench, between the ruined city of Rheims and an observation
lookout, with its view of the German front trench,
we passed several soldiers digging an opening in the
soft white marl, into a parallel trench. The
captain in charge called my attention to a French
poilu. His hair was quite black, save for the
half inch next to the scalp and that was white as
snow. If one had lifted up his hair and estimated
his age by the last two inches of the jet locks the
poilu would have been about thirty-five, but the hair,
pure white at the roots, and a glance at his face
told us that he was fifty-five to sixty.
“He passed inspection,”
said the captain, “by dyeing his hair, and several
weeks ago he broke the bottle of dye. Now he is
half scared to death for fear he will be thrown out,
because he is at the beginning of old age. Still
I have no better soldier, no stronger, braver man.
But I am hoping much from a friend in Epernay, to
whom I sent for a bottle of black hair dye.”
So long as the Frenchmen have that
spirit France will never be defeated.
Many weeks ago I was in a manufacturing
town near Pittsburgh. The wind was sharp and
chill. All overcoats were turned up at the collar.
On a box stood a young Australian lieutenant.
His cheeks held two fiery spots. He was telling
the story of the second battle of Ypres. While
he talked you walked with him the streets of the doomed
city, you heard the crash of the great shells as they
smashed through the public buildings; you witnessed
the burning of the Cloth Hall and shivered as the noble
structure fell. One laughed with him in his moments
of humour and wept over the sorrows of the refugees.
He pleaded with the Welshmen and the Cornishmen, and
told them that the motherland was bleeding to death
and that now every boy counted. He flogged his
hearers, scoffed at them, praised them, wept, laughed,
reviled, transformed and finally conquered them.
At the close, shaking hands with him,
lo! he was burning with fever, with skin hot and dry.
“Lieutenant, you should be at the hotel, in bed.
You will kill yourself speaking in this cold air.”
“Well,” he answered, “there
are plenty of our boys who are perfectly sound who
will be killed inside of three months. I have
the t. b., (tuberculosis), but I believe that I can
pull through a year. I have enlisted over one
hundred coal miners from Wales and iron-workers from
Cornwall. I am willing to die for the motherland,
after a year of t. b., since my pals will be dead
within three months through bullets. And when
I die I want to die with the consciousness that I have
kept my manhood.”
I left that poor, wounded, half-dead
young soldier with the feeling that I had been in
the presence of a superior being.
Over against these heroes stand the
slackers. There are hundreds and thousands of
young men from allied countries who are of draft age,
who find refuge in this land. There are other
thousands who have been exempted, one because he has
a flat instep, another because he has had trouble
with his eyes or his teeth; or has tuberculosis, in
its initial form, or is a victim of bronchitis.
Most of these men owe it to their country and themselves
to tear up their exemption papers. They earn
their living in this country, working ten hours a day,
but they will not work six or eight hours a day for
Old England, thus releasing some young man to go to
the front.
The question is not whether the youth
has an exemption paper. The heart of the question
is, Has he any moral right to accept an exemption?
This war is being fought by untold thousands of soldiers
who could obtain half a dozen exemptions. They
prefer to run the risk of death in six months, to
looking after their own hides and keeping well away
from danger for the next six years or sixty.
No one who has been in the coal regions or in the
great mines of the Rocky Mountains but realizes that
there are an enormous number of allied slackers in
this country. They have left their country to
its dire peril at a moment when Old England is bleeding
to death when every man counts and when
the cripples, the invalids, the old men, the women,
everybody who can give four hours or eight of work
a day should enter the great war offices or commissary
departments and do office work, and thus release the
stronger men for their work at the front.
The time has fully come when Americans
should ask themselves the question whether or not
they have a moral right to support with money that
could be far better used, in the war stamp purchases
or Red Cross work, all these slackers and cowards,
at a time when the motherland asks them to throw away
their exemption papers, in an hour when civilization,
liberty and humanity are treasures trembling in the
balance.
3. German Stupidity in Avoiding the Draft
Following the revolution of 1848 in
Germany, multitudes of people fled from Prussia and
Bavaria, and these fugitives, settling in the United
States, organized colonies that grew until there were
often one hundred families in a single community.
Strangely enough, as the years went on, these Germans
forgot the iron yoke they once had borne, until, when
many years had passed by, it came about that time
and distance lent a glamour to the landscape of the
far-off Fatherland. Occasional letters from their
relatives kept them in touch with the old German home.
At last they quite forgot the militarism, the poverty,
the cruel limitations and the hypocrisy of Germany.
Familiarity also with the institutions of the Republic
bred a kind of contempt. Through the imagination
Germany became an enchanted land. When, therefore,
war was declared these German-Americans came together
in their clubs, beer gardens and German churches,
to pledge unswerving fealty to the Kaiser and to the
militarism from which once they had fled as from death
itself.
Last summer brought the Government
draft to the young men of one of these German colonies.
The week was approaching when the German boys must
have their physical examination. American officers,
American physicians and the members of the draft board
were already in session in a certain town. One
Sunday a German-American physician appeared in that
community. That night some twenty or more young
German-Americans met that physician. He told
them plainly how deeply he sympathized with their
unwillingness to turn their guns against their own
German cousins and relatives in the Fatherland.
Out of pity and compassion had been born his plan
to save their limbs and perhaps their lives, and also
to serve the Fatherland and the beloved Kaiser.
“I have here,” said the physician, “a
certain heart depressant. It will slow your heart
like the brake on an automobile. It is a simple
coal-oil product. It is quite harmless.
It was made by the well-known German firm of Baer &
Company, chemists, and it is so cheap. I shall
see to it that you are rejected for the draft.
And think of it! only twenty-five
dollars! For that little sum I will keep you
from being wounded or killed. You will each one
give me twenty-five dollars; then I will give you this
bottle, holding five grains for Monday, ten grains
for Tuesday, fifteen grains for Wednesday, twenty
grains for Thursday, twenty-five grains for Friday,
and on Saturday you will be rejected.” Ten
minutes later the necromancer had juggled twenty-five
dollars out of the pocket of each newly drafted boy
and into his own right-hand pocket.
On Saturday these young men appeared
before the draft board and the Government physicians.
All the boys were in a dreadful condition nervously.
Now the heart would drop to forty, and then at the
slightest exertion run up to two hundred and twenty.
All were dizzy, nauseated, yellow and green, feverish.
But the Secret Service men knew every detail of what
had taken place, and all the facts were in the hands
of the draft board. A certain farmer’s
son, young Heinrich H , was first
examined. The United States physician counted
a pulse that varied from forty to two hundred and
twenty. The physician kept his face perfectly
straight. “Marvellous heart! Regular
as a clock! Strong as the throbbing of a locomotive.
Seventy-two exactly! Absolutely normal. I
congratulate you, young men, upon your fine heart
action. A man is as old as his heart engine.
A boy with a heart like yours ought to live to be a
hundred years old. All you need is a change of
climate. France will do the world for you.
You may need a little heart stimulant, but I think
that nothing hastens the pulse beat like a few rifle
balls and bomb shells from Hindenburg.”
He sent every one of the twenty boys into the service,
but separated them, one going to Camp Ayer, in Massachusetts;
one to Camp Bliss, in El Paso, Texas, and the rest
to camps in States between. In one Middle West
community a German father and son went so far as to
deaden pain through cocaine and then cut off the finger
of the right hand. It is generally understood
that both the father and son are now in two widely
separated penitentiaries, reflecting each in his own
cell upon the folly of treason and the crime of becoming
a traitor to the kindest and best Government that
has ever been organized upon our earth.
4. “I’m Working Now for Uncle Sam”
The long transatlantic train came
to a dead stop at the division station in that great
Southwestern State, where one was surrounded by sage-brush,
the sand, the distant foot-hills and the far-off mountain
range.
One of the Pullman cars showed signs
of a hot box, and a moment later the wheel burst into
a mass of flame. In the thirty minutes’
wait for repairs I made my way into the room where
the conductors, engineers and firemen met. On
a little table I found a copy of the address given
before the railroad men of El Paso, Texas, by Secretary
McAdoo.
I called the attention of the different
men to the address, to the clarity of the reasoning,
the simplicity of the argument, the strength of the
appeal and the glowing patriotism that filled all the
pages. The pamphlet had been worn by much reading.
It was covered with the black finger prints of busy
men who had been working around the locomotives and
tenders.
Plainly Mr. McAdoo’s speech
had made a profound impression upon these employees.
Having first of all called the attention of the large
group of men to the creative work of Alexander Hamilton,
the first Secretary of the Treasury, who struck, as
Daniel Webster said, “the dry rock of national
credit and abundant streams of revenue gushed forth,”
I asked these men whether there had been in one hundred
and twenty-five years any forward movement in finance
that was comparable to the benefits derived from the
national reserve bank law, under Secretary McAdoo,
a law that not only had prevented a panic in this
country during this war, but had raised more billions
within four years than the total cost of the Government
in the first century of our existence.
Late that afternoon, on the train,
the conductor sought me out. In the midst of
the discussion he drew out a roll of bills. He
told me that in those mountain towns many of the ranchers
did not buy their tickets at the stations.
To use his expression, “They
had it in for the railroads.” “They
pay me their fare in cash, and when I give them the
receipt they tear up the receipt and wink at me.
I always feel,” he said, “like resenting
these actions, because I know that they are incitements
to petty theft, but now,” he said, “I
have my chance. I always tell them,” said
the conductor, “that money belongs to Uncle
Sam. He runs this railroad, Uncle Sam takes this
money.
“With it he will buy guns for
the American boys at the front and build ships to
carry food that will feed these soldiers. I would
rather lose that right arm than take one penny of
money that belongs to Uncle Sam. This is my job
to run this train. I tell my crew every day that
we must make the coal produce every possible pound
of steam, that every waste must be saved, and every
pound of energy used and that we must run this train
so as to help win this war.”
From morning till night I found that
conductor was preaching that sentiment. His words
were directly traceable to the words of Secretary
McAdoo at El Paso, Texas. That single speech transformed
these men.
Measured by the results truth
that transforms life and changes conduct and character that
was a truly great speech. We must all hope much
from this new sense of devotion to the interests of
Uncle Sam.
5. The German Farmer’s Debt to the United
States
There are literally thousands of small
German colonies in different parts of this country.
In one far distant State is a community settled by
about two hundred German families, who took up the
land immediately after the Civil War.
By some good fortune they settled
in what is now one of the very richest sections in
the United States. Land that they bought for $1.25
an acre is now worth $250 an acre. In that community
there are two German churches.
Both pastors came from Germany, both
were educated in German colleges, both read German
newspapers and both insist upon carrying on a colloquial
German school, with German teachers, German text-books
and German standards.
Little pressure was brought to bear
upon these farmers during the First Liberty Loan.
By many devices they succeeded in getting their boys
away before the draft registration. While it
was never proved technically that they had all pledged
themselves not to oppose Germany, morally this is
known to be the fact.
October of 1917 came and the Second
Liberty Loan was on. One day all these farmers
received a printed card, saying there would be a meeting
on Monday night, in connection with the Second Liberty
Loan. “I find you made no subscription
whatsoever to the First Liberty Loan. There are
reasons why I think it best for me to advise you to
attend this meeting.”
Every German farmer read that card
several times. Who was this stranger who was
coming into the community? Was he a Secret Service
man? How did he find out that there had been
a secret meeting of the Germans immediately after
war had been declared against Germany? Each farmer
began to ask himself: “Has any one quoted
me?” Each one decided to attend that meeting.
The meeting began at precisely seven
o’clock. Only one man who had received
the notice was absent, and his son brought a message
concerning his father’s absence. The stranger
arose in his place, but left it uncertain as to whether
he was a Secret Service man, a banker or a patriot
interested in his country. He began with substantially
these words:
“Men, you are all German-Americans.
I find that not one of you subscribed to the First
Liberty Loan. You came to this country poor men.
This Government sold you Government land for from a
dollar and a quarter to two dollars and a half an
acre. But you seem to have forgotten one thing.
Your title deed to your farm rests upon your loyalty
as citizens of the Republic. Whenever you refuse
to support the people of the Republic you have by
your own act annulled the title deed of your land.
“If you refuse to support your
Government in this war, you are a traitor, and when
this is proved you will be shot. If secretly you
have been sending money to the Kaiser to buy guns
with which to kill American boys you have forfeited
the title deed to your farm. Your property has
become again the possession of the Government and people
of the United States.”
By this time these farmers had their
mouths open, and their faces became tense and alarmed.
When his words had had time to sink in, the stranger
went on: “I have here a statement as to
the number of acres in each farm owned by each man
in this room. The first man’s name is Heinrich
; you own 320 acres of land.
It is worth at least $75,000. There is no mortgage
on this farm. Heinrich, I think you had better
buy $2,500 worth of Liberty Bonds. I am simply
advising with you as a friend. I have made out
an application for you, and all you have to do is to
sign it.
“My advice to every one of you
is that you buy from three to five per cent, of the
value of your farm. I want to say incidentally
that I trust that there will never again be held a
secret meeting of the Germans in this room to discuss
the best way to avoid supporting the United States
Government in this war against Germany, and how you
can best help the Kaiser.”
That little sentence worked like magic.
Every farmer in the room rose to his feet in his anxiety
to rush forward to the table. Men literally struggled
to see who should sign up first. Their enthusiasm
for the United States Government was as boundless
as it was sudden in its manifestation.
Remember that there were only two
hundred farmers in the room. And yet there are
the best of reasons for believing that the men in that
room bought that night nearly $200,000 worth of Liberty
Bonds.
6. “Sharper Than a Serpent’s
Tooth” Is an Ungrateful Immigrant
One of the things that no patriot
can ever understand is the ingratitude of the Germans
who fled from the Fatherland to escape German militarism
and autocracy.
Lecturing in a Western State, I met
a banker who had returned from a schoolhouse in a
rural district where he had been talking about the
Liberty Bonds to a German audience. One old German
refused to attend this meeting. He was very bitter
in his attacks upon our Government. He had made
no subscription to the first two Liberty Loans; he
had refused to help in the campaign for the Red Cross
Fund; he insisted that he paid his taxes and that
was all that the Government had any right to demand
from him.
He went one step further: The
old man said that he had not read a single American
newspaper since the war began, and that nothing but
a German newspaper should cross his threshold until
the war ended. Not until that banker descended
upon this pro-German with the indignation of an outraged
patriot did the rich old farmer capitulate.
The story of that German is typical.
He came to this country about 1859. When the
homestead act was passed he received from the United
States one hundred and sixty acres of land in the
very centre of one of the richest States in this Union,
and his one hundred and sixty acre farm is now worth
about $100,000.
When he ran away from Germany he was
receiving twenty cents a day. He rose at daybreak,
cleaned stables, milked cows, toiled in the field,
began his milking after dark, worked sixteen hours
a day, had nothing to eat except what could not be
sold by his employer. He was a German plebeian,
with no chance ever to improve his condition.
He was ignorant, stupid, a mere beast of burden.
So the German boy slipped across the
line into Holland, came steerage to this country,
slept among the rats of the ship, but the people of
the United States welcomed that miserable refugee.
The American school, without any charge, gave him
four months’ instruction every winter until
he was twenty. The American people gave him a
farm as a free gift. This Republic educated his
children, his grandchildren and enriched them with
land, office, honours and wealth. Once he hated
autocracy and militarism in the Fatherland but
in 1918 he loved them.
No sooner did the Kaiser invade Belgium
and commit rape upon that land than this German farmer
passed through a revulsion. Whatever the Kaiser
did was right. If Germany did a thing it was proper.
Germany had a right to break her solemn treaties;
Germany had a right to sink the Lusitania;
if Germany was out of iron ore she had a right to invade
France and steal her iron mines. What had been
crimes suddenly became virtues.
Fleeing from the German tyrant in
1859, in 1918 the old farmer turned upon the United
States that had befriended him.
“If I have to make my choice, I choose the Kaiser.”
Mentally, it seems absurd. Morally,
his was a monstrous position. But blood was thicker
than water. Gratitude had no place in his heart.
This old German regarded the gift
of his farm by our people as a sign of weakness.
The Republic gave him a homestead because he was a
superior man. He actually had a belief that Germany
would soon overrun the world; that the Kaiser would
soon be enthroned in Washington; that some German
in Iowa would supersede the Government in Des
Moines, and he was simply getting ready, having
made friends with the Kaiser’s Government, to
receive reward when the United States became a German
colony.
Who can explain the obsession?
It is clear that the German-Americans
had been drilled for forty years through their German
newspapers in these ideas. Little by little they
have been alienated from the institutions of the Republic.
Slowly they have been led to believe that Berlin is
soon to be a world capital and Kaiser Wilhelm the
world emperor, while only Germans shall be allowed
in this country to hold office or land, while all
Americans become tenants and servitors thereto.
Plainly this is what Siebert meant
in his book, published five years ago in Berlin:
“When we have reached our goal
Germany must see to it that no race save the German
race can have a title deed in land or carry weapons,
just as in the first world empire no one but a Roman
was allowed to own land or have a sword or spear.”
7. In Praise of Our Secret Service
Of necessity our Secret Service work
is carried on in silence and without blare of trumpets.
The achievements of the Department of Justice cannot
be proclaimed from the housetops. Everybody knows
something about the crimes committed by the German
agents. These spies, loyal with their lips, have
in their hearts plotted innumerable crimes against
our Government. They have dynamited our factories
and warehouses; they have burned shops and planted
bombs on ships; they have thrown trains from the track;
they have poisoned the horses and mules upon the transports
en route to France; they have fouled the springs of
knowledge through their hired reporters; with all
the cunning developed by long practice, they have
spread their insidious and perilous influences into
the remotest regions of the land. But over against
these spies and secret agents have stood the United
States Secret Service men, and with everything in
favour of the German plotter, our defenders have beaten
the German at his own game.
War was declared against Germany on
April 6, 1917. One Sunday night two or three
weeks later a large company of German-Americans belonging
to the secret German league met in their accustomed
place of assembly. There were several hundred
Germans present, but among them were three Secret
Service men. The German lawyer who opened the
meeting was very bitter. Having made certain
that only German sympathizers were present, he went
on to say that the occasion of this war could be traced
to Wall Street. Certain rich bankers and American
plutocrats had loaned perhaps a billion dollars to
England. Since the war was going against England,
these rich men were afraid that they would lose their
investment. In their emergency they forced war
upon Congress. The speech was clever, specious,
cunning, shrewdly calculated to stir up passion.
And the speech was applauded to the echo. The
second speaker made a no less skillful appeal to the
prejudices of the members of the secret German-American
league. Since the war was a money war, originated
by Wall Street, the Government could be defeated as
to its plans only by money. Therefore, every
member of the league must make his contribution; no
one present but must give at least ten dollars.
And, he added, in view of the fact that it was Sunday
night and that some might be without money, and since
no checks could be accepted, there were several German
bankers present, who would be glad to advance money
to the members who wished to make cash contributions.
The Germans had provided in advance against every
possible emergency.
Then came the opportunity for the
Secret Service men. The first one arose and began
with an apology for a German brogue that in reality
he was assuming. He spared no words in praising
the first two speakers. “What a wonderful
man was the Kaiser! What victories von Hindenburg
had achieved! The Fatherland was standing with
back against the wall. How wicked a nation was
France, and Poland! What a black heart England
had!” He pictured Germany as a lamb with fleece
as white as snow, and a huge Belgian wolf jumping
at the lamb’s tender throat. “What
an ambitious man was President Wilson. How eagerly
had Congress waited until Germany was weak, and then
rushed in to grab the fruits of war!” When this
man sat down his hearers were in a state of rapturous
upheaval. But scarcely had his voice ceased echoing
in the air when the second Secret Service man arose.
Having complimented the first two speeches by the German
plotters, he said that he thought he represented the
members in expressing the judgment that the third
speaker had made a speech that was unrivalled in its
statement as to the duty of the members toward the
Kaiser and the beloved Fatherland. The second
Secret Service man, therefore, moved that it be the
sense of the meeting that the member who had just
spoken be made secretary of the meeting, be custodian
of the funds just contributed. In five minutes
he had all the secrets of the meeting safely lodged
in the hands of the first Secret Service man.
At this point the third representative of the Government
arose and nominated the second Secret Service speaker,
who had just taken his seat, as teller to count the
funds, and in recognition of this man’s gifts
the teller immediately afterwards appointed the third
Secret Service man assistant teller. During the
next three hours, in the secrecy of their own meeting,
over twenty prosperous and influential Germans committed
themselves against this Government.
About midnight the secretary and the
two tellers turned over to the two Germans who had
made the two big speeches at the opening of the meeting
the entire collection, which amounted to thousands
of dollars. But at half-past twelve, as these
two Germans were entering their hotel, four Secret
Service men tapped them on the shoulder and promptly
relieved them of the aforementioned thousands.
One of these men is now working out his sentence in
a Southern penitentiary and the other in a Western
penitentiary. Their sentences were for twenty-eight
years. The other men who defended Germany and
attacked the United States are serving terms some
long and some short. It is a proverb that the
wicked flee when no man pursueth. But Dr. Parkhurst
coined a striking sentence when he added: “The
wicked man makes better time in fleeing when the righteous
Secret Service man pursues him with a sharp stick.”