BROTHERS AND ENEMIES
I
Our enemies are brothers from whom
we are estranged. Here is the fundamental truth
that explains and justifies our hope of re-establishing
a real patriotism among all parties in Ireland, and
a final peace with our ancient enemy of England.
It is the view of prejudice that makes of the various
sections of our people hopelessly hostile divisions,
and raises up a barrier of hate between Ireland and
England that can never be surmounted. If Ireland
is to be regenerated, we must have internal unity;
if the world is to be regenerated, we must have world-wide
unity not of government, but of brotherhood.
To this great end every individual, every nation has
a duty; and that the end may not be missed we must
continually turn for the correction of our philosophy
to reflecting on the common origin of the human race,
on the beauty of the world that is the heritage of
all, our common hopes and fears, and in the greatest
sense the mutual interests of the peoples of the earth.
If, unheeding this, any people make their part of the
earth ugly with acts of tyranny and baseness, they
threaten the security of all; if unconscious of it,
a people always high-spirited are plunged into war
with a neighbour, now a foe, and yet fight, as their
nature compels them, bravely and magnanimously, they
but drive their enemy back to the field of a purer
life, and, perhaps, to the realisation of a more beautiful
existence, a dream to which his stagnant soul steeped
in ugliness could never rise.
II
On the road to freedom every alliance
will be sternly tried. Internal friendship will
not be made in a day, nor external friendship for many
a day, and there will be how many temptations to hold
it all a delusion and scatter the few still standing
loyally to the flag. We must understand, then,
the bond that holds us together on the line of march,
and in the teeth of every opposition. Nothing
but a genuine bond of brotherhood can so unite men,
but we hardly seem to realise its truth. When
a deep and ardent patriotism requires men of different
creeds to come together frankly and in a spirit of
comradeship, and when the most earnest of all the
creeds do so, others who are colder and less earnest
regard this union as a somewhat suspicious alliance;
and, if they join in, do so reluctantly. Others
come not at all; these think our friends labour in
a delusion, that it needs but an occasion to start
an old fear and drive them apart, to attack one another
with ancient bitterness fired with fresh venom.
We must combat that idea. Let us consider the
attitude to one another of three units of the band,
who represent the best of the company and should be
typical of the whole; one who is a Catholic, one who
is a Protestant, and one who may happen to be neither.
The complete philosophy of any one of the three may
not be accepted by the other two; the horizon of his
hopes may be more or less distant, but that complete
philosophy stretches beyond the limit of the sphere,
within which they are drawn together to mutual understanding
and comradeship, moved by a common hope, a brave purpose
and a beautiful dream. The significance of their
work may be deeper for one than for another, the origin
of the dream and its ultimate aim may be points not
held in common; but the beautiful tangible thing that
they all now fight for, the purer public and private
life, the more honourable dealings between men, the
higher ideals for the community and the nation, the
grander forbearance, courage and freedom, in all these
they are at one. The instinctive recognition
of an attack on the ideal is alive and vigilant in
all three. The sympathy that binds them is ardent,
deep and enduring. Observe them come together.
Note the warm hand grasp, the drawn face of one, a
hard-worker; of another, the eye anxious for a brother
hard pressed; of the third, the eye glistening for
the ideal triumphant; of all the intimate confidence,
the mutual encouragement and self-sacrifice, never
a note of despair, but always the exultation of the
Great Fight, and the promise of a great victory.
This is a finer company than a mere casual alliance;
yet it makes the uninspired pause, wondering and questioning.
These men are earnest men of different creeds; still
they are as intimately bound to one another as if they
knelt at the one altar. In the narrow view the
creeds should be at one another’s throats; here
they are marching shoulder to shoulder. How is
this? And the one whose creed is the most exacting
could, perhaps, give the best reply. He would
reply that within the sphere in which they work together
the true thing that unites them can be done only the
one right way; that instinctively seizing this right
way they come together; that this is the line of advance
to wider and deeper things that are his inspiration
and his life; that if a comrade is roused to action
by the nearer task, and labours bravely and rightly
for it, he is on the road to widening vistas in his
dream that now he may not see. That is what he
would say whose vision of life is the widest.
All objectors he may not satisfy. That what is
life to him may leave his comrade cold is a difficulty;
but against the difficulty stand the depth and reality
of their comradeship, proven by mutual sacrifice,
endurance, and faith, and he never doubts that their
bond union will sometime prove to have a wise and
beautiful meaning in the Annals of God.
III
But the men of different creeds who
stand firmly and loyally together are a minority.
We are faced with the great difficulty of uniting as
a whole North and South; and we are faced with the
grim fact that many whom we desire to unite are angrily
repudiating a like desire, that many are sarcastically
noting this, that many are coldly refusing to believe;
while through it all the most bitter are emphasising
enmity and glorifying it. All these unbelievers
keep insisting North and South are natural enemies
and must so remain. The situation is further embittered
by acts of enmity being practised by both sides to
the extreme provocation of the faithful few.
Their forbearance will be sorely tried, and this is
the final test of men. By those who cling to prejudice
and abandon self-restraint, extol enmity, and always
proceed to the further step the plea to
wipe the enemy out: the counter plea for forbearance
is always scorned as the enervating gospel of weakness
and despair. Though we like to call ourselves
Christian, we have no desire for nay even
make a jest of that outstanding Christian
virtue; yet men not held by Christian dogma have joyously
surrendered to the sublimity of that divine idea.
Hear Shelley speak: “What nation has the
example of the desolation of Attica by Mardonius and
Xerxes, or the extinction of the Persian Empire by
Alexander of Macedon restrained from outrage?
Was not the pretext for this latter system of spoliation
derived immediately from the former? Had revenge
in this instance any other effect than to increase,
instead of diminishing, the mass of malice and evil
already existing in the world? The emptiness
and folly of retaliation are apparent from every example
which can be brought forward.” Shelley
writes much further on retaliation, which he denounces
as “futile superstition.” Simple
violence repels every high and generous thinker.
Hear one other, Mazzini: “What we have to
do is not to establish a new order of things by violence.
An order of things so established is always tyrannical
even when it is better than the old.” Let
us bear this in mind when there is an act of aggression
on either side of the Boyne. There will not be
wanting on the other side a cry for retaliation and
“a lesson.” We shall receive every
provocation to give up and acknowledge ancient bitterness,
but then is the time to stand firm, then we shall
need to practise the divine forbearance that is the
secret of strength.
IV
But with only a minority standing
to the flag we cry out for some hope of final success.
Men will not fight without result for ever; they ask
for some sign of progress, some gleam of the light
of victory. Happily, searching the skies, our
eyes can have their reward. We shall, no doubt,
see, outstanding, dark evidence of old animosity; we
shall hear fierce war-cries and see raging crowds,
but the crowds are less numerous, and the wrath has
lost its sting. Men who raged twenty years ago
rage now, but their fury is less real; and young men
growing up around them, quite indifferent to the ideal,
are also indifferent to the counter cries: they
are passive, unimpressed by either side. Rightly
approached, they may understand and feel the glow
of a fine enthusiasm; they are numbered by prejudice,
they will become warm, active and daring under an
inspiring appeal. Remember, and have done with
despair. Think how you and I found our path step
by step of the way: political life was full of
conventions that suited our fathers’ time, but
have faded in the light of our day. We found
these conventions unreal and put them by. This
was no reflection on our fathers; what they fought
for truly is our heritage, and we pay them a tribute
in offering it in turn our loyalty inspired by their
devotion. But their errors we must rectify; what
they left undone we must take up and fulfil.
That is the task of every generation, to take up the
uncompleted work of the former one, and hand on to
their successors an achievement and a heritage.
Youth recognises this instinctively, and every generation
will take a step in advance of its predecessor, putting
by its prejudices and developing its truth. Every
individual may know this from his own experience, and
from it he knows that those who are now voicing old
bitter cries are ageing, and will soon pass and leave
no successors. Not that prejudice will die for
ever. Each new day will have its own, but that
which is now dividing and hampering us will pass.
Let the memory of its bitterness be an incentive to
checking new animosities and keeping the future safe;
but in the present let us grasp and keep in our mind
that the barrier that sundered our nation must crumble,
if only we have faith and persist, undeterred by old
bitter cries, for they are dying cries, undepressed
by millions apathetic, for it is the great recurring
sign of the ideal, that one hour its light will flash
through quivering multitudes, and millions will have
vision and rouse to regenerate the land.
V
Happily, it is nothing new to plead
for brotherhood among Irishmen now; unhappily, it
is not so generally admitted, nor even recognised,
that the same reason that exists for restoring friendly
relations among Irishmen, exists for the re-establishing
of friendship with any outsider England
or another with whom now or in the future
we may be at war. Friendliness between neighbours
is one of the natural things of life. In the
case of individuals how beautifully it shows between
two dwellers in the same street or townland.
They rejoice together in prosperity; give mutual aid
in adversity; in the ordinary daily round work together
in a spirit of comradeship; at all times they find
a bond of unity in their mutual interests. Consider,
then, the sundering of their friendship by some act
of evil on either side. The old friendship is
turned to hate. Now the proximity that gave intimate
pleasure to their comradeship gives as keen an edge
to their enmity; they meet one another, cross one
another, harass one another at every point. The
bitterness that is such a poison to life must be revolting
to their best instincts; deep in their hearts must
be a yearning for the casting out of hate and the
return of old comradeship. Still the estranged
brothers are at daggers drawn. Sometimes the
evil done is so great and the bitterness so keen that
the old spirit can apparently never be restored; but
while there is any hope whatever the true heart will
keep it alive deep down, for it must be cherished
and kept in mind if the whole beauty of life is to
be renewed and preserved for ever. It is so with
nations as with individuals. Once this is recognised
we must be on guard against a new error, which is
an old error in new form, the taking of means for
end. The end of general peace is to give all nations
freedom in essentials, to realise the deeper purpose,
possibilities, fulness and beauty of life; it is not
to have a peace at any price, peace with a certain
surrender, the meaner peace that is akin to slavery.
No, its message is to guard one nation from excess
that has plunged another into evil, to leave the way
open to a final peace, not base but honourable; it
is to preserve the divine balance of the soul.
It may be further urged that we are engaged in a great
fight; that to try to rouse in men the more generous
instincts will but weaken their hands by removing a
certain driving bitterness that gives strength to their
fight. Whatever it removes it will not be their
strength. In a war admittedly between brothers,
a civil war, where different conceptions of duty force
men asunder, father is up against son, and brother
against brother; yet they are not weakened in their
contest by ties of blood and the deeper-lying harmony
of things that in happier times prevail to the exclusion
of bitterness and hate. When, therefore, you
teach a man his enemy is in a deep sense his brother,
you do not draw him from the fight, but you give him
a new conception of the goal to win and with a great
dream inspire him to persevere and reach the goal.
VI
If, then, beyond individual and national
freedom there is this great dream still to be striven
for, let us not decry it as something too sublime
for earth. It must be our guiding star to lead
us rightly as far as we may go. We can travel
rightly that part of the road we now tread on only
by shaping it true to the great end that ought to inspire
us all. We shall have many temptations to swerve
aside, but the power of mind that keeps our position
clear and firm will react against every destroying
influence. In the first stage of the fight for
internal unity, when blind bigotry is furiously insisting
that we but plan an insidious scheme for the oppression
of a minority, our firmness will save us till our
conception of the end grow on that minority and convince
all of our earnestness. Then the dream will inspire
them, the flag will claim them, and the first stage
in the fight will be won. When internal unity
is accomplished, we are within reach of freedom.
Yes, but cries an objector, “Why plead for friendship
with England, who will have peace only on condition
of her supremacy?” And an answer is needed.
If it takes two to make a fight, it also most certainly
takes two to make a peace, unless one accepts the
position of serf and surrenders. But this we
do not fear; we can compel our freedom and we are confident
of victory. There is still the step to friendship.
Many will be baffled by the difficulty, that while
we must keep alive our generous instincts, we must
be stern and resolute in the fight; while we desire
peace we must prosecute war; while we long for comradeship
we must be breaking up dangerous alliances: literary,
political, trades and social unions formed with England
while she is asserting her supremacy must be broken
up till they can be reformed on a basis of independence,
equality and universal freedom. While we are
prosecuting these vigorous measures it may not seem
the way to final friendship; but we must persist;
independence is first indispensable. Here again,
however, while insisting among our own ranks on our
conception of the end, it will grow on the mind of
the enemy. They may put it by at first as a delusion
or a snare, but one intimate moment will come when
it will light up for them, and a new era is begun.
In such a moment is evil abandoned, hate buried and
friendship reborn. There is one honest fear that
our independence would threaten their security:
it will yet be replaced by the conviction that there
is a surer safeguard in our freedom than in our suppression;
the light will break through the clouds of suspicion
and a star of stars will glorify the earth. For
this end our enemy must have an ideal as high as our
own; if thus an objector, he is right. But if
in the gross materialism and greed of empire that
is now the ruling passion with the enemy there is
apparently little hope of a transformation that will
make them spiritual, high-minded and generous, we
must not abandon our ideal: while the meanness
and tyranny of contemporary England stand forward
against our argument and leave our reasoning cold,
we can find a more subtle appeal in spirit, such an
appeal as comes to us in a play of Shakespeare’s,
a song of Shelley’s, or a picture of Turner’s.
From the heart of the enemy Genius cries, bearing
witness to our common humanity, and the yearning for
such high comradeship is alive, and the dream survives
to light us on the forward path. We must travel
that path rightly. We can so travel whatever
the enemy’s mind. More difficult it will
be, but it can be done. That is the great significance
and justification of Nationalism: it is the unanswerable
argument to cosmopolitanism. If the greatness
and beauty of life that ought to be the dream of all
nations is denied by all but one, that one may keep
alive the dream within her own frontier till its fascination
will arrest and inspire the world. If this ultimate
dream is still floating far off, in its pursuit there
is for us achievement on achievement, and each brave
thing done is in itself a beauty and a joy for ever.
For the good fighter there is always fine recompense;
a clear mind, warm blood, quick imagination, grasp
of life and joy in action, and at the end of day always
an eminence won. Yes, and from the height of that
eminence will come ringing down to the last doubter
a last word: we may reach the mountaintops in
aspiring to the stars.