We have seen in the last chapter that
whenever men have actively thought they have attempted
to explain the origin of plants and animals as well
as of themselves. No one who wrote previous to
the time of Charles Darwin had expressed any idea
concerning this matter with force enough to convince
any large portion of the thinking world. If Lamarck
had fallen on better times, if the great Cuvier had
not laughed him to scorn, if Goethe had found him
out and made him known to the world, evolution might
have come into its own sooner. None of these
conditions arose, and it remained for Charles Darwin
to give to the world in clear and cogent form the
thought of evolution. He gathered so much material
before he expressed his opinions, and looked at the
matter from so many sides that, when he published his
results, he had foreseen most of the objections which
were subsequently to arise in opposition to his announcement.
Charles Darwin is recognized to-day as the father
of the evolutionary movement.
It has been sometimes said in recent
years that Darwinism is dead, and there is a sense
in which this is true. Unmodified and unassisted
natural selection is not to-day considered by most
scientists a sufficient agent for producing evolution.
But everyone connected with the subject acknowledges
Darwin as the master, and says that it was his work
which converted the world to a belief in evolution.
We can have no better preparation for an intelligent
understanding of this subject than to consider carefully
the life of this remarkable man and the circumstances
under which he came to his epoch-making conclusions.
Evolution has taught us to attempt
as far as may be to account for man on the basis of
his heredity or of his environment. It is interesting
to note that both of these factors in Darwin’s
case were entirely favorable. In the latter part
of the eighteenth century Erasmus Darwin had given
to the world an astonishing poem in which he anticipated
not a little of the thought which his more famous
grandson was to make so widely known. Josiah
Wedgwood had learned to make for England her most
famous pottery, no quality of which was more widely
recognized than the sterling patience with which it
was made. Erasmus Darwin, with his scientific
proclivities, and Josiah Wedgwood, with his sturdy
common sense and patient workmanship, united to give
Charles Darwin his inherited tastes, for he was a
grandson of both. Born in 1809, on the banks
of the Severn in England, Charles Darwin was the delicate
son of a practicing physician of modest but sufficient
means. Owing to his lack of early vigor, Darwin
spent much time in the open air, and in his excursions
about his home was chiefly interested in collecting
beetles. This taste, which lasted through all
his young manhood, is the one early indication of
the traits that were later to develop. At first
in the day-school and later in the preparatory school
Charles Darwin was anything but a satisfactory student.
Even a kindly desire later to make the most of him
makes it impossible to find traces of any especial
fondness for earnest study. He himself believed
his education to have been nearly useless, although
he doubtless under-estimated its value. At the
age of sixteen he went to Edinburgh at his father’s
desire, to study medicine. The sight of the dissecting-room
nauseated him completely, and he refused to continue
working in it. Later an operation which he witnessed
in a clinic at the hospital sickened him so thoroughly
that he declined to attend further operations.
It became evident that the young man was not adapted
to the life of a physician. The next move was
to educate him for the church, and for this purpose,
at the age of nineteen, he went to Cambridge.
Here it soon appeared that he was no better adapted
to the ministry than he was to the practice of medicine,
and his university career went on in very desultory
fashion. Most of his work was distinctly neglected,
but two of the men he met there were to influence
largely his future life. Henslow, the botanist,
was unusually fond, for a professor in those days,
of work in the field. Charles Darwin’s
tastes coincided with those of Henslow, with whom he
formed an intimate friendship. He was always welcomed
as a companion on the field trips. Though he
studied little of botany in the classroom or laboratory,
he was constantly with Henslow or with Sedgwick in
the field. Sedgwick was the professor of geology,
and of him Darwin was particularly fond, and under
him did much the largest amount of his study.
When he came up for graduation he ranked tenth of
those who “did not go in for honors,” a
not very remarkable class standing. He was still
required to put in two years of residence, and during
this interval he spent most of his time with Sedgwick
in the study of geology in the field. Returning
to his home after a geological trip into Wales, Darwin
found awaiting him a letter from Henslow, offering
him an appointment that opened to his ardent mind
the door to a career after his own heart.
The British nation, being the greatest
commercial nation of the globe, has the greatest need
for accurate charts of all the seas. Frequently
she has sent out great charting expeditions to various
parts of the world. One of these was to go out
in Her Majesty’s ship, Beagle, for a
voyage around the world. Captain Fitzroy was in
command, and he was especially commissioned to map
the coast of South America from La Plata to Cape Horn
and up the western side. In addition to this work,
by carrying a set of accurate chronometers, he was
to check up the longitude of the various ports to
be visited in this circumnavigation of the globe.
It was customary on such expeditions to carry a young
man whose duty it was to study the natural history
of the countries visited on the trip. The salary
of such a naturalist was so small that an experienced
man could scarcely afford to take the place. Therefore
the appointment usually went to a man rather of promise
than of achievement. Through Henslow’s
influence, Charles Darwin was offered this position
in 1831. Darwin hastened to obtain his father’s
permission, but the elder Darwin at first declined
to consider the matter. He felt that his son
had not made such use of his time at the university
as warranted the hope that much could be expected of
such a journey. He believed it necessary that
Charles should have some means of earning an adequate
living before he could think of devoting his time
to science. Charles found an efficient advocate
in the person of his uncle, Josiah Wedgwood, Jr.
Together they persuaded the father of the propriety
of giving to Charles this opportunity to follow out
his real tastes and ambitions. Accordingly, at
the age of twenty-two, we find him embarked on a journey
around the world. In the cabin of the Beagle
he had abundant time, in his long sail across the Atlantic,
to read the two volumes of Lyell’s “Elements
of Geology,” which Henslow had handed him, with
the suggestion that he read it, but on no account
believe it. Filled with the love of geology as
Darwin was, this epoch-making book was exactly the
stimulus needed. Lyell had just begun to persuade
the world that to understand the past we must study
the present. In the forces now at work he saw
cause enough to account for all the history of the
past of the earth.
There is little doubt that this book
was one of the most potent factors in determining
the bent of Darwin’s mind. His entire educational
experience had failed to appeal to him. It is
fortunate, we now know, that this was the case.
If the university course of the time had really seized
him it would have made but one more student like hundreds
it was turning out each year. For most of us this
is the happy event. Now and then comes the rare
spirit to whom all of this fails to appeal because
he is ready for something better. Such was the
spirit of Charles Darwin. He started on his journey
with a mind singularly free from prepossessions.
In the long hours of this sailing voyage across the
Atlantic Ocean Darwin had time to read and ponder
Lyell’s weighty words. By the time he reached
the Brazilian shore he was filled with Lyell’s
conception that the present is the child of the past,
developing out of it in orderly sequence. Lyell
expressly denied that this is true of the animal and
plant world. He applied it only to the face of
the earth, with its mountains of uplift and its valleys
of erosion. But the underlying principle of an
orderly development under the action of natural causes
was there. In Darwin’s mind this at once
found acceptance, and was destined to a fruition its
author had expressly disclaimed.
The narrative of this voyage, as subsequently
written, describes the islands visited by the Beagle
in crossing the Atlantic Ocean. The contrast
between the simple and general interest in these islands
and the care with which Darwin described the Galapagos
and the Keeling Atoll visited later in the voyage
are speaking evidence of the rapid development going
on in the mind of the young naturalist.
Reaching the shore of South America,
Darwin first turns to its geology. But before
long the animal life attracts his attention. In
the Brazilian forest Darwin had his first experience
of the wealth of animal and plant life in the tropics,
and, like all naturalists, he was very enthusiastic
over it. Among the animals that particularly
attracted his attention was the sloth, a peculiar creature
climbing slowly about the trees, small of size and
sluggish of habit. Another animal that interested
him greatly was the little armadillo with its interesting
habit of curling up in its plated skin.
Captain Fitzroy soon finished what
work he was required to do in this neighborhood, and
Darwin was called back to the Beagle to continue
his voyage. When they arrived at the mouth of
La Plata their most serious work began. Here
there was much tedious charting for Fitzroy, and Darwin
could now leave the vessel for a lengthy trip on shore.
This was doubly welcome. Seasickness was nearly
constant with Darwin while on this entire voyage and
every opportunity to work on land was eagerly seized.
This region, too, was rich in objects of interest and
in strange people. While exploring the pampas,
beyond Buenos Ayres, Darwin came across the skeletons
of the great mammals some of which Cuvier had previously
described. He studied these bones with much care,
and recognized at once in the mégathérium a great
similarity in structure to the sloth he had seen in
Brazil. The enormous skeletons of the glyptodons
struck him also as strangely similar to that of the
armadillo. One evening, seated alone in the broad
expanse of the pampas, the idea suddenly swept over
him, stimulated, of course, by his study of Lyell:
“Can it be that the little armadillo and the
sloth of to-day are the degenerate descendants of
the enormous mégathérium and glyptodon of
the past?” But his mind was not yet ready to
accept so bold an idea and he swept it aside.
The people of this wild neighborhood
interested Darwin very greatly, and he describes them
with care. In this connection a charming trait
of Darwin’s character comes beautifully in evidence.
The absolute purity of his mind, his utter freedom
from grossness, shows clearly in his account of the
first really semi-civilized people he had ever seen.
A little later, while exploring Patagonia,
Darwin noticed the terrace-like formation of that
desolate country. A flat near the sea was succeeded
by a rapid rise, then came another flat. Three
of these terraces in succession stretch back toward
the Andes. At the base of the high terraces Darwin
found marine shells, largely similar to those of the
ocean beach so many miles to the east. His study
of Lyell led him to suspect at once that this portion
of South America had been raised in successive stages
out of the bed of the Pacific. When they passed
around Cape Horn and up the western coast he hunted
for similar beach marks on the sheer western face
of the Andes, and found them without difficulty, confirming
his idea of the recent rise of this end of the Andean
chain.
The Beagle continued its voyage
up the western coast of South America until it reached
Peru. Once more the abundance of tropical life
is under Darwin’s eyes, but now it is the life
of an entirely different section. The dry climate
of Peru furnished him with an environment distinctly
unlike that of the moist Brazilian forest. He
collects now with avidity, gathering especially insects
and birds. Then the ship turned its prow westward
across the Pacific, only to stop five hundred miles
out at the Galapagos Islands. This little group
he studied intensely, collecting large numbers of insects
and birds. He had not worked over his collection
long before he realized that each island in the group
had peculiarities which marked its animals from those
of any other island. Whenever two islands were
close together in the group the differences in their
fauna were found to be comparatively slight.
If, however, he examined the animals from two islands
lying at opposite ends of the group, the differences
were always considerably greater. There was,
however, a strong general resemblance among them all
and a distant though not so strong resemblance to
the corresponding animals of the Peruvian coast.
On leaving the Galapagos group, Charles Darwin writes
in his diary the suggestive observation that this
little group of rocky islands seems to be one of the
greatest centers of creative activity. It was
this interesting resemblance of the animals of these
islands to each other and to those of the Peruvian
coast that finally persuaded Darwin that they were
all related and were all descended from those of Peru.
For the rest of his life, with an intensity which
increased with each year, Darwin persisted in a patient
search for the possible agencies by which such change
could have been brought about. The problem, however,
was temporarily eclipsed by a pressing geological question
aroused by his visit to the Keeling Atoll. Here
his investigation of coral reef formation absolutely
captivated him. In the case of most coral islands
in the Pacific Ocean the reef exists as a circle of
coral enclosing a lagoon of water. In the center
of this lagoon stands commonly a rocky island.
It is plain that this is the foundation on which the
coral built. But, in the case of the Atoll, the
coral ring was present and so was the internal lagoon,
but there was no rocky island. The key to the
solution came with an interesting discovery.
Darwin began to put down a grappling iron on the outer
side of the reef and to drag up coral. The farther
away from the reef he went the deeper was the water
from whose bottom he pulled the coral. What at
first puzzled him was the fact that so long as he dragged
up his coral from depths of a hundred feet or less
the coral was alive. Whenever he went to depths
of much more than a hundred feet, his coral was always
dead, though he was evidently pulling it from situations
in which it had grown. Then Darwin remembered
the rising Andes, lifting themselves out of the bed
of the Pacific. Here was the correlated movement.
The bottom of the ocean here was sinking. As
it sank it dragged down the corals with it.
But the descent was so slow that new corals could
build on top of the others fast enough to keep the
reef up to the surface of the water. At the rate
of growth of coral, this would seem to mean that the
bottom could be sinking at a rate of only a few feet
a century. But while the reef could keep up to
the surface, the rocky island must slowly sink.
Darwin inferred that there must be a rocky summit
within the lagoon, below the surface of the water.
A little sounding soon discovered this island, and
the verification of Darwin’s theory of coral
reef formation was at hand. The description of
this Atoll and of his theory of its formation won
for Darwin the esteem of geologists when he later
presented it in book form.
The voyage was continued around the
Cape of Good Hope. Pursuing the usual course
of sailing vessels, the Beagle touched once
more at Brazil, returning home to England in 1836,
after an absence of five years. Charles Darwin
himself believed this trip to have been both his education
and his opportunity. He had started on it a rather
careless and indifferent student. He returned
from it the most painstaking and patient naturalist
the world has ever known. His father, who had
hardly consented to his going because he believed him
not stable enough to be intrusted to his own devices
for so long a period, was profoundly moved at the
sight of him on his return. Believing in phrenology,
as did many of the physicians of his time, his father
turned to his mother and said, “Look at the shape
of his head; it is quite altered”; which, translated
into the language of to-day, would read, “How
wonderfully the young man has developed.”
A part of Charles Darwin’s duty
to the British Government was to write a narrative
of the voyage, and this account of his trip upon the
Beagle is one of the great classics of travel
in the English language. It won the confidence
and respect of a wide circle of readers. In his
next book he published his observations made at the
Keeling Atoll and announced his theory of the formation
of coral islands. This was a distinctly scientific
investigation, and it won such immediate favor among
geologists as to increase materially the young man’s
reputation. No one man is ever widely enough acquainted
with the animal world to classify all the specimens
gathered on such an expedition. In accordance
with custom, Darwin began distributing his collections
among specialists. Each of these was to identify
and describe, to name, if necessary, the kind of material
he knew best. Among others, Darwin had a considerable
collection of barnacles gathered from boats and wharves
in all parts of the world. As he could find no
one sufficiently acquainted with these creatures to
classify them he decided reluctantly to work them
up himself. For about eight years much of his
spare time was given to this painfully exacting work.
He expresses himself as fearing it was a waste of time.
Few systematic workers will agree with him. He
did his work so well that it has been unnecessary
for anyone to do it again. In addition it gained
him the esteem of a new circle of scientists and that
a decidedly exclusive circle.
The publication of these books did
much for Darwin. His narrative of the voyage
gained the good will of cultured England in general.
The book on coral reefs won the geologists. His
“Manual of the Cirrhipedia” (as the barnacle
book was called) secured the attention of systematic
zooelogists. The time was not far distant when
he would need every aid possible toward gaining and
keeping the regard of men; for he was to promulgate
a theory that would arouse the bitterest opposition
and the keenest scorn.
All the while Darwin was working on
these books his mind was quietly busying itself with
what he called the species question. The more
he studied the material collected on his long tour,
the more confident he became that the animals of the
present are the altered descendants of the animals
of the past. He tried patiently to work out every
conceivable hypothesis to see whether he could account
for the alteration. He felt quite sure animals
changed, but how they changed, and why, he could not
for a long time conceive. He knew that gardeners
were constantly producing new varieties of plants,
and that animals of various breeds were clearly the
descendants of other and familiar varieties.
Accordingly he began to study the methods of animal
and plant breeders, to visit their farms, to open
correspondence with them and read all their trade
journals, to undertake experiments in the breeding
of plants. The longer he worked the more confident
he became of the reality of the change; but for a
long time no glimmer of the cause by which it could
be brought about came to his mind. In 1838 he
came across a book by Malthus called “An Essay
on Population,” in which the author shows that,
whereas man increases by a geometric ratio, he cannot
hope to increase his food supply in more than an arithmetic
ratio. That is, while the food might increase
like the series 2-4-6-8-10, the population would increase
like the series 2-4-8-16-32. On this basis it
is only a question of time when the earth will be
too full of people for it to be possible for the food
to sustain them. Malthus added many observations
and suggestions, but this is as much of the book as
interests us in this connection. Here was the
idea that suggested to Darwin his agency for producing
the change of the animals of the past into those of
the present.
The number of animals of any particular
species remains practically the same. There may
be a few more one year, and a few less another, but
on the average, year by year, the number of toads,
the number of blacksnakes, the number of field mice,
remains sensibly the same. Sometimes the rise
of man brings an end to the wild population, and so
in the past animals have dropped out of the race.
Yet in the long run and for a considerable time the
number of any species is constant. But each animal
produces offspring in quantities sufficient to far
more than replace himself as he dies out. In
other words, animals increase not by addition but
by multiplication. Too many are born for all of
them to live. What becomes of the great mass of
them? The answer is they die; most of them die
young. Only a few fortunate individuals, favored
by being a little stronger, a little more cunning,
a little more attractively colored than their mates,
survive to carry on the race.
The skillful gardener, looking over
his flowers, finds a plant of more than ordinary beauty
and thrift of growth. When it comes to maturity
he keeps its seeds separate from those of the rest
and next year plants them by themselves. As they
come up he weeds out all unthrifty plants, only allowing
the strongest to come to maturity. As they break
into bloom he plucks away all whose flowers do not
come up to the high standard he has set for himself.
After a while he has but a few plants left, but these
are the thriftiest and bear the most beautiful flowers.
Again he allows these to mature and selects the seed
of the very finest. Next year the process is
repeated. After a few generations, usually three
if the man is skillful enough, he has a definite strain
of flowers that will thereafter come true. This
is the process of artificial selection as carried
on by man.
Darwin saw that Nature is constantly
carrying on a similar process. She produces seeds
enough on almost any plant to clothe the world in a
few years if all of them could fall into proper ground
and thrive like their parents. A friend of mine
found a mullein stalk that bore more than seven hundred
seed pods and averaged more than nine hundred seeds
to the pod, a total of more than six hundred and thirty
thousand seeds. If each of these could find lodgment
on a plot eighteen inches square, produce a similar
number of seeds and plant them all, the result would
be overwhelming. The fourth generation would cover
land and sea, from pole to pole, one hundred layers
deep. But there is no such danger. Year
by year the mulleins hold their own and no more.
Any particular field may have more or less, but in
the long run the average for a district is about the
same. Some of the seeds are poor and thin.
These scarcely sprout. Others spring up into thin-skinned
plants, and the first frost nips them. Still others
lack the woolly coating in its finest abundance, and
the browsing animals eat these. Others lack power
to put out a wide-ranging root supply and the first
drought kills these. Still others fail to send
up a vigorous stem and the passing animal knocks them
over and they die. Of the few that are still
surviving, some produce such small and inconspicuous
blossoms that the insects scarcely see them, and they
go unfertilized. In the end only the aristocrats
of the group are left, aristocrats in the best sense
of the word. These are strong, thrifty, and beautiful,
and are provided with every defense known to the mullein
world. From these the mulleins of the next generation
will spring. Again Nature will select the best
of these, by a repetition of the same process.
Thus year by year the stock is improved. Any
new feature that is favorable helps its possessor
to survive, and, if happily mated, will show itself
after a while in the entire group. This, in brief,
is the underlying idea of Natural Selection, as Darwin
conceived it.
In 1842, at Lyell’s suggestion,
Darwin wrote a short sketch of his ideas which he,
two years later, expanded into a somewhat larger account.
The manuscript of these early views of the theory was
completely lost and has only been recovered within
the last few years. It was recently published
under the editorship of Charles Darwin’s son,
Francis. It is astonishing to see how clearly
the first short sketch states the underlying conception
which all of Darwin’s subsequent work amplifies.
Hooker was constantly urging Darwin to write out his
whole theory in the form of a book, and Darwin had
begun to do so in 1856.
Meanwhile, down in the Moluccas, Alfred
Russell Wallace had been lying sick of a fever contracted
during his exploring expedition in that neighborhood.
He had been studying the distribution of the animal
life of the Malay Archipelago. Overcome by sickness,
as he lay in bed, he began to think over a book which
he had read not long before, “Malthus on Population.”
Wallace had been pondering on the question of the
origin of the animals of the Malay Archipelago.
He had not the faintest knowledge of what Darwin was
doing, but was influenced, of course, like Darwin,
by what he read in Malthus. Interesting to relate,
he had come to exactly the same conclusions, writing
his opinions in the form of an essay. By the
strangest sort of coincidence, he sent this essay
to Charles Darwin, asking him to read it, and, if
he thought it was not altogether too foolish, to send
it to Lyell for publication by the Linnaean Society.
Darwin read with utter astonishment this essay containing
views so absolutely like those that had come to him
from his own long series of observations and reflections.
With uncommon magnanimity his first impulse was to
withhold his own publication entirely, but to this
Lyell and Hooker would not for a moment consent.
They were determined that Darwin should give them
his long series of notebooks as evidence of the independence
of his work and that he present to the Linnaean Society,
simultaneously with Wallace’s paper, one of his
own upon the same subject. In this manly form
both essays were read at the next meeting of the society.
The joint papers provoked instant discussion and prompt
opposition. The world at large scarcely admitted
a possible doubt of the fixity of species. Men
generally believed the idea to be absolutely irreconcilable
with their religious faith. Any question of the
fact that the species of to-day exist practically as
they had been handed down to the earth in the beginning
by the Creator himself seemed to most men a direct
blow at religion. At this time a very large number
of natural scientists were clergymen, hence the opposition
had abundant and influential support. The storm
grew fiercer and more widespread. The publication
in 1859 of Darwin’s great book on “The
Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection or
the Preservation of Favored Races in the Struggle
for Life” added fuel to the flame.
In 1860 the British Association met
in Oxford, and Bishop Wilberforce, the retiring president,
in accordance with the custom of the society, gave
a summary of the advance of science, especially during
the preceding year. Everyone knew perfectly that
the bishop would deal with the species question, and
that he would handle it severely. Darwin was
prevented by his usual ill health from being present
at this meeting, but Huxley was there to see that
their side of the question received proper attention.
The bishop made a lengthy address, in the major portion
of which he brought forward entirely worthy objections
to Darwin’s theories. Toward its close his
feelings overmastered him and he departed from his
manuscript and unburdened his mind. The lack
of stenographers in those days and the tenseness of
the moment, which made everyone forget to take down
what was said, make it impossible to tell exactly
what happened. It seems that Bishop Wilberforce,
appealing to the prejudices of his audience, said,
in language that now seems ludicrous but then was
terribly bitter: “However, any of us might
be willing to consider ourselves descended from an
ape upon his father’s side, no one would so demean
his mother’s memory as to imagine that she could
possibly have shared in this descent.”
Huxley, who had waited patiently for the close of the
bishop’s address, saw immediately the fatal mistake.
Turning to his companion beside him, he said, “The
Lord has delivered the Philistine into my hands,”
and, rising, he hurled back at the bishop the indignant
reply, “I should far rather owe my origin to
an ape than I would owe it to a man who would use
great gifts to obscure the truth.” The
bishop had made the mistake, and the struggle was on.
Year by year it raged. One by one the scientists,
first of England, and then of Germany, took their
stand by Darwin. Huxley in England and Haeckel
in Germany were the foremost advocates of the Darwinian
idea. Long and fiercely the battle raged; slowly
and gradually men began to see that, instead of undermining
religion, the idea of evolution uplifted creation
and made it not a strange happening in the distant
past, but a divine activity through all time.
But the battle had by no means subsided when one day
came the sad news that Darwin’s heart, so long
feeble, so serious a hindrance to his work, had beaten
its last on April 19, 1882.
His own people wished to bury Darwin
quietly at his home in Down, but Darwin now belonged
to the nation. A petition signed by many public
men was sent to the Dean of Westminster, asking that
his body might be granted burial in the Abbey.
Probably no greater honor can come to man to-day,
and fortunately Dean Bradbury was broad-minded enough
to acquiesce. So it came to pass that the church
that had so long believed him her enemy, that had
first so bitterly fought him, came at length to see
that he added a new dignity and worth to her faith,
and took him to her bosom. Darwin’s body
lies buried in the Abbey.
In all the glorious company of immortal
dead whose earthly frames are gathered in England’s
great mausoleum, there is no other one who has done
so much to modify the mind of thinking man.