1
Before this year has ended England
will know something of what war means. In English
country towns there will be many familiar faces missing,
many widows and orphans, and many mourning hearts.
Dimly and in a far-off way, the people who have stayed
at home will understand the misery of war and its
brutalities. But in spite of all our national
effort to raise great armies, and our immense national
sacrifice in sending the best of our young manhood
to foreign battlefields, the imagination of the people
as a whole will still fail to realize the full significance
of war as it is understood in France and Belgium.
They will not know the meaning of invasion.
It is a great luck to be born in an
island. The girdle of sea is a safeguard which
gives a sense of security to the whole psychology of
a race, and for that reason there is a gulf of ignorance
about the terrors of war which, happily, may never
be bridged by the collective imagination of English
and Scottish people. A continental nation, divided
by a few hills, a river, or a line on the map, from
another race with other instincts and ideals, is haunted
throughout its history by a sense of peril. Even
in times of profound peace, the thought is there,
in the background, with a continual menace. It
shapes the character of a people and enters into all
their political and educational progress. To
keep on friendly terms with a powerful next-door neighbour,
or to build defensive works high enough to make hostility
a safe game, is the lifework of its statesmen and
its politicians. Great crises and agitations
shake the nation convulsively when cowardice or treachery
or laziness has allowed that boundary wall to crumble
or has made a breach in it. The violence of the
Dreyfus affair was not so much due to a Catholic detestation
of the Jewish race, but in its root-instincts to a
fear of the German people over the frontier making
use of French corruption to sap the defensive works
which had been raised against them.
The necessity of conscription is obvious
beyond argument to a continental people still cherishing
old traditions of nationality, and the military training
which is compulsory for all young men of average health,
not only shapes the bodies of their lads, but also
shapes their minds, so that their outlook upon life
is largely different from that of an island people
protected by the sea. They know that they have
been born of women for one primary object to
fight when the time comes in, defence of the Fatherland,
to make one more human brick in the great wall of
blood and spirit dividing their country and race from
some other country and race. At least that is
the lesson taught them from first to last in the schools
and in the national assemblies, and there are only
a few minds which are able to see another way of life
when the walls of division may be removed and when
the fear of a next-door neighbour may be replaced
by friendship and common interests.
The difference between the intellectual
instincts of an island people and that of a continental
race was the cause of the slow way in which England
groped her way to an understanding of the present war,
so that words of scorn and sarcasm, a thousand mean
tricks of recruiting sergeants in high office, and
a thousand taunts had to be used to whip up the young
men of Great Britain, and induce them to join the
Army. Their hearths and homes were not in immediate
danger. They could not see any reasonable prospect
of danger upon English soil. Their women were
safe. Their property, bought on the hire system
out of hard-earned wages, was not, they thought, in
the least likely to be smashed into small bits or
carried off as loot. They could not conceive
the idea of jerry-built walls which enshrined all the
treasures of their life suddenly falling with a crash
like a house of cards, and burying their babies.
The British Expeditionary Force which they were asked
to join was after all only a sporting party going
out to foreign fields for a great adventure.
2
In France there were no such illusions.
As soon as war was imminent the people thought of
their frontiers, and prayed God in divers ways that
the steel hedges there were strong enough to keep back
the hostile armies until the general call to the colours
had been answered. Every able-bodied man in France
was ready, whatever the cowardice in his heart, to
fling himself upon the frontier to keep out, with
his own body, the inrushing tide of German troops.
The memory of 1870 had taught them the meaning of
Invasion.
I saw the meaning of it during the
first months of the war, when I wandered about France.
In the north, nearest to the enemy, and along the
eastern frontier, it was a great fear which spread
like a plague, though more swiftly and terribly, in
advance of the enemy’s troops. It made
the bravest men grow pale when they thought of their
women and children. It made the most callous man
pitiful when he saw those women with their little
ones and old people, whose place was by the hearthside,
trudging along the highroads, faint with hunger and
weariness, or pleading for places in cattle-trucks
already overpacked with fugitives, or wandering about
un-lighted towns at night for any kind of lodging,
and then, finding none, sleeping on the doorsteps
of shuttered houses and under the poor shelter of
overhanging gables.
For months, in every part of France
there were thousands of husbands who had lost their
wives and children, thousands of families who had
been divided hopelessly in the wild confusion of retreats
from a brutal soldiery. They had disappeared into
the maelstrom of fugitives wives, daughters,
sisters, mothers, and old grandmother, most of them
without money and all of them dependent for their
lives upon the hazard of luck. Every day in the
French newspapers there were long lists of inquiries.
“M. Henri Planchet would
be deeply grateful to anyone who can inform him of
the whereabouts of his wife, Suzanne, and of his two
little girls, Berthe and Marthe, refugees from Armentieres.”
“Mme. Tardieu would be profoundly
grateful for information about her daughter, Mme.
des Rochers, who fled from the destroyed
town of Albert on October 10, with her four children.”
Every day I read some of these lists,
finding a tragedy in every line, and wondering whether
any of these missing people were among those whom
I had met in the guard vans of troop trains, huddled
among their bundles, or on wayside platforms, or in
the long columns of retreating inhabitants from a
little town deep in a wooded valley below the hills
where German guns were vomiting their shrapnel.
Imagine such a case in England.
A man leaves his office in London and takes the train
to Guildford, where his wife and children are waiting
supper for him. At Weybridge the train comes to
a dead-halt. The guard runs up to the engine-driver,
and comes back to say that the tunnel has been blown
up by the enemy. It is reported that Guildford
and all the villages around have been invaded.
Families flying from Guildford describe the bombardment
of the town. A part of it is in flames.
The Guildhall is destroyed. Many inhabitants have
been killed. Most of the others have fled.
The man who was going home to supper
wants to set out to find his wife and children.
His friends hold him back in spite of his struggles.
“You are mad!” they shout. “Mad!"...
He has no supper at home that night. His supper
and his home have been burnt to cinders. For
weeks he advertises in the papers for the whereabouts
of his wife and babes. Nobody can tell him.
He does not know whether they are dead or alive.
There were thousands of such cases
in France. I have seen this tragedy a
man weeping for his wife and children swallowed up
into the unknown after the destruction of Fives, near
Lille. A new-born babe was expected. On
the first day of life it would receive a baptism of
fire. Who could tell this distracted man whether
the mother or child were alive?
3
There were many villages in France
around Lille and Armentieres, Amiens and Arras, and
over a wide stretch of country in Artois and Picardy,
where, in spite of all weariness, women who lay down
beside their sleeping babes could find no sleep for
themselves. For who could say what the night
would bring forth? Perhaps a patrol of Uhlans,
who shot peasants like rabbits as they ran across the
fields, and who demanded wine, and more wine, until
in the madness of drink they began to burn and destroy
for mere lust of ruin. So it was at Senlis, at
Sermaize, and in many villages in the region through
which I passed.
It was never possible to tell the
enemy’s next move. His cavalry came riding
swiftly far from the main lines of the hostile troops,
and owing to the reticence of official news, the inhabitants
of a town or village found themselves engulfed in
the tide of battle before they guessed their danger.
They were trapped by the sudden tearing-up of railway
lines and blowing-up of bridges, as I was nearly trapped
one day when the Germans cut a line a few hundred
yards away from my train.
Yet the terror was as great when no
Germans were seen, and no shells heard. It was
enough that they were coming. They had been reported often
falsely across distant hills. So the
exodus began and, with perambulators laden with bread
and apples, in any kind of vehicle even
in a hearse drawn by poor beasts too bad
for army requisitions, ladies of quality left their
chateaux and drove in the throng with peasant women
from whitewashed cottages. Often in a little
while both the chateau and the cottage were buried
in the same heap of ruins.
In a week or two, the enemy was beaten
back from some of these places, and then the most
hardy of the townsfolk returned “home.”
I saw some of them going home-at Senlis, at Sermaize,
and other places. They came back doubtful of
what they would find, but soon they stood stupefied
in front of some charred timbers which were once their
house. They did not weep, but just stared in a
dazed way. They picked over the ashes and found
burnt bits of former treasures the baby’s
cot, the old grandfather’s chair, the parlour
clock. Or they went into houses still standing
neat and perfect, and found that some insanity of
rage had smashed up all their household, as though
baboons had been at play or fighting through the rooms.
The chest of drawers had been looted or its contents
tumbled out upon the floor. Broken glasses, bottles,
jugs, were mixed up with a shattered violin, the medals
of a grandfather who fought in ’70, the children’s
broken toys, clothes, foodstuff, and picture frames.
I saw many of such houses after the coming and going
of the German soldiers.
Even for a correspondent in search
of a vantage-ground from which he might see something
of this war, with a reasonable chance of being able
to tell the story afterwards, the situation in France
during those early days was somewhat perilous.
It is all very well to advance towards
the fighting lines when the enemy is opposed by allied
forces in a known position, but it is a quite different
thing to wander about a countryside with only the vaguest
idea of the direction in which the enemy may appear,
and with the disagreeable thought that he may turn
up suddenly round the corner after cutting off one’s
line of retreat. That was my experience on more
than one day of adventure when I went wandering with
those two friends of mine, whom I have alluded to
as the Strategist and the Philosopher. Not all
the strategy of the one or the philosophy of the other
could save us from unpleasant moments when we blundered
close to the lines of an unexpected enemy.
That was our experience on an early
day in October, when we decided to go to Bethune,
which seemed an interesting place in the war-zone.
It may seem strange in England that
railway trains should still be running in the ordinary
way, according to the time-tables of peace, in these
directions, and that civilians should have been allowed
to take their tickets without any hint as to the danger
at the journey’s end. But in spite of the
horror of invasion, French railway officials showed
an extraordinary sang-froid and maintained their service,
even when they knew that their lines might be cut,
and their stations captured, within an hour or two.
Ignorance also helped their courage and, not knowing
the whereabouts of the enemy even as well as I did,
they ran their trains to places already threatened
by advancing squadrons.
On this October day, for example,
there was no sign of surprise on the part of the buxom
lady behind the guichet of the booking-office
when I asked for a ticket to Bethune, although there
had been heavy fighting in that district only a few
hours before, at the end of a great battle extending
over several days.
In the train itself were several commercial
gentlemen, on their way to Lille, by way of the junction
at Arques, where they had to change; and with two
or three French soldiers, and a lady entirely calm
and self-possessed, they discussed the possibility
of getting into a city round which the German cavalry
were reported to be sweeping in a great tide.
Another man who entered into conversation with me was
going to Bethune. He had a wife and family there
and hoped they were safe. It was only by a sudden
thoughtfulness in his eyes that I could guess that
behind that hope was a secret fear, which he did not
express even to himself. We might have been a
little party of people travelling, say, between Surbiton
and Weybridge on an autumn afternoon, when the golf-ball
flies across the links. Not one of them showed
the least sign of anxiety, the least consciousness
of peril close at hand.
Looking out of the carriage window
I saw that trenches had been dug in all the adjacent
fields, and that new trenches were being made hastily
but efficiently by gangs of soldiers, who had taken
off their blue coats for once, and were toiling cheerily
at their task. In all the villages we passed
were battalions of infantry guarding the railway bridges
and level crossings. Patrols of cavalry rode slowly
down the roads. Here and there some of them were
dismounted, with their horses tethered, and from behind
the cover of farmhouses or haystacks, looked across
the country, with their carbines slung across their
shoulders, as though waiting for any Uhlans that might
appear that way.
All around us was the noise of guns,
firing in great salvoes across the hills, ten miles
or more away. Suddenly, as we approached the
junction at Arques, there was an explosion which sounded
very close to us; and the train came to a dead stop
on grinding brakes.
“What’s that?” asked a man in the
carriage, sharply.
I thrust my head out of the carriage
window and saw that all along the train other faces
were staring out. The guard was running down the
platform. The station-master was shouting to the
engine-driver. In a moment or two we began to
back, and kept travelling backwards until we were
out of the station... The line had just been blown
up beyond Arques by a party of Uhlans, and we were
able to thank our stars that we had stopped in time.
We could get no nearer to Bethune, over which next
day the tide of war had rolled. I wondered what
had happened to the wife and children of the man who
was in the carriage with me.
At Aire-sur-Lys there were groups
of women and children who, like so many others in
those days, had abandoned their houses and left all
they had in the world save a few bundles of clothes
and baskets of food. I asked them what they would
do when the food was finished.
“There will always be a little
charity, m’sieur,” said one woman, “and
at least my children are safe.”
After the first terror of the invasion
those women were calm and showed astounding courage
and resignation.
It was more than pitiful to see the
refugees on the roads from Hazebrouck. There
was a constant stream of them in those two cross-currents,
and they came driving slowly along in bakers’
carts and butchers’ carts, with covered hoods,
in farm carts loaded up with several families or trudging
along with perambulators and wheelbarrows. The
women were weary. Many of them had babies in
their arms. The elder children held on to their
mother’s skirts or tramped along together, hand
in hand. But there was no trace of tears.
I heard no wailing cry. Some of them seemed utterly
indifferent to this retreat from home. They had
gone beyond the need of tears.
From one of these women, a lady named
Mme. Duterque, who had left Arras with a small
boy and girl, I heard the story of her experiences
in the bombarded town. There were hundreds of
women who had similar stories, but this one is typical
enough of all those individual experiences of women
who quite suddenly, and almost without warning, found
themselves victims of the Invasion.
She was in her dressing-room in one
of the old houses of the Grande Place in Arras, when
at half-past nine in the morning the first shell burst
over the town very close to her own dwelling-place.
For days there had been distant firing on the heights
round Arras, but now this shell came with a different,
closer, more terrible sound.
“It seemed to annihilate me
for a moment,” said Mme. Duterque.
“It stunned all my senses with a frightful shock.
A few moments later I recovered myself and thought
anxiously of my little girl who had gone to school
as usual a few streets away. I was overjoyed when
she came trotting home, quite unafraid, although by
this time the shells were falling in various parts
of the town.”
On the previous night Mme. Duterque
had already made preparations in case the town should
be bombarded. Her house, like most of the old
houses in Arras, had a great cellar, with a vaulted
roof, almost as strong as a castle dungeon. She
had stocked it with a supply of sardines and bread
and other provisions, and as soon as she had her little
daughter safe indoors again she took her children and
the nurse down to this subterranean hiding-place,
where there was greater safety. The cave, as
she called it, was dimly lighted with a paraffin lamp,
and was very damp and chilly, but it was good to be
there in this hiding-place, for at regular intervals
she could hear the terrible buzzing noises of a shell,
like some gigantic hornet, followed by its exploding
boom; and then, more awful still, the crash of a neighbouring
house falling into ruins.
“Strange to say,” said
Mme. Duterque, “after my first shock I had
no sense of fear, and listened only with an intense
interest to the noise of these shells, estimating
their distance by their sound. I could tell quite
easily when they were close overhead, and when they
fell in another part of the town, and it seemed to
me that I could almost tell which of my friends’
houses had been hit. My children, too, were strangely
fearless. They seemed to think it an exciting
adventure to be here in the great cellar, making picnic
meals by the light of a dim lamp. My little boy
amused himself by playing canes (hop-scotch), and my
daughter was very cheerful. Still, after a little
while we suffered. I had forgotten to bring down
water or wine, and we also craved for something more
comforting than cold sardines. In spite of the
noise of houses falling into ruins and
at any moment mine might fall above my head I
went upstairs and began to cook some macaroni.
I had to retreat in a hurry, as a shell burst quite
close to my house, and for a moment I thought that
I should be buried under my own roof. But I went
up again in one of the intervals of silence, found
the macaroni cooked to a turn and even ventured to
peep out of doors. There I saw a dreadful sight.
The whole of the Grande Place was littered with broken
roofs and shattered walls, and several of the houses
were burning furiously. From other parts of the
town there came up great volumes of smoke and the
red glare of flames.”
For three days Mme. Duterque
kept to her cellar. Unknown to herself, her husband,
who had come from Boulogne to rescue her, was watching
the battle from one of the heights outside the town,
which he was forbidden to enter by the soldiers.
On a Thursday morning she resolved to leave the shelter
of her underground vault. News had been brought
to her by a daring neighbour that the Germans had
worked round by the railway station and might enter
the town.
“I had no fear of German shells,”
she said, “but I had a great fear of German
officers and soldiers. Imagine my fate if I had
been caught by them, with my little daughter.
For the first time I was filled with a horrible fear,
and I decided to fly from Arras at all costs.”
With her children and the nurse, she
made her way through the streets, above which the
shells were still crashing, and glanced with horror
at all the destruction about her. The Hotel de
Ville was practically destroyed, though at that time
the famous belfry still stood erect above the ruined
town, chiming out the hours of this tragedy.
Mme. Duterque told me her story
with great simplicity and without any self-consciousness
of her fine courage. She was only one of those
thousands of women in France who, with a spiritual
courage beyond one’s understanding, endured
the horrors of this war. It was good to talk
with them, and I was left wondering at such a spirit.
It was with many of these fugitives
that I made my way back. Away in the neighbourhood
of Hazebrouck the guns were still booming, and across
the fields the outposts of French cavalry were waiting
for the enemy.
4
It was better for women and children
to be in Arras under continual shell-fire than in
some of those villages along the valleys of the Marne
and the Meuse and in the Department of the Seine, through
which the Germans passed on their first march across
the French frontier. It was a nicer thing to
be killed by a clean piece of shell than to suffer
the foulness of men whose passions had been unleashed
by drink and the devil and the madness of the first
experience of war, and by fear which made them cruel
as beasts.
I think fear was at the heart of a
good deal of those atrocious Bets by which the German
troops stained the honour of their race in the first
phases of the war. Advancing into a hostile country,
among a people whom they knew to be reckless in courage
and of a proud spirit, the generals and high officers
were obsessed with the thought of peasant warfare,
rifle-shots from windows, murders of soldiers billeted
in farms, spies everywhere, and the peril of franc-tireurs,
goading their troops on the march. Their text-books
had told them that all this was to be expected from
the French people and could only be stamped out by
ruthlessness. The proclamations posted on the
walls of invaded towns reveal fear as well as cruelty.
The mayor and prominent citizens were to surrender
themselves as hostages. If any German soldier
were killed, terrible reprisals would be exacted.
If there were any attempt on the part of the citizens
to convey information to the French troops, or to
disobey the regulations of the German commander, their
houses would be burned and their property seized,
and their lives would pay the forfeit. These bald-headed
officers in pointed helmets, so scowling behind their
spectacles, had fear in their hearts and concealed
it by cruelty.
When such official proclamations were
posted up on the walls of French villages, it is no
wonder that the subordinate officers and their men
were nervous of the dangers suggested in those documents,
and found perhaps without any conscious dishonesty
clear proof of civilian plots against them. A
shot rang out down a village street. “The
peasants are firing on us!” shouted a German
soldier of neurotic temperament. “Shoot
them at sight!” said an officer who had learnt
his lesson of ruthlessness. “Burn these
wasps out! Lieber Gott, we will teach them a
pretty lesson!”
They had all the material for teaching
the pretty lessons of war inflammable
tablets which would make a house blaze in less than
five minutes after they had been strewn about the
floors and touched by a lighted match (I have a few
specimens of the stuff) incendiary bombs
which worked even more rapidly, torches for setting
fire to old barns and thatched roofs. In the
wonderful equipment of the German army in the field
this material of destruction had not been forgotten
and it was used in many little towns and villages
where German soldiers heard real or imaginary shots,
suspected betrayal from any toothless old peasant,
and found themselves in the grip of fear because these
Frenchwomen, these old men of the farm and the workshop,
and even the children, stared at them as they passed
with contemptuous eyes and kept an uncomfortable silence
even when spoken to with cheerful Teuton greetings,
and did not hide the loathing of their souls.
All this silence of village people, all these black
looks seemed to German soldiers like an evil spell
about them. It got upon their nerves and made
them angry. They had come to enjoy the fruits
of victory in France, or at best the fruits of life
before death came. So these women would not smile,
eh? Nor give their kisses nor their love with
amiability? Well, a German soldier would have
his kisses even though he had to hold a shrieking
woman to his lips. He would take his love even
though he had to kill the creature who refused it.
These Frenchwomen were not so austere as a rule in
times of peace. If they would not be fondled
they should be forced. Herr Gott! they should
know their masters.
5
At the little town of Rebais in the
department of Seine-et-Marne there was a pretty Frenchwoman
who kept a grocer’s shop and did not care for
the way in which some German soldiers made free with
her biscuits and sweetmeats. She was a proud
and fearless young woman, and when the soldiers grinned
at her and tried to put their arms about her she struck
them and called them unpleasant names and drew an
open knife. So she wanted her lesson? Well,
she had a soft white neck, and if they could not put
their arms about it they would put a rope round it
and hang her with her pride. But she was strong
and quick as well as proud. She cut their rope
with her knife and fought like a wild thing.
So they slashed at her with their fists and bruised
all her beauty by the time one of their officers came
in and ordered them away. No one would court
her after the lesson they had given her.
At Saint-Denis-en-Rebais, on September
7, an Uhlan who was eager for a woman’s love
saw another pretty woman who tried to hide from him.
There was a mother-in-law with her, and a little son,
eight years of age. But in war-time one has to
make haste to seize one’s victim or one’s
loot. Death is waiting round the corner.
Under the cover of his rifle he had a restless
finger on the trigger the Uhlan bade the
woman strip herself before him. She had not the
pride or the courage of the other woman. She
did not want to die, because of that small boy who
stared with horror in his eyes. The mother-in-law
clasped the child close and hid those wide staring
eyes in her skirts, and turned her own face away from
a scene of bestial violence, moaning to the sound
of her daughter’s cries.
6
At the town of Coulommiers on
September 6 a German soldier came to the door of a
small house where a woman and her husband were sitting
with two children, trying to hide their fear of this
invasion of German troops. It was half-past nine
in the evening and almost dark, except for a glow
in the sky. The soldier was like a shadow on
the threshold until he came in, and they saw a queer
light in his eyes. He was very courteous, though
rather gruff in his speech. He asked the husband
to go outside in the street to find one of his comrades.
The man, afraid to refuse, left the room on this errand,
but before he had gone far heard piercing cries.
It was his wife’s voice, screaming in terror.
He rushed back again and saw the German soldier struggling
with his wife. Hearing her husband’s shout
of rage, the soldier turned, seized his rifle, and
clubbed the man into an adjoining room, where he stayed
with the two little children who had fled there, trying
to soothe them in their fright and listening, with
madness in his brain, to his wife’s agony through
the open door a yard away. The husband was a
coward, it seems. But supposing he had flung himself
upon the soldier and strangled him, or cut his throat?
We know what would have happened in the Village of
Coulommiers.
7
On September 7 ten German horsemen
rode into the farm of Lamermont, in the commune of
Lisle-en-Barrois. They were in good humour, and
having drunk plenty of fresh milk, left the farmhouse
in a friendly way. Shortly after their departure,
when Farmer Elly and his friend, the sieur Javelot,
breathed more easily and thanked God because the danger
had passed, some rifle-shots rang out. Somewhere
or other a dreadful thing was happening. A new
danger came to the farm at Lamermont, with thirty
men of a different patrol, who did not ask for milk
but blood. They accused the farm people of having
killed a German soldier, and in spite of the protests
of the two men, who had been sitting quietly in the
kitchen, they were shot in the yard.
8
At Triaucourt the Germans were irritated
by the behaviour of a young girl named Mlle.
Helene Procès, who was bold enough to lodge a
complaint to one of their officers about a soldier
who had tried to make love to her in the German way.
It was a fine thing if German soldiers were to be
punished for a little sport like that in time of war!
“Burn them out!” said one of the men.
On a cold autumn night a bonfire would warm things
up a little. ... It was the house of M. Jules
Gaude which started the bonfire. It blazed
so quickly after the torch had touched his thatch
that he had to leap through the flames to save himself,
and as he ran the soldiers shot him dead. When
the houses were burning the Germans had a great game
shooting at the people who rushed about the streets.
A boy of seventeen, named George Lecourtier, was killed
as he thrust his way through the flames. A gentleman
named Alfred Lallemand his name ought to
have saved him was chased by some soldiers
when he fled for refuge to the kitchen of his fellow-citizen
Tautelier, and shot there on his hearthside.
His friend had three bullet-wounds in the hand with
which he had tried to protect the hunted man.
Mlle. Procès, the young girl who had
made the complaint which led to this trouble, fled
into the garden with her mother and her grandmother
and an aunt named Mile. Mennehard, who was eighty-one
years old. The girl was able to climb over the
hedge into the neighbour’s garden, where she
hid among the cabbages like a frightened kitten.
But the old people could not go so fast, and as they
tried to climb the hedge they were shot down by flying
bullets. The cure of the village crept out into
the darkness to find the bodies of those ladies, who
had been his friends. With both hands he scooped
up the scattered brains of Mile. Mennehard, the
poor old dame of eighty-one, and afterwards brought
her body back into her house, where he wept at this
death and destruction which had made a hell of his
little village in which peace had reigned so long.
And while he wept merry music played,
and its lively notes rattled out into the quiet night
from an open window quite close to where dead bodies
lay. The German soldiers enjoyed themselves that
night in Triaucourt. Like so many Neros
on a smaller scale, they played and sang while flames
leapt up on either side of them. Thirty-five houses
in this village were burnt to cinders after their old
timbers had blazed fiercely with flying sparks which
sparkled above the helmets of drunken soldiery.
An old man of seventy named Jean Lecourtier, and a
baby who had been only two months in this strange world
of ours were roasted to death in the furnace of the
village. A farmer named Igier, hearing the stampede
of his cattle, tried to save these poor beasts, but
he had to run the gauntlet of soldiers who shot at
him as he stumbled through the smoke, missing him
only by a hair’s-breadth, so that he escaped
as by a miracle, with five holes in his clothes.
The village priest, Pere Viller, leaving the body
of his old friend, went with the courage of despair
to the Duke of Wurtemberg, who had his lodging near
by, and complained to him passionately of all these
outrages. The Duke of Wurtemberg shrugged his
shoulders. “Que voulez-vous?”
he said. “We have bad soldiers, like you
have!”
9
At Montmirail a man named Francois
Fontaine lived with his widowed daughter, Mme.
Naude, and his little grandchild Juliette. A German
noncommissioned officer demanded lodging at the house,
and on the night of September 5, when all was quiet,
he came undressed into the young widow’s room
and, seizing her roughly, tried to drag her into his
own chamber. She cried and struggled so that her
father came running to her, trembling with fear and
rage. The Unter-qffizier seems to have given
some signal, perhaps by the blowing of a whistle.
It is certain that immediately after the old man had
left his room fifteen or twenty German soldiers burst
into the house and dragged him out into the street,
where they shot him dead. At that moment the
child Juliette opened her bedroom window, looking out
into the darkness at this shadow scene. It was
not Romeo but Death who called this little Juliette.
A bullet hit her in the stomach, and twenty-four hours
later she died in agony.
I need not add to these stories, nor
plunge deeper into the vile obscenity of all those
crimes which in the months of August and September
set hell loose in the beautiful old villages of France
along a front of five hundred miles. The facts
are monotonous in the repetition of their horror,
and one’s imagination is not helped but stupefied
by long records of outrages upon defenceless women,
with indiscriminate shooting down village streets,
with unarmed peasants killed as they trudged across
their fields or burned in their own homesteads, with
false accusations against innocent villagers, so that
hostages were collected and shot in groups as a punishment
for alleged attacks upon German soldiers, with old
French chateaux looted of all their treasures by German
officers in search of souvenirs and trophies of victory
for their womenfolk, and with drunken orgies in which
men of decent breeding became mere animals inflamed
with lust.
10
The memory of those things has burnt
deep into the brains of the French people, so deep
that in some cases there is the fire of madness there.
In a small chateau in France an English
friend of mine serving with a volunteer ambulance
column with the French troops on the Meuse was sitting
at ease one night with some of his comrades and fellow-countrymen.
The conversation turned to England, because April was
there, and after ten months of war the thoughts of
these men yearned back to their homes. They spoke
of their mothers and wives and children. One
man had a pretty daughter, and read a piece of her
latest letter, and laughed at her gay little jests
and her descriptions of the old pony and the dogs
and the antics of a black kitten. Other men gave
themselves away and revealed the sentiment which as
a rule Englishmen hide. In the room was a French
officer, who sat very still, listening to these stories.
The candles were burning dim on the table when he
spoke at last in a strange, hard voice:
“It is good for you Englishmen
when you go back home. Those who are not killed
out here will be very happy to see their women again.
You do not want to die, because of that. ... If
I were to go home now, gentlemen, I should not be
happy. I should find my wife and my daughter
both expecting babies whose fathers are German soldiers...
England has not suffered invasion.”
11
The most complete destruction I saw
in France was in Champagne, when I walked through
places which had been the villages of Sermaize, Heiltz-lé-Maurupt,
Blesmes, and Huiron. Sermaize was utterly wiped
out. As far as I could see, not one house was
left standing. Not one wall was spared.
It was laid flat upon the earth, with only a few charred
chimney-stacks sticking out of the piles of bricks
and cinders. Strange, piteous relics of pretty
dwelling-places lay about in the litter, signifying
that men and women with some love for the arts of
life had lived here in decent comfort. A notice-board
of a hotel which had given hospitality to many travellers
before it became a blazing furnace lay sideways on
a mass of broken bricks with a legend so frightfully
ironical that I laughed among the ruins: “Chauffage
central” the system of “central
heating” invented by Germans in this war had
been too hot for the hotel, and had burnt it to a
wreck of ashes. Half a dozen peasants stood in
one of the “streets” marked
by a line of rubbish-heaps which had once been their
homes. Some of them had waited until the first
shells came over their chimney-pots before they fled.
Several of their friends, not so lucky in timing their
escape, had been crushed to death by the falling houses.
But it was not shell-fire which did the work.
The Germans strewed the cottages with their black
inflammable tablets, which had been made for such
cases, and set their torches to the window-curtains
before marching away to make other bonfires on their
road of retreat. Sermaize became a street of
fire, and from each of its houses flames shot out
like scarlet snakes, biting through the heavy pall
of smoke. Peasants hiding in ditches a mile away
stared at the furnace in which all their household
goods were being consumed. Something of their
own life seemed to be burning there, leaving the dust
and ashes of old hopes and happiness.
“That was mine,” said
one of the peasants, pointing to a few square yards
of wreckage. “I took my woman home across
the threshold that was there. She was a fine
girl, with hair like gold, Monsieur. Now her
hair has gone quite white, during these recent weeks.
That’s what war does for women. There are
many like that hereabouts, white-haired before their
time.”
I saw some of those white-haired women
in Blesmes and Huiron and other scrap-heaps of German
ruthlessness. They wandered in a disconsolate
way about the ruins, watching rather hopelessly the
building of wooden huts by a number of English “Quakers”
who had come here to put up shelters for these homeless
people of France. They were doing good work one
of the most beautiful works of charity which had been
called out of this war, and giving a new meaning to
their name of the Society of Friends. But though
they were handy in the use of the wood given them
by the French Government for this purpose, not all
their industry nor all their friendliness could bring
back the beauty of these old-world villages of Champagne,
built centuries ago by men of art and craft, and chiselled
by Time itself, so that the stones told tales of history
to the villagers. It would be difficult to patch
up the grey old tower of Huiron Church, through which
shells had come crashing, or to rebuild its oak roof
whose beams were splintered like the broken ribs of
a rotting carcase. A white-haired priest passed
up and down the roadway before the place in which
he had celebrated Mass and praised God for the blessings
of each day. His hands were clenched behind his
bent back, and every now and then he thrust back his
broad felt hat and looked up at the poor, battered
thing which had been his church with immense sadness
in his eyes.
There was an old chateau near Huiron
in which a noble family of France had lived through
centuries of war and revolution. It had many
pointed gables and quaint turrets and mullioned windows,
overlooking a garden in which there were arbours for
love-in-idleness where ladies had dreamed awhile on
many summer days in the great yesterday of history.
When I passed it, after the Germans had gone that
way, the gables and the turrets had fallen down, and
instead of mullioned windows there were gaping holes
in blackened walls. The gardens were a wild chaos
of trampled shrubberies among the cinder-heaps, the
twisted iron, and the wreckage of the old mansion.
A flaming torch or two had destroyed all that time
had spared, and the chateau of Huiron was a graveyard
in which beauty had been killed, murderously, by outrageous
hands.
In one of these villages of Champagne I
think it was at Blesmes I saw one relic
which had been spared by chance when the flames of
the incendiaries had licked up all other things around,
and somehow, God knows why, it seemed to me the most
touching thing in this place of desolation.
It was a little stone fountain, out
of which a jet of water rose playfully, falling with
a splash of water-drops into the sculptured basin.
While the furnace was raging in the village this fountain
played and reflected the glare of crimson light in
its bubbling jet. The children of many generations
had dabbled their hands in its basin. Pretty girls
had peeped into their own bright eyes mirrored there.
On summer days the village folk had sauntered about
this symbol of grace and beauty. Now it was as
though I had discovered a white Venus in the dust-heap
of a burying-place.
12
The great horror of Invasion did not
reach only a few villages in France and blanch the
hair of only a few poor women. During the long
months of this stationary war there was a long black
line on all the maps, printed day after day with depressing
repetition in all the newspapers of the world.
But I wonder how many people understood the meaning
of that black line marking the length of the German
front through France, and saw in their mind’s
eye the blackness of all those burnt and shattered
villages, for ten miles in width, on that border-line
of the war trail? I wonder how many people, searching
for news of heroic bayonet charges or for thrilling
stories of how Private John Smith kept an army corps
at bay, single-handed, with a smile on his face, saw
even faintly and from afar the flight of all the fugitives
from that stricken zone, the terror of women and children
trapped in its hell-fire, and the hideous obscenity
of that long track across the fields of France, where
dead bodies lay rotting in the rain and sun and the
homesteads of a simple people lay in heaps from Artois
to Lorraine?
Along the valley of the Aisne and
of the Vesle the spirit of destruction established
its kingdom. It was a valley of death. In
the official reports only a few villages were mentioned
by name, according to their strategical importance,
but there were hundreds of hamlets, unrecorded in
dispatches, which were struck by death and became
the charnel-houses of bones and ruins.
In the single district of Vie-sur-Aisne,
the little communities of Saconin, Pernant, Ambleny,
and Ressons beautiful spots in old days
of peace, where Nature displayed all her graciousness
along the winding river and where Time itself seemed
to slumber French soldiers stared upon
broken roofs, shattered walls, and trampled gardens,
upon the twisted iron of ploughs and the broken woodwork
of farmers’ carts, and all the litter of war’s
ruthless damage. Week after week, turn and turn
about, German, French, and British shells crashed
over these places, making dust and ashes of them.
Peasants who clung to their cots, hid in their cellars
and at last fled, described all this in a sentence
or two when I questioned them. They had no grievance
even against fate their own misery was swallowed
up in that of their neighbours; each family knew a
worse case than its own, and so, with a shake of the
head, they said there were many who suffered these
things.
Shopkeepers and peasants of Celles,
of Conde, of Attichy, along the way to Berry-au-Bac
and from Billy to Sermoise, all those who have now
fled from the Valley of the Vesle and the valley of
the Aisne had just the same story to tell monotonous,
yet awful because of its tragedy. It was their
fate to be along the line of death. One old fellow
who came from Vailly had lived for two months in a
continual cannonade. He had seen his little town
taken and retaken ten times in turn by the French
and the Germans.
When I heard of this eye-witness I
thought: “Here is a man who has a marvellous
story to tell. If all he has seen, all the horrors
and heroism of great engagements were written down,
just as he describes them in his peasant speech, it
would make an historic document to be read by future
generations.”
But what did he answer to eager questions
about his experience? He was hard of hearing
and, with a hand making a cup for his right ear, stared
at me a little dazed. He said at last, “It
was difficult to get to sleep.”
That was all he had to say about it,
and many of these peasants were like him, repeating
some trivial detail of their experience, the loss of
a dog or the damage to an old teapot, as though that
eclipsed all other suffering. But little by little,
if one had the patience, one could get wider glimpses
of the truth. Another old man from the village
of Soupir told a more vivid tale. His dwelling-place
sheltered some of the Germans when they traversed
the district. The inhabitants of Soupir,
he said, were divided into two groups. Able-bodied
prisoners were sent off to Germany, and women and
children who were carried off in the retreat were
afterwards allowed to go back, but not until several
poor little creatures had been killed, and pretty girls
subjected to gross indignities by brutal soldiers.
Upon entering Soupir the French troops found
in cellars where they had concealed themselves thirty
people who had gone raving mad and who cried and pleaded
to remain so that they could still hear the shells
and gibber at death. “War is so bracing
to a nation,” says the philosopher. “War
purges peoples of their vanities.” If there
is a devil and there must be many old-time
sceptics who believe now not in one but in a hundred
thousand devils how the old rogue must chuckle
at such words!
13
It was astounding to any student of
psychology wandering in the war zone to see how many
of the peasants of France clung to their houses, in
spite of all their terror of German shells and German
soldiers. When in the first month of 1915 the
enemy suddenly swarmed over the ridges of Cuffies
and Crouy, to the north of Soissons, and with overwhelming
numbers smashed the French back across the Aisne at
a time, when the rising of the river had broken many
pontoon bridges, so that the way of escape was almost
cut off, they drove out crowds of peasant folk who
had remained along this fifteen miles of front until
actually shelled out in that last attack which put
the ruins of their houses into the hands of the Germans.
As long as three months before Crouy itself had been
a target for the enemy’s guns, so that hardly
a cottage was standing with solid walls.
Nevertheless, with that homing instinct
which is the strongest emotion in the heart of the
French peasant, many of the inhabitants had been living
an underground life in their cellars, obtaining food
from French soldiers and cowering close together as
shells came shrieking overhead, and as the shattered
buildings collapsed into greater ruin.
So it was in Rheims and Arras and
other towns which were not spared in spite of the
glories of an architecture which can never be rebuilt
in beauty. Only a few days before writing these
lines, I stood on the edge of the greatest battlefield
in France and from an observation post perched like
an eyrie in a tree above the valley, looked across
to the cathedral of Rheims, that shrine of history,
where the bones of kings lie, and where every stone
speaks of saints and heroes and a thousand years of
worship. The German shells were still falling
about it, and its great walls stood grim and battered
in a wrack of smoke. For nine months the city
of Rheims has suffered the wounds of war. Shrapnel
and air-bombs, incendiary shells and monstrous marmites
had fallen within its boundaries week by week; sometimes
only one or two on an idle day, sometimes in a raging
storm of fire, but always killing a few more people,
always shattering another house or two, always spoiling
another bit of sculptured beauty. Nevertheless,
there were thousands of citizens, women as well as
men, who would not leave their city. They lived
in cellars, into which they had dragged their beds
and stores, and when the shell fire slackened they
emerged, came out into the light of day, looked around
at the new damage, and went about their daily business
until cleared underground again by another storm of
death. There were two old ladies with an elderly
daughter who used to sit at table in the salle-a-manger
of a hotel in Paris a week or two ago. I saw
them arrive one day, and watched the placid faces
of these stately old dames in black silk with
little lace caps on their white hair. It was
hardly possible to believe that for three months they
had lived in a cellar at Rheims, listening through
the day and night to the cannonading of the city,
and to the rushing of the shells above their own house.
Yet I think that even in a cellar
those old women of France preserved their dignity,
and in spite of dirty hands (for water was very scarce)
ate their meagre rations with a stately grace.
14
More miserable and less armed with
courage were the people of France who lived in cities
held by the enemy and secure from shell-fire in
Lille, and St. Quentin, and other towns of the North,
where the Germans paraded in their pointed casques.
For the most part in these great centres of population
the enemy behaved well. Order was maintained
among the soldiers with ruthless severity by German
officers in high command. There were none of the
wild and obscene acts which disgraced the German army
in its first advance to and its retreat from the Marne.
No torch bearers and tablet scatterers were let loose
in the streets. On the contrary any German soldier
misbehaving himself by looting, raping, or drunken
beastliness found a quick death against a white wall.
But to the French citizens it was a daily agony to
see those crowds of hostile troops in their streets
and houses, to listen to their German speech, to obey
the orders of generals who had fought their way through
Northern France across the bodies of French soldiers,
smashing, burning, killing along the bloody track
of war. These citizens of the captured soil of
France knew bitterness of invasion more poignantly
than those who hid in cellars under shell-fire.
Their bodies were unwounded, but their spirits bled
in agony. By official placards posted on the walls
they read of German victories and French defeats.
In the restaurants and cafes, and in their own houses,
they had to serve men who were engaged in slaughtering
their kinsfolk. It was difficult to be patient
with those swaggering young officers who gave the
glad eye to girls whose sweethearts lay dead somewhere
between the French and German trenches.
From a lady who had been seven months
in St. Quentin, I heard the story of how invasion
came suddenly and took possession of the people.
The arrival of the German troops was an utter surprise
to the population, who had had no previous warning.
Most of the French infantry had left the town, and
there remained only a few detachments, and some English
and Scottish soldiers who had lost their way in the
great retreat, or who were lying wounded in the hospitals.
The enemy came into the town at 4 P.M. on August 28,
having completely surrounded it, so that they entered
from every direction. The civil population, panic-stricken,
remained for the most part in their houses, staring
through their windows at the columns of dusty, sun-baked
men who came down the streets. Some of the British
soldiers, caught in this trap, decided to fight to
the death, which they knew was inevitable. Several
English and Scottish soldiers fired at the Germans
as they advanced into the chief square and were instantly
shot. One man, a tall young soldier, stationed
himself at the corner of the Place du Huit
Octobre, and with extraordinary coolness and
rapidity fired shot after shot, so that several German
soldiers were killed or wounded. The enemy brought
up a machine gun and used it against this one man
who tried to stop an army. He fell riddled with
bullets, and was blown to pieces as he lay.
On the whole the Germans behaved well
at St. Quentin. Their rule was stern but just,
and although the civil population had been put on
rations of black bread, they got enough and it was
not, after all, so bad. As one of the most important
bases of the German army in France, the town was continually
filled with troops of every regiment, who stayed a
little while and then passed on. Meanwhile the
permanent troops in occupation of the town settled
down and made themselves thoroughly at home.
They established many of their own shops bakeries,
tailoring establishments, and groceries; and in consequence
of the lack of discipline and decency which prevailed
in some of the cafes and restaurants, these places
were conducted by German officers, who acted as censors
of morals and professors of propriety.
Astounding as it seems, there were
Frenchwomen in St. Quentin who sold themselves for
German money and gave their kisses for a price to
men who had ravaged France and killed the sons of France.
Such outrageous scenes took place, that the German
order to close some of the cafes was hailed as a boon
by the decent citizens, who saw the women expelled
by order of the German commandant with enormous thankfulness.
It is strange that the Huns, as they
are called, should have been so strict in moral discipline.
Many of them were not so austere in the villages when
they let their passions loose and behaved like drunken
demons or satyrs with flaming torches. There is
a riddle in the psychology of all these contrasts
between the iron discipline and perfect organization
by which all outrage was repressed in the large towns
occupied for any length of time by German troops, and
the lawlessness and rapine of the same race in villages
through which they passed hurriedly, giving themselves
just time enough to wreak a cruel ferocity upon unoffending
people. Riddle as it is, it holds perhaps the
key to the mystery of the German character and to their
ideal of war. Whenever there was time to establish
discipline, the men were well behaved, and did not
dare to disobey the orders of their chiefs. It
was only when special orders for “frightfulness”
had been issued, or when officers in subordinate command
let their men get out of hand, or led the way to devilry
by their own viciousness of action, that the rank
and file of the enemy’s army committed its brutalities.
Even now, after all that I have seen
in the ruined villages in France, I cannot bring myself
to believe that the German race is distinguished from
all other peoples in Europe by the mark of the beast,
or that ’they are the exclusive possession of
the devil. The prisoners I have spoken to, the
blue-eyed Saxons and plump Bavarians with whom I travelled
for awhile after the battle of Neuve Chapelle,
seemed to me uncommonly like the yokels of our own
Somersetshire and Devonshire. Their officers
were polite and well-bred men in whom I saw no sign
of fiendish lusts and cruelties. In normal moods
they are a good-natured people, with a little touch
of Teuton grossness perhaps, which makes them swill
overmuch beer, and with an arrogance towards their
womenfolk which is not tolerable to Englishmen, unless
they have revolted from the older courtesies of English
life because the Suffragettes have challenged their
authority.
It was in abnormal moods that they
committed their atrocities, for in the hot sun of
the first September of the war their blood was overheated,
and in the first intoxication of their march through
France, drunk with the thrill of butcher’s work
as well as with French wine, brought back suddenly
to the primitive lusts of nature by the spirit of
war, which strips men naked of all refinements and
decent veils, they became for a time savages, with
no other restraint than that of Red Indians on the
warpath. They belonged to an Army of Invasion,
marching through hostile territory, and the soul of
war robbed the individual of his own separate soul
and put a spell of madness on him, so that his eyes
were bloodshot and his senses inflamed with lust.
In the Peninsular War young Englishmen from decent
villages in quiet countrysides, with pious mothers
praying for them at home in grey old churches, and
with pretty sisters engaged in hero-worship, were
bewitched by the same spell of wizardry and did foul
and frightful things which afterwards made them dream
of nights and wake in a cold sweat of shame and horror.
There are many young Germans who will wake out of
such dreams when they get back to Dusseldorf and Bingen-am-Rhein,
searching back in their hearts to find a denial of
the deeds which have become incredible after their
awakening from the nightmare. For a little while
they had been caught up in the soul of war and their
heroism had been spoilt by obscenity, and their ideals
debased by bestial acts. They will have only one
excuse to their recaptured souls: “It was
War.” It is the excuse which man has made
through all the ages of his history for the bloody
thing which, in all those ages, has made him a liar
to his faith and a traitor to the gentle gods.