LETTER I
London, January 2, O. .
My dear friend:
Laziness of mind, or inattention, are as great enemies
to knowledge as incapacity; for, in truth, what difference
is there between a man who will not, and a man who
cannot be informed? This difference only, that
the former is justly to be blamed, the latter to be
pitied. And yet how many there are, very capable
of receiving knowledge, who from laziness, inattention,
and incuriousness, will not so much as ask for it,
much less take the least pains to acquire it!
Our young English travelers generally
distinguish themselves by a voluntary privation of
all that useful knowledge for which they are sent
abroad; and yet, at that age, the most useful knowledge
is the most easy to be acquired; conversation being
the book, and the best book in which it is contained.
The drudgery of dry grammatical learning is over, and
the fruits of it are mixed with, and adorned by, the
flowers of conversation. How many of our young
men have been a year at Rome, and as long at Paris,
without knowing the meaning and institution of the
Conclave in the former, and of the parliament in the
latter? and this merely for want of asking the first
people they met with in those several places, who
could at least have given them some general notions
of those matters.
You will, I hope, be wiser, and omit
no opportunity (for opportunities present themselves
every hour of the day) of acquainting yourself with
all those political and constitutional particulars
of the kingdom and government of France. For
instance, when you hear people mention lé
Chancelier, or ‘lé Garde de Sceaux’,
is it any great trouble for you to ask, or for others
to tell you, what is the nature, the powers, the objects,
and the profits of those two employments, either when
joined together, as they often are, or when separate,
as they are at present? When you hear of a gouverneur,
a lieutenant du Roi, a commandant, and an intendant
of the same province, is, it not natural, is it not
becoming, is it not necessary, for a stranger to inquire
into their respective rights and privileges?
And yet, I dare say, there are very few Englishmen
who know the difference between the civil department
of the Intendant, and the military powers of the others.
When you hear (as I am persuaded you must) every day
of the ‘Vingtième’, which is one in
twenty, and consequently five per cent., inquire upon
what that tax is laid, whether upon lands, money,
merchandise, or upon all three; how levied, and what
it is supposed to produce. When you find in books:
(as you will sometimes) allusion to particular laws
and customs, do not rest till you have traced them
up to their source. To give you two examples:
you will meet in some French comedies, ‘Cri’,
or ‘Clameur de Haro’; ask
what it means, and you will be told that it is a term
of the law in Normandy, and means citing, arresting,
or obliging any person to appear in the courts of
justice, either upon a civil or a criminal account;
and that it is derived from ‘a Raoul’,
which Raoul was anciently Duke of Normandy, and a
prince eminent for his justice; insomuch, that when
any injustice was committed, the cry immediately was,
‘Venez, a Raoul, a Raoul’, which words
are now corrupted and jumbled into ‘haro’.
Another, ’Le vol du Chapon,
that is, a certain district of ground immediately contiguous
to the mansion-seat of a family, and answers to what
we call in English DEMESNES. It is in France
computed at about 1,600 feet round the house, that
being supposed to be the extent of the capon’s
flight from ’la basse cour’.
This little district must go along with the mansion-seat,
however the rest of the estate may be divided.
I do not mean that you should be a
French lawyer; but I would not have you unacquainted
with the general principles of their law, in matters
that occur every day: Such is the nature of their
descents, that is, the inheritance of lands:
Do they all go to the eldest son, or are they equally
divided among the children of the deceased? In
England, all lands unsettled descend to the eldest
son, as heir-at-law, unless otherwise disposed of
by the father’s will, except in the county of
Kent, where a particular custom prevails, called Gavelkind;
by which, if the father dies intestate, all his children
divide his lands equally among them. In Germany,
as you know, all lands that, are not fiefs are
equally divided among all the children, which ruins
those families; but all male fiefs of the
empire descend unalienably to the next male heir, which
preserves those families. In France, I believe,
descents vary in different provinces.
The nature of marriage contracts deserves
inquiry. In England, the general practice is,
the husband takes all the wife’s fortune; and
in consideration of it settles upon her a proper pin-money,
as it is called; that is, an annuity during his life,
and a jointure after his death. In France it
is not so, particularly at Paris; where ’la
communauté des biens’ is established.
Any married woman at Paris (if you are
acquainted with one) can inform you
of all these particulars.
These and other things of the same
nature, are the useful and rational objects of the
curiosity of a man of sense and business. Could
they only be attained by laborious researches in folio-books,
and wormeaten manuscripts, I should not wonder at
a young fellow’s being ignorant of them; but
as they are the frequent topics of conversation, and
to be known by a very little degree of curiosity,
inquiry and attention, it is unpardonable not to know
them.
Thus I have given you some hints only
for your inquiries; ’l’Etat de la France,
l’Almanach Royal’, and twenty other such
superficial books, will furnish you with a thousand
more. ‘Approfondissez.’
How often, and how justly, have I
since regretted négligences of this kind in my
youth! And how often have I since been at great
trouble to learn many things which I could then have
learned without any! Save yourself now, then,
I beg of you, that regret and trouble hereafter.
Ask questions, and many questions; and leave nothing
till you are thoroughly informed of it. Such
pertinent questions are far from being illbred or
troublesome to those of whom you ask them; on the contrary,
they are a tacit compliment to their knowledge; and
people have a better opinion of a young man, when
they see him desirous to be informed.
I have by last post received your
two letters of the 1st and 5th of January, N. S. I
am very glad that you have been at all the shows at
Versailles: frequent the courts. I can conceive
the murmurs of the French at the poorness of the fireworks,
by which they thought their king of their country
degraded; and, in truth, were things always as they
should be, when kings give shows they ought to be
magnificent.
I thank you for the ‘These de
la Sorbonne’, which you intend to send me, and
which I am impatient to receive. But pray read
it carefully yourself first; and inform yourself what
the Sorbonne is by whom founded, and for what puraoses.
Since you have time, you have done
very well to take an Italian and a German master;
but pray take care to leave yourelf time enough for
company; for it is in company only that you can learn
what will be much more useful to you than either Italian
or German; I mean ’la politesse, les manieres
et les graces, without which, as I told you long ago,
and I told you true, ‘ogni fatica
a vana’. Adieu.
Pray make my compliments to Lady Brown.
LETTER II
London, January 6, O. .
My dear friend
I recommended to you, in my last,
some inquiries into the constitution of that famous
society the Sorbonne; but as I cannot wholly trust
to the diligence of those inquiries, I will give you
here the outlines of that establishment; which may
possibly excite you to inform yourself of particulars,
which you are more ‘a portee’ to know than
I am.
It was founded by Robert de Sorbon,
in the year 1256 for sixteen poor scholars in divinity;
four of each nation, of the university of which it
made a part; since that it hath been much extended
and enriched, especially by the liberality and pride
of Cardinal Richelieu; who made it a magnificent building
for six-and-thirty doctors of that society to live
in; besides which, there are six professors and schools
for divinity. This society has long been famous
for theological knowledge and exercitations.
There unintelligible points are debated with passion,
though they can never be determined by reason.
Logical subtilties set common sense at defiance; and
mystical refinements disfigure and disguise the native
beauty and simplicity of true natural religion; wild
imaginations form systems, which weak minds adopt implicitly,
and which sense and reason oppose in vain; their voice
is not strong enough to be heard in schools of divinity.
Political views are by no means neglected in those
sacred places; and questions are agitated and decided,
according to the degree of regard, or rather submission,
which the Sovereign is pleased to show the Church.
Is the King a slave to the Church, though a tyrant
to the laity? The least resistance to his will
shall be declared damnable. But if he will not
acknowledge the superiority of their spiritual over
his temporal, nor even admit their ‘imperium
in imperio’, which is the least they will
compound for, it becomes meritorious not only to resist,
but to depose him. And I suppose that the bold
propositions in the thesis you mention, are a return
for the valuation of ‘les biens du
Clergé’.
I would advise you, by all means,
to attend to two or three of their public disputations,
in order to be informed both of the manner and the
substance of those scholastic exercises. Pray
remember to go to all those kind of things. Do
not put it off, as one is too apt to do those things
which one knows can be done every day, or any day;
for one afterward repents extremely, when too late,
the not having done them.
But there is another (so-called) religious
society, of which the minutest circumstance deserves
attention, and furnishes great matter for useful reflections.
You easily guess that I mean the society of ’les
R. R. P. P. Jésuites’, established but
in the year 1540, by a Bull of Pope Paul III.
Its progress, and I may say its victories, were more
rapid than those of the Romans; for within the same
century it governed all Europe; and, in the next,
it extended its influence over the whole world.
Its founder was an abandoned profligate Spanish officer,
Ignatius Loyola; who, in the year 1521, being wounded
in the leg at the ’siege of Pampeluna, went mad
from the smart of his wound, the reproaches of his
conscience, and his confinement, during which he read
the lives of the Saints. Consciousness of guilt,
a fiery temper, and a wild imagination, the common
ingredients of enthusiasm, made this madman devote
himself to the particular service of the Virgin Mary;
whose knight-errant he declared himself, in the very
same form in which the old knight-errants in romances
used to declare themselves the knights and champions
of certain beautiful and incomparable princesses,
whom sometimes they had, but oftener had not, seen.
For Dulcinea del Toboso was by no means the
first princess whom her faithful and valorous knight
had never seen in his life. The enthusiast went
to the Holy Land, from whence he returned to Spain,
where he began to learn Latin and philosophy at three-and-thirty
years old, so that no doubt but he made great progress
in both. The better to carry on his mad and wicked
designs, he chose four disciples, or rather apostles,
all Spaniards, viz, Laynes, Salmeron, Bobadilla, and
Rodriguez. He then composed the rules and constitutions
of his order; which, in the year 1547, was called
the order of Jesuits, from the church of Jesus in Rome,
which was given them. Ignatius died in 1556, aged
sixty-five, thirty-five years after his conversion,
and sixteen years after the establishment of his society.
He was canonized in the year 1609, and is doubtless
now a saint in heaven.
If the religious and moral principles
of this society are to be detested, as they justly
are, the wisdom of their political principles is as
justly to be admired. Suspected, collectively
as an order, of the greatest crimes, and convicted
of many, they have either escaped punishment, or triumphed
after it; as in France, in the reign of Henry IV.
They have, directly or indirectly, governed the consciences
and the councils of all the Catholic princes in Europe;
they almost governed China in the reign of Cangghi;
and they are now actually in possession of the Paraguay
in America, pretending, but paying no obedience to
the Crown of Spain. As a collective body they
are detested, even by all the Catholics, not excepting
the clergy, both secular and regular, and yet, as individuals,
they are loved, respected, and they govern wherever
they are.
Two things, I believe, contribute
to their success. The first, that passive, implicit,
unlimited obedience to their General (who always resides
at Rome), and to the superiors of their several houses,
appointed by him. This obedience is observed
by them all to a most astonishing degree; and, I believe,
there is no one society in the world, of which so
many individuals sacrifice their private interest to
the general one of the society itself. The second
is the education of youth, which they have in a manner
engrossed; there they give the first, and the first
are the lasting impressions; those impressions are
always calculated to be favorable to the society.
I have known many Catholics, educated by the Jesuits,
who, though they detested the society, from reason
and knowledge, have always remained attached to it,
from habit and prejudice. The Jesuits know, better
than any set of people in the world, the importance
of the art of pleasing, and study it more; they become
all things to all men in order to gain, not a few,
but many. In Asia, Africa, and America they become
more than half pagans, in order to convert the pagans
to be less than half Christians. In private families
they begin by insinuating themselves as friends, they
grow to be favorites, and they end directors.
Their manners are not like those of any other regulars
in the world, but gentle, polite, and engaging.
They are all carefully bred up to that particular
destination, to which they seem to have a natural
turn; for which reason one sees most Jesuits excel
in some particular thing. They even breed up
some for martyrdom in case of need; as the superior
of a Jesuit seminary at Rome told Lord Bolingbroke.
’E abbiamo anche martiri per
il martirio, se bisogna’.
Inform yourself minutely of everything
concerning this extraordinary establishment; go into
their houses, get acquainted with individuals, hear
some of them preach. The finest preacher I ever
heard in my life is lé Pere Neufville, who,
I believe, preaches still at Paris, and is so much
in the best company, that you may easily get personally
acquainted with him.
If you would know their ‘morale’
read Pascal’s ‘Lettres Provinciales’,
in which it is very truly displayed from their own
writings.
Upon the whole, this is certain, that
a society of which so little good is said, and so
much ill believed, and that still not only subsists,
but flourishes, must be a very able one. It is
always mentioned as a proof of the superior abilities
of the Cardinal Richelieu, that, though hated by all
the nation, and still more by his master, he kept his
power in spite of both.
I would earnestly wish you to do everything
now, which I wish, that I had done at your age, and
did not do. Every country has its peculiarities,
which one can be much better informed of during one’s
residence there, than by reading all the books in
the world afterward. While you are in Catholic
countries, inform yourself of all the forms and ceremonies
of that tawdry church; see their converts both of
men and women, know their several rules and orders,
attend their most remarkable ceremonies; have their
terms of art explained to you, their ’tierce,
sexte, nones, matines; vêpres, complies’;
their ’breviares, rosaires, heures,
chapelets, agnus’, etc., things that
many people talk of from habit, though few people
know the true meaning of anyone of them. Converse
with, and study the characters of some of those incarcerated
enthusiasts. Frequent some ‘parloirs’,
and see the air and manners of those Recluse, who
are a distinct nation themselves, and like no other.
I dined yesterday with Mrs. F d,
her mother and husband. He is an athletic Hibernian,
handsome in his person, but excessively awkward and
vulgar in his air and manner. She inquired much
after you, and, I thought, with interest. I answered
her as a ‘Mezzano’ should do:
’Et je prônai vôtre tendresse,
vos soins, et vos soupirs’.
When you meet with any British returning
to their own country, pray send me by them any little
‘brochures, factums, theses’,
etc., ’qui font du bruit
où du plaisir a Paris’. Adieu,
child.
LETTER III
London, January 23, O. .
My dear friend:
Have you seen the new tragedy of Varon, [Written
by the Vicomte de Grave; and at that time the general
topic of conversation at Paris.] and what
do you think of it? Let me know, for I am determined
to form my taste upon yours. I hear that the
situations and incidents are well brought on, and
the catastrophe unexpected and surprising, but the
verses bad. I suppose it is the subject of all
conversations at Paris, where both women and men are
judges and critics of all such performances; such
conversations, that both form and improve the taste,
and whet the judgment; are surely preferable to the
conversations of our mixed companies here; which,
if they happen to rise above bragg and whist, infallibly
stop short of everything either pleasing or instructive.
I take the reason of this to be, that
(as women generally give the ‘ton’ to
the conversation) our English women are not near so
well informed and cultivated as the French; besides
that they are naturally more serious and silent.
I could wish there were a treaty made
between the French and English theatres, in which
both parties should make considerable concessions.
The English ought to give up their notorious violations
of all the unities; and all their massacres, racks,
dead bodies, and mangled carcasses, which they so
frequently exhibit upon their stage. The French
should engage to have more action and less declamation;
and not to cram and crowd things together, to almost
a degree of impossibility, from a too scrupulous adherence
to the unities. The English should restrain the
licentiousness of their poets, and the French enlarge
the liberty of theirs; their poets are the greatest
slaves in their country, and that is a bold word; ours
are the most tumultuous subjects in England, and that
is saying a good deal. Under such regulations
one might hope to see a play in which one should not
be lulled to sleep by the length of a monotonical declamation,
nor frightened and shocked by the barbarity of the
action. The unity of time extended occasionally
to three or four days, and the unity of place broke
into, as far as the same street, or sometimes the same
town; both which, I will affirm, are as probable as
four-and-twenty hours, and the same room.
More indulgence too, in my mind, should
be shown, than the French are willing to allow, to
bright thoughts, and to shining images; for though,
I confess, it is not very natural for a hero or a princess
to say fine things in all the violence of grief, love,
rage, etc., yet, I can as well suppose that,
as I can that they should talk to themselves for half
an hour; which they must necessarily do, or no tragedy
could be carried on, unless they had recourse to a
much greater absurdity, the choruses of the ancients.
Tragedy is of a nature, that one must see it with a
degree of self-deception; we must lend ourselves a
little to the delusion; and I am very willing to carry
that complaisance a little farther than the French
do.
Tragedy must be something bigger than
life, or it would not affect us. In nature the
most violent passions are silent; in tragedy they must
speak, and speak with dignity too. Hence the
necessity of their being written in verse, and unfortunately
for the French, from the weakness of their language,
in rhymes. And for the same reason, Cato the Stoic,
expiring at Utica, rhymes masculine and feminine at
Paris; and fetches his last breath at London, in most
harmmonious and correct blank verse.
It is quite otherwise with Comedy,
which should be mere common life, and not one jot
bigger. Every character should speak upon the
stage, not only what it would utter in the situation
there represented, but in the same manner in which
it would express it. For which reason I cannot
allow rhymes in comedy, unless they were put into
the mouth, and came out of the mouth of a mad poet.
But it is impossible to deceive one’s self enough
(nor is it the least necessary in comedy) to suppose
a dull rogue of an usurer cheating, or ‘gross
Jean’ blundering in the finest rhymes in the
world.
As for Operas, they are essentially
too absurd and extravagant to mention; I look upon
them as a magic scene, contrived to please the eyes
and the ears, at the expense of the understanding;
and I consider singing, rhyming, and chiming heroes,
and princesses, and philosophers, as I do the hills,
the trees, the birds, and the beasts, who amicably
joined in one common country dance, to the irresistible
turn of Orpheus’s lyre. Whenever I go to
an opera, I leave my sense and reason at the door
with my half guinea, and deliver myself up to my eyes
and my ears.
Thus I have made you my poetical confession;
in which I have acknowledged as many sins against
the established taste in both countries, as a frank
heretic could have owned against the established church
in either, but I am now privileged by my age to taste
and think for myself, and not to care what other people
think of me in those respects; an advantage which
youth, among its many advantages, hath not. It
must occasionally and outwardly conform, to a certain
degree, to establish tastes, fashions, and decisions.
A young man may, with a becoming modesty, dissent,
in private companies, from public opinions and prejudices:
but he must not attack them with warmth, nor magisterially
set up his own sentiments against them. Endeavor
to hear, and know all opinions; receive them with
complaisance; form your own with coolness, and give
it with modesty.
I have received a letter from Sir
John Lambert, in which he requests me to use my interest
to procure him the remittance of Mr. Spencer’s
money, when he goes abroad and also desires to know
to whose account he is to place the postage of my
letters. I do not trouble him with a letter in
answer, since you can execute the commission.
Pray make my compliments to him, and assure him that
I will do all I can to procure him Mr. Spencer’s
business; but that his most effectual way will be by
Messrs. Hoare, who are Mr. Spencer’s cashiers,
and who will undoubtedly have their choice upon whom
they will give him his credit. As for the postage
of the letters, your purse and mine being pretty near
the same, do you pay it, over and above your next
draught.
By our printed papers, there seems
to be a sort of compromise between the King and the
parliament, with regard to the affairs of the hospitals,
by taking them out of the hands of the Archbishop
of Paris, and placing them in Monsieur d’Argenson’s:
if this be true, that compromise, as it is called,
is clearly a victory on the side of the court, and
a defeat on the part of the parliament; for if the
parliament had a right, they had it as much to the
exclusion of Monsieur d’Argenson as of the Archbishop.
Adieu.
LETTER IV
London, February 6, O. .
My dear friend:
Your criticism of Varon is strictly just; but, in truth,
severe. You French critics seek for a fault as
eagerly as I do for a beauty: you consider things
in the worst light, to show your skill, at the expense
of your pleasure; I view them in the best, that I may
have more pleasure, though at the expense of my judgment.
A ’trompeur trompeur et demi’ is prettily
said; and, if you please, you may call ’Varon,
un Normand’, and ‘Sostrate, un Manceau,
qui vaut un Normand et demi’; and, considering
the ‘denouement’ in the light of trick
upon trick, it would undoubtedly be below the dignity
of the buskin, and fitter for the sock.
But let us see if we cannot bring
off the author. The great question upon which
all turns, is to discover and ascertain who Cleonice
really is. There are doubts concerning her ‘état’;
how shall they be cleared? Had the truth been
extorted from Varon (who alone knew) by the rack, it
would have been a true tragical ‘denouement’.
But that would probably not have done with Varon,
who is represented as a bold, determined, wicked, and
at that time desperate fellow; for he was in the hands
of an enemy who he knew could not forgive him, with
common prudence or safety. The rack would, therefore,
have extorted no truth from him; but he would have
died enjoying the doubts of his enemies, and the confusion
that must necessarily attend those doubts. A
stratagem is therefore thought of to discover what
force and terror could not, and the stratagem such
as no king or minister would disdain, to get at an
important discovery. If you call that stratagem
a trick, you vilify it, and make it comical; but
call that trick a stratagem, or a measure,
and you dignify it up to tragedy: so frequently
do ridicule or dignity turn upon one single word.
It is commonly said, and more particularly by Lord
Shaftesbury, that ridicule is the best test of truth;
for that it will not stick where it is not just.
I deny it. A truth learned in a certain light,
and attacked in certain words, by men of wit and humor,
may, and often doth, become ridiculous, at least so
far that the truth is only remembered and repeated
for the sake of the ridicule. The overturn of
Mary of Medicis into a river, where she was half-drowned,
would never have been remembered if Madame de Vernuel,
who saw it, had not said ’la Reine boit’.
Pleasure or malignity often gives ridicule a weight
which it does not deserve. The versification,
I must confess, is too much neglected and too often
bad: but, upon the whole, I read the play with
pleasure.
If there is but a great deal of wit
and character in your new comedy, I will readily compound
for its having little or no plot. I chiefly mind
dialogue and character in comedies. Let dull critics
feed upon the carcasses of plays; give me the taste
and the dressing.
I am very glad you went to Versailles
to see the ceremony of creating the Prince de Conde
‘Chevalier de l’ Ordre’; and
I do not doubt but that upon this occasion you informed
yourself thoroughly of the institution and rules of
that order. If you did, you were certainly told
it was instituted by Henry III. immediately after
his return, or rather his flight from Poland; he took
the hint of it at Venice, where he had seen the original
manuscript of an order of the ‘St. Esprit,
où droit désir’, which had been instituted
in 1352, by Louis d’Anjou, King of Jerusalem
and Sicily, and husband to Jane, Queen of Naples, Countess
of Provence. This Order was under the protection
of St. Nicholas de Bari, whose image hung to the collar.
Henry III. found the Order of St. Michael prostituted
and degraded, during the civil wars; he therefore joined
it to his new Order of the St. Esprit, and gave them
both together; for which reason every knight of the
St. Esprit is now called Chevalier des Ordres
du Roi. The number of the knights hath
been different, but is now fixed to one hundred,
exclusive of the sovereign. There, are many officers
who wear the riband of this Order, like the other
knights; and what is very singular is, that these
officers frequently sell their employments, but obtain
leave to wear the blue riband still, though the purchasers
of those offices wear it also.
As you will have been a great while
in France, people will expect that you should be ‘au
fait’ of all these sort of things relative to
that country. But the history of all the Orders
of all countries is well worth your knowledge; the
subject occurs often, and one should not be ignorant
of it, for fear of some such accident as happened to
a solid Dane at Paris, who, upon seeing ‘L’Ordre
du St. Esprit’, said, ’Notre St. Esprit
chez nous c’est un Elephant’.
Almost all the princes in Germany have their Orders
too; not dated, indeed, from any important events,
or directed to any great object, but because they
will have orders, to show that they may; as some of
them, who have the ‘jus cudendae monetae’,
borrow ten shillings worth of gold to coin a ducat.
However, wherever you meet with them, inform yourself,
and minute down a short account of them; they take
in all the colors of Sir Isaac Newton’s prisms.
N. B: When you inquire about them, do not seem
to laugh.
I thank you for lé Mandement
de Monseigneur l’Archeveyue; it is
very well drawn, and becoming an archbishop.
But pray do not lose sight of a much more important
object, I mean the political disputes between the King
and the parliament, and the King and the clergy; they
seem both to be patching up; but, however, get the
whole clue to them, as far as they have gone.
I received a letter yesterday from
Madame Monconseil, who assures me you have gained
ground ‘du cote des maniires’,
and that she looks upon you to be ‘plus
qu’à moitié chemin’.
I am very glad to hear this, because, if you are got
above half way of your journey, surely you will finish
it, and not faint in the course. Why do you think
I have this affair so extremely at heart, and why
do I repeat it so often? Is it for your sake,
or for mine? You can immediately answer yourself
that question; you certainly have I cannot
possibly have any interest in it. If then you
will allow me, as I believe you may, to be a judge
of what is useful and necessary to you, you must,
in consequence, be convinced of the infinite importance
of a point which I take so much pains to inculcate.
I hear that the new Duke of Orleans
’a remercie Monsieur de Melfort,
and I believe, ‘pas sans raison’, having
had obligations to him; ’maïs il ne
l’a pas remercie en mari
poli’, but rather roughly. Il
faut que ce soit un bourru’.
I am told, too, that people get bits of his father’s
rags, by way of relies; I wish them joy, they will
do them a great deal of good. See from hence
what weaknesses human nature is capable of, and make
allowances for such in all your plans and reasonings.
Study the characters of the people you have to do
with, and know what they are, instead of thinking
them what they should be; address yourself generally
to the senses, to the heart, and to the weaknesses
of mankind, but very rarely to their reason.
Good-night or good-morrow to you,
according to the time you shall receive this letter
from, Yours.
LETTER V
London, February 14, O. .
My dear friend:
In a month’s time, I believe I shall have the
pleasure of sending you, and you will have the pleasure
of reading, a work of Lord Bolingbroke’s, in
two volumes octavo, “Upon the Use of History,”
in several letters to Lord Hyde, then Lord Cornbury.
It is now put into the press. It is hard to determine
whether this work will instruct or please most:
the most material historical facts, from the great
era of the treaty of Munster, are touched upon, accompanied
by the most solid reflections, and adorned by all
that elegance of style which was peculiar to himself,
and in which, if Cicero equals, he certainly does not
exceed him; but every other writer falls short of
him. I would advise you almost to get this book
by heart. I think you have a turn to history,
you love it, and have a memory to retain it:
this book will teach you the proper use of it.
Some people load their memories indiscriminately with
historical facts, as others do their stomachs with
food; and bring out the one, and bring up the other,
entirely crude and undigested. You will find
in Lord Bolingbroke’s book an infallible specific
against that epidemical complaint. [It
is important to remember that at this time Lord Bolingbroke’s
philosophical works had not appeared; which accounts
for Lord Chesterfield’s recommending to his son,
in this, as well as in some foregoing passages, the
study of Lord Bolingbroke’s writings.]
I remember a gentleman who had read
history in this thoughtless and undistinguishing manner,
and who, having traveled, had gone through the Valtelline.
He told me that it was a miserable poor country, and
therefore it was, surely, a great error in Cardinal
Richelieu to make such a rout, and put France to so
much expense about it. Had my friend read history
as he ought to have done, he would have known that
the great object of that great minister was to reduce
the power of the House of Austria; and in order to
that, to cut off as much as he could the communication
between the several parts of their then extensive
dominions; which reflections would have justified the
Cardinal to him, in the affair of the Valtelline.
But it was easier to him to remember facts, than to
combine and reflect.
One observation I hope you will make
in reading history; for it is an obvious and a true
one. It is, that more people have made great figures
and great fortunes in courts by their exterior accomplishments,
than by their interior qualifications. Their
engaging address, the politeness of their manners,
their air, their turn, hath almost always paved the
way for their superior abilities, if they have such,
to exert themselves. They have been favorites
before they have been ministers. In courts, an
universal gentleness and ‘douceur dans
les manieres’ is most absolutely necessary:
an offended fool, or a slighted valet de
chambre, may very possibly do you more hurt at
court, than ten men of merit can do you good.
Fools, and low people, are always jealous of their
dignity, and never forget nor forgive what they reckon
a slight: on the other hand, they take civility
and a little attention as a favor; remember, and acknowledge
it: this, in my mind, is buying them cheap; and
therefore they are worth buying. The prince himself,
who is rarely the shining genius of his court, esteems
you only by hearsay but likes you by his senses; that
is, from your air, your politeness, and your manner
of addressing him, of which alone he is a judge.
There is a court garment, as well as a wedding garment,
without which you will not be received. That
garment is the ‘volto sciolto’;
an imposing air, an elegant politeness, easy and engaging
manners, universal attention, an insinuating gentleness,
and all those ‘je ne saïs quoi’
that compose the graces.
I am this moment disagreeably interrupted
by a letter; not from you, as I expected, but from
a friend of yours at Paris, who informs me that you
have a fever which confines you at home. Since
you have a fever, I am glad you have prudence enough
in it to stay at home, and take care of yourself;
a little more prudence might probably have prevented
it. Your blood is young, and consequently hot;
and you naturally make a great deal by your good stomach
and good digestion; you should, therefore, necessarily
attenuate and cool it, from time to time, by gentle
purges, or by a very low diet, for two or three days
together, if you would avoid fevers. Lord Bacon,
who was a very great physician in both senses of the
word, hath this aphorism in his “Essay upon Health,”
’Nihil magis ad Sanitatem tribuit
quam crebrae et domesticae purgationes’.
By ‘domesticae’, he means those simple
uncompounded purgatives which everybody can administer
to themselves; such as senna-tea, stewed prunes and
senria, chewing a little rhubarb, or dissolving an
ounce and a half of manna in fair water, with the
juice of a lemon to make it palatable. Such gentle
and unconfining evacuations would certainly prevent
those feverish attacks to which everybody at your
age is subject.
By the way, I do desire, and insist,
that whenever, from any indisposition, you are not
able to write to me upon the fixed days, that Christian
shall; and give me a true account how you are.
I do not expect from him the Ciceronian epistolary
style; but I will content myself with the Swiss simplicity
and truth.
I hope you extend your acquaintance
at Paris, and frequent variety of companies; the only
way of knowing the world; every set of company differs
in some particulars from another; and a man of business
must, in the course of his life, have to do with all
sorts. It is a very great advantage to know the
languages of the several countries one travels in;
and different companies may, in some degree, be considered
as different countries; each hath its distinctive
language, customs, and manners: know them all,
and you will wonder at none.
Adieu, child. Take care of your
health; there are no pleasures without it.
LETTER VI
London, February 20, O. .
My dear friend:
In all systems whatsoever, whether of religion, government,
morals, etc., perfection is the object always
proposed, though possibly unattainable; hitherto,
at least, certainly unattained. However, those
who aim carefully at the mark itself, will unquestionably
come nearer it, than those who from despair, negligence,
or indolence, leave to chance the work of skill.
This maxim holds equally true in common life; those
who aim at perfection will come infinitely nearer it
than those desponding or indolent spirits, who foolishly
say to themselves: Nobody is perfect; perfection
is unattainable; to attempt it is chimerical; I shall
do as well as others; why then should I give myself
trouble to be what I never can, and what, according
to the common course of things, I need not be, perfect?
I am very sure that I need not point
out to you the weakness and the folly of this reasoning,
if it deserves the name of reasoning. It would
discourage and put a stop to the exertion of any one
of our faculties. On the contrary, a man of sense
and spirit says to himself: Though the point
of perfection may (considering the imperfection of
our nature) be unattainable, my care, my endeavors,
my attention, shall not be wanting to get as near
it as I can. I will approach it every day, possibly,
I may arrive at it at last; at least, what I am sure
is in my own power, I will not be distanced.
Many fools (speaking of you) say to me: What!
would you have him perfect? I answer: Why
not? What hurt would it do him or me? O,
but that is impossible, say they; I reply, I am not
sure of that: perfection in the abstract, I admit
to be unattainable, but what is commonly called perfection
in a character I maintain to be attainable, and not
only that, but in every man’s power. He
hath, continue they, a good head, a good heart, a
good fund of knowledge, which would increase daily:
What would you have more? Why, I would have everything
more that can adorn and complete a character.
Will it do his head, his heart, or his knowledge any
harm, to have the utmost delicacy of manners, the most
shining advantages of air and address, the most endearing
attentions, and the most engaging graces? But
as he is, say they, he is loved wherever he is known.
I am very glad of it, say I; but I would have him be
liked before he is known, and loved afterward.
I would have him, by his first abord and address,
make people wish to know him, and inclined to love
him: he will save a great deal of time by it.
Indeed, reply they, you are too nice, too exact, and
lay too much stress upon things that are of very little
consequence. Indeed, rejoin I, you know very little
of the nature of mankind, if you take those things
to be of little consequence: one cannot be too
attentive to them; it is they that always engage the
heart, of which the understanding is commonly the
bubble. And I would much rather that he erred
in a point of grammar, of history, of philosophy,
etc., than in point of manners and address.
But consider, he is very young; all this will come
in time. I hope so; but that time must be when
he is young, or it will never be at all; the right
‘pli’ must be taken young, or it will
never be easy or seem natural. Come, come, say
they (substituting, as is frequently done, assertion
instead of argument), depend upon it he will do very
well: and you have a great deal of reason to
be satisfied with him. I hope and believe he will
do well, but I would have him do better than well.
I am very well pleased with him, but I would be more,
I would be proud of him. I would have him have
lustre as well as weight. Did you ever know anybody
that reunited all these talents? Yes, I did;
Lord Bolingbroke joined all the politeness, the manners,
and the graces of a courtier, to the solidity of a
statesman, and to the learning of a pedant. He
was ‘omnis homo’; and pray what
should hinder my boy from being so too, if he ’hath,
as I think he hath, all the other qualifications that
you allow him? Nothing can hinder him, but neglect
of or inattention to, those objects which his own good
sense must tell him are, of infinite consequence to
him, and which therefore I will not suppose him capable
of either neglecting or despising.
This (to tell you the whole truth)
is the result of a controversy that passed yesterday,
between Lady Hervey and myself, upon your subject,
and almost in the very words. I submit the decision
of it to yourself; let your own good sense determine
it, and make you act in consequence of that determination.
The receipt to make this composition is short and
infallible; here I give it to you:
Take variety of the best company,
wherever you are; be minutely attentive to every word
and action; imitate respectively those whom you observe
to be distinguished and considered for any one accomplishment;
then mix all those several accomplishments together,
and serve them up yourself to others.
I hope your fair, or rather your brown
American is well. I hear that she makes
very handsome presents, if she is not so herself.
I am told there are people at Paris who expect, from
this secret connection, to see in time a volume of
letters, superior to Madame de Graffiny’s Peruvian
ones; I lay in my claim to one of the first copies.
Francis’s Genie [Francis’s
“Eugenia."] hath been acted twice,
with most universal applause; to-night is his third
night, and I am going to it. I did not think
it would have succeeded so well, considering how long
our British audiences have been accustomed to murder,
racks, and poison, in every tragedy; but it affected
the heart so much, that it triumphed over habit and
prejudice. All the women cried, and all the men
were moved. The prologue, which is a very good
one, was made entirely by Garrick. The epilogue
is old Cibber’s; but corrected, though not enough,
by Francis. He will get a great deal of, money
by it; and, consequently, be better able to lend you
sixpence, upon any emergency.
The parliament of Paris, I find by
the newspapers, has not carried its point concerning
the hospitals, and, though the King hath given up the
Archbishop, yet as he has put them under the management
and direction ’du Grand Conseil’,
the parliament is equally out of the question.
This will naturally put you upon inquiring into the
constitution of the ’Grand Conseil’.
You will, doubtless, inform yourself who it is composed
of, what things are ‘de son ressort’,
whether or not there lies an appeal from thence to
any other place; and of all other particulars, that
may give you a clear notion of this assembly.
There are also three or four other Conseils in
France, of which you ought to know the constitution
and the objects; I dare say you do know them already;
but if you do not, lose no time in informing yourself.
These things, as I have often told you, are best learned
in various French companies: but in no English
ones, for none of our countrymen trouble their heads
about them. To use a very trite image, collect,
like the bee, your store from every quarter. In
some companies (’parmi les fermiers
generaux nommément’) you may, by proper
inquiries, get a general knowledge, at least, of ’les
affaires des finances’. When
you are with ‘des gens de robe’,
suck them with regard to the constitution, and civil
government, and ‘sic de caeteris’.
This shows you the advantage of keeping a great deal
of different French company; an advantage much superior
to any that you can possibly receive from loitering
and sauntering away evenings in any English company
at Paris, not even excepting Lord A------. Love
of ease, and fear of restraint (to both which I doubt
you are, for a young fellow, too much addicted) may
invite you among your countrymen: but pray withstand
those mean temptations, ‘et preñez sur
vous’, for the sake of being in those assemblies,
which alone can inform your mind and improve your manners.
You have not now many months to continue at Paris;
make the most of them; get into every house there,
if you can; extend acquaintance, know everything and
everybody there; that when you leave it for other places,
you may be ‘au fait’, and even able
to explain whatever you may hear mentioned concerning
it. Adieu.
LETTER VII
London, March 2, O. .
My dear friend:
Whereabouts are you in Ariosto? Or have you gone
through that most ingenious contexture of truth and
lies, of serious and extravagant, of knights-errant,
magicians, and all that various matter which he announces
in the beginning of his poem:
Le
Donne, I Cavalier, l’armé, gli amori,
Le
cortesie, l’audaci impreso io canto.
I am by no means sure that Homer had
superior invention, or excelled more in description
than Ariosto. What can be more seducing and voluptuous,
than the description of Alcina’s person and palace?
What more ingeniously extravagant, than the search
made in the moon for Orlando’s lost wits, and
the account of other people’s that were found
there? The whole is worth your attention, not
only as an ingenious poem, but as the source of all
modern tales, novels, fables, and romances; as Ovid’s
“Metamorphoses;” was of the ancient ones;
besides, that when you have read this work, nothing
will be difficult to you in the Italian language.
You will read Tasso’s ‘Gierusalemme’,
and the ‘Decamerone di Boccacio’,
with great facility afterward; and when you have read
those three authors, you will, in my opinion, have
read all the works of invention that are worth reading
in that language; though the Italians would be very
angry at me for saying so.
A gentleman should know those which
I call classical works, in every language; such as
Boileau, Corneille, Racine, Moliere, etc., in
French; Milton, Dryden, Pope, Swift, etc., in
English; and the three authors above mentioned in
Italian; whether you have any such in German I am not
quite sure, nor, indeed, am I inquisitive. These
sort of books adorn the mind, improve the fancy, are
frequently alluded to by, and are often the subjects
of conversations of the best companies. As you
have languages to read, and memory to retain them,
the knowledge of them is very well worth the little
pains it will cost you, and will enable you to shine
in company. It is not pedantic to quote and allude
to them, which it would be with regard to the ancients.
Among the many advantages which you
have had in your education, I do not consider your
knowledge of several languages as the least. You
need not trust to translations; you can go to the
source; you can both converse and negotiate with people
of all nations, upon equal terms; which is by no means
the case of a man, who converses or negotiates in a
language which those with whom he hath to do know
much better than himself. In business, a great
deal may depend upon the force and extent of one word;
and, in conversation, a moderate thought may gain,
or a good one lose, by the propriety or impropriety,
the elegance or inelegance of one single word.
As therefore you now know four modern languages well,
I would have you study (and, by the way, it will be
very little trouble to you) to know them correctly,
accurately, and delicately. Read some little books
that treat of them, and ask questions concerning their
delicacies, of those who are able to answer you.
As, for instance, should I say in French, ‘la
lettre que je vous aï ECRIT’,
or, ’la lettre que je vous
aï Écrite’? in which, I think, the
French differ among themselves. There is a short
French grammar by the Port Royal, and another by Pere
Buffier, both which are worth your reading; as is
also a little book called ’Les Synonymes
Francois. There are books of that kind upon the
Italian language, into some of which I would advise
you to dip; possibly the German language may have
something of the same sort, and since you already
speak it, the more properly you speak it the better;
one would, I think, as far as possible, do all one
does correctly and elegantly. It is extremely
engaging to people of every nation, to meet with a
foreigner who hath taken pains enough to speak their
language correctly; it flatters that local and national
pride and prejudice of which everybody hath some share.
Francis’s “Eugenia,”
which I will send you, pleased most people of good
taste here; the boxes were crowded till the sixth night,
when the pit and gallery were totally deserted, and
it was dropped. Distress, without death, was
not sufficient to affect a true British audience, so
long accustomed to daggers, racks, and bowls of poison:
contrary to Horace’s rule, they desire to see
Medea murder her children upon the stage. The
sentiments were too delicate to move them; and their
hearts are to be taken by storm, not by parley.
Have you got the things, which were
taken from you at Calais, restored? and, among them,
the little packet which my sister gave you for Sir
Charles Hotham? In this case, have you forwarded
it to him? If you have not had an opportunity,
you will have one soon; which I desire you will not
omit; it is by Monsieur d’Aillion, whom you will
see in a few days at Paris, in his way to Geneva,
where Sir Charles now is, and will remain some time.
Adieu:
LETTER VIII
London, March 5, O.
My dear friend:
As I have received no letter from you by the usual
post, I am uneasy upon account of your health; for,
had you been well, I am sure you would have written,
according to your engagement and my requisition.
You have not the least notion of any care of your health;
but though I would not have you be a valetudinarian,
I must tell you that the best and most robust health
requires some degree of attention to preserve.
Young fellows, thinking they have so much health and
time before them, are very apt to neglect or lavish
both, and beggar themselves before they are aware:
whereas a prudent economy in both would make them
rich indeed; and so far from breaking in upon their
pleasures, would improve, and almost perpetuate them.
Be you wiser, and, before it is too late, manage both
with care and frugality; and lay out neither, but
upon good interest and security.
I will now confine myself to the employment
of your time, which, though I have often touched upon
formerly, is a subject that, from its importance,
will bear repetition. You have it is true, a great
deal of time before you; but, in this period of your
life, one hour usefully employed may be worth more
than four-and-twenty hereafter; a minute is precious
to you now, whole days may possibly not be so forty
years hence. Whatever time you allow, or can
snatch for serious reading (I say snatch, because
company and the knowledge of the world is now your
chief object), employ it in the reading of some one
book, and that a good one, till you have finished
it: and do not distract your mind with various
matters at the same time. In this light I would
recommend to you to read ‘tout de suite’
Grotius ‘de Jure Belli et
Pacis’, translated by Barbeyrac, and Puffendorff’s
‘Jus Gentium’, translated by the same hand.
For accidental quarters of hours, read works of invention,
wit and humor, of the best, and not of trivial authors,
either ancient or modern.
Whatever business you have, do it
the first moment you can; never by halves, but finish
it without interruption, if possible. Business
must not be sauntered and trifled with; and you must
not say to it, as Felix did to Paul, “At a more
convenient season I will speak to thee.”
The most convenient season for business is the first;
but study and business in some measure point out their
own times to a man of sense; time is much oftener
squandered away in the wrong choice and improper methods
of amusement and pleasures.
Many people think that they are in
pleasures, provided they are neither in study nor
in business. Nothing like it; they are doing nothing,
and might just as well be asleep. They contract
habitudes from laziness, and they only frequent those
places where they are free from all restraints and
attentions. Be upon your guard against this idle
profusion of time; and let every place you go to be
either the scene of quick and lively pleasures, or
the school of your own improvements; let every company
you go into either gratify your senses, extend your
knowledge, or refine your manners. Have some
decent object of gallantry in view at some places;
frequent others, where people of wit and taste assemble;
get into others, where people of superior rank and
dignity command respect and attention from the rest
of the company; but pray frequent no neutral places,
from mere idleness and indolence. Nothing forms
a young man so much as being used to keep respectable
and superior company, where a constant regard and
attention is necessary. It is true, this is at
first a disagreeable state of restraint; but it soon
grows habitual, and consequently easy; and you are
amply paid for it, by the improvement you make, and
the credit it gives you. What you said some time
ago was very true, concerning ‘lé Palais
Royal’; to one of your age the situation
is disagreeable enough: you cannot expect to
be much taken notice of; but all that time you can
take notice of others; observe their manners, decipher
their characters, and insensibly you will become one
of the company.
All this I went through myself, when
I was of your age. I have sat hours in company
without being taken the least notice of; but then I
took notice of them, and learned in their company
how to behave myself better in the next, till by degrees
I became part of the best companies myself. But
I took great care not to lavish away my time in those
companies where there were neither quick pleasures
nor useful improvements to be expected.
Sloth, indolence, and ‘mollesse’
are pernicious and unbecoming a young fellow; let
them be your ‘ressource’ forty years
hence at soonest. Determine, at all events, and
however disagreeable it may to you in some respects,
and for some time, to keep the most distinguished and
fashionable company of the place you are at, either
for their rank, or for their learning, or ‘lé
bel esprit et lé gout’.
This gives you credentials to the best companies,
wherever you go afterward. Pray, therefore, no
indolence, no laziness; but employ every minute in
your life in active pleasures, or useful employments.
Address yourself to some woman of fashion and beauty,
wherever you are, and try how far that will go.
If the place be not secured beforehand, and garrisoned,
nine times in ten you will take it. By attentions
and respect you may always get into the highest company:
and by some admiration and applause, whether merited
or not, you may be sure of being welcome among ’les
savans et les beaux esprits’. There are
but these three sorts of company for a young fellow;
there being neither pleasure nor profit in any other.
My uneasiness with regard to your
health is this moment removed by your letter of the
8th N. S., which, by what accident I do not know, I
did not receive before.
I long to read Voltaire’s ‘Rome
Sauvee’, which, by the very faults that your
severe critics find with it, I am sure I shall
like; for I will at an any time give up a good deal
of regularity for a great deal of brillant; and
for the brillant surely nobody is equal to Voltaire.
Catiline’s conspiracy is an unhappy subject for
a tragedy; it is too single, and gives no opportunity
to the poet to excite any of the tender passions;
the whole is one intended act of horror, Crebillon
was sensible of this defect, and to create another
interest, most absurdly made Catiline in love with
Cicero’s daughter, and her with him.
I am very glad that you went to Versailles,
and dined with Monsieur de St. Contest. That
is company to learn ‘les bonnes manieres’
in; and it seems you had ‘les bonnes morceaux’
into the bargain. Though you were no part of
the King of France’s conversation with the foreign
ministers, and probably not much entertained with
it, do you think that it is not very useful to you
to hear it, and to observe the turn and manners of
people of that sort? It is extremely useful to
know it well. The same in the next rank of people,
such as ministers of state, etc., in whose company,
though you cannot yet, at your age, bear a part, and
consequently be diverted, you will observe and learn,
what hereafter it may be necessary for you to act.
Tell Sir John Lambert that I have
this day fixed Mr. Spencer’s having his credit
upon him; Mr. Hoare had also recommended him.
I believe Mr. Spencer will set out next month for
some place in France, but not Paris. I am sure
he wants a great deal of France, for at present he
is most entirely English: and you know very well
what I think of that. And so we bid you heartily
good-night.
LETTER IX
London, March 16, O.
My dear friend:
How do you go on with the most useful and most necessary
of all studies, the study of the world? Do you
find that you gain knowledge? And does your daily
experience at once extend and demonstrate your improvement?
You will possibly ask me how you can judge of that
yourself. I will tell you a sure way of knowing.
Examine yourself, and see whether your notions of
the world are changed, by experience, from what they
were two years ago in theory; for that alone is one
favorable symptom of improvement. At that age
(I remember it in myself) every notion that one forms
is erroneous; one hath seen few models, and those
none of the best, to form one’s self upon.
One thinks that everything is to be carried by spirit
and vigor; that art is meanness, and that versatility
and complaisance are the refuge of pusilanimity and
weakness. This most mistaken opinion gives an
indelicacy, a ‘brusquerie’, and a roughness
to the manners. Fools, who can never be undeceived,
retain them as long as they live: reflection,
with a little experience, makes men of sense shake
them off soon. When they come to be a little better
acquainted with themselves, and with their own species,
they discover that plain right reason is, nine times
in ten, the fettered and shackled attendant of the
triumph of the heart and the passions; and, consequently,
they address themselves nine times in ten to the conqueror,
not to the conquered: and conquerors, you know,
must be applied to in the gentlest, the most engaging,
and the most insinuating manner. Have you found
out that every woman is infallibly to be gained by
every sort of flattery, and every man by one sort
or other? Have you discovered what variety of
little things affect the heart, and how surely they
collectively gain it? If you have, you have made
some progress. I would try a man’s knowledge
of the world, as I would a schoolboy’s knowledge
of Horace: not by making him construe ‘Maecenas
atavis édite regibus’, which he could do
in the first form; but by examining him as to the delicacy
and ‘curiosa felicitas’ of that
poet. A man requires very little knowledge and
experience of the world, to understand glaring, high-colored,
and decided characters; they are but few, and they
strike at first: but to distinguish the almost
imperceptible shades, and the nice gradations of virtue
and vice, sense and folly, strength and weakness (of
which characters are commonly composed), demands some
experience, great observation, and minute attention.
In the same cases, most people do the same things,
but with this material difference, upon which the
success commonly turns: A man who hath studied
the world knows when to time, and where to place them;
he hath analyzed the characters he applies to, and
adapted his address and his arguments to them:
but a man, of what is called plain good sense, who
hath only reasoned by himself, and not acted with
mankind, mistimes, misplaces, runs precipitately and
bluntly at the mark, and falls upon his nose in the
way. In the common manners of social life, every
man of common sense hath the rudiments, the A B C
of civility; he means not to offend, and even wishes
to please: and, if he hath any real merit, will
be received and tolerated in good company. But
that is far from being enough; for, though he may be
received, he will never be desired; though he does
not offend, he will never be loved; but, like some
little, insignificant, neutral power, surrounded by
great ones, he will neither be feared nor courted by
any; but, by turns, invaded by all, whenever it is
their interest. A most contemptible situation!
Whereas, a man who hath carefully attended to, and
experienced, the various workings of the heart, and
the artifices of the head; and who, by one shade,
can trace the progression of the whole color; who
can, at the proper times, employ all the several means
of persuading the understanding, and engaging the
heart, may and will have enemies; but will and must
have friends: he may be opposed, but he will
be supported too; his talents may excite the jealousy
of some, but his engaging arts will make him beloved
by many more; he will be considerable; he will be
considered. Many different qualifications must
conspire to form such a man, and to make him at once
respectable and amiable; the least must be joined
to the greatest; the latter would be unavailing without
the former; and the former would be futile and frivolous,
without the latter. Learning is acquired by reading
books; but the much more necessary learning, the knowledge
of the world, is only to be acquired by reading men,
and studying all the various editions of them.
Many words in every language are generally thought
to be synonymous; but those who study the language
attentively will find, that there is no such thing;
they will discover some little difference, some distinction
between all those words that are vulgarly called synonymous;
one hath always more energy, extent, or delicacy, than
another. It is the same with men; all are in
general, and yet no two in particular, exactly alike.
Those who have not accurately studied, perpetually
mistake them; they do not discern the shades and gradations
that distinguish characters seemingly alike.
Company, various company, is the only school for this
knowledge. You ought to be, by this time, at least
in the third form of that school, from whence the
rise to the uppermost is easy and quick; but then
you must have application and vivacity; and you must
not only bear with, but even seek restraint in most
companies, instead of stagnating in one or two only,
where indolence and love of ease may be indulged.
In the plan which I gave you in my
last, [That letter is missing.] for
your future motions, I forgot to tell you; that, if
a king of the Romans should be chosen this year, you
shall certainly be at that election; and as, upon
those occasions, all strangers are excluded from the
place of the election, except such as belong to some
ambassador, I have already eventually secured you
a place in the suite of the King’s Electoral
Ambassador, who will be sent upon that account to Frankfort,
or wherever else the election may be. This will
not only secure you a sight of the show, but a knowledge
of the whole thing; which is likely to be a contested
one, from the opposition of some of the electors, and
the protests of some of the princes of the empire.
That election, if there is one, will, in my opinion,
be a memorable era in the history of the empire; pens
at least, if not swords, will be drawn; and ink, if
not blood, will be plentifully shed by the contending
parties in that dispute. During the fray, you
may securely plunder, and add to your present stock
of knowledge of the ‘jus publicum imperii’.
The court of France hath, I am told, appointed lé
President Ogier, a man of great abilities, to go immediately
to Ratisbon, ‘pour y souffler la discorde’.
It must be owned that France hath always profited skillfully
of its having guaranteed the treaty of Munster; which
hath given it a constant pretense to thrust itself
into the affairs of the empire. When France got
Alsace yielded by treaty, it was very willing to have
held it as a fief of the empire; but the empire was
then wiser. Every power should be very careful
not to give the least pretense to a neighboring power
to meddle with the affairs of its interior. Sweden
hath already felt the effects of the Czarina’s
calling herself Guarantee of its present form of government,
in consequence of the treaty of Neustadt, confirmed
afterward by that of Abo; though, in truth, that guarantee
was rather a provision against Russia’s attempting
to alter the then new established form of government
in Sweden, than any right given to Russia to hinder
the Swedes from establishing what form of government
they pleased. Read them both, if you can get
them. Adieu.
LETTER X
London, April 73, O.
My dear friend:
I receive this moment your letter of the 19th, N. S.,
with the inclosed pieces relative to the present dispute
between the King and the parliament. I shall
return them by Lord Huntingdon, whom you will soon
see at Paris, and who will likewise carry you the piece,
which I forgot in making up the packet I sent you
by the Spanish Ambassador. The representation
of the parliament is very well drawn, ’suaviter
in modo, fortiter in re’. They
tell the King very respectfully, that, in a certain
case, which they should think it
criminal To suppose, they would not obey
him. This hath a tendency to what we call here
revolution principles. I do not know what the
Lord’s anointed, his vicegerent upon earth, divinely
appointed by him, and accountable to none but him for
his actions, will either think or do, upon these symptoms
of reason and good sense, which seem to be breaking
out all over France: but this I foresee, that,
before the end of this century, the trade of both
king and priest will not be half so good a one as
it has been. Du Clos, in his “Reflections,”
hath observed, and very truly, ’qu’il
y a un germe de raison qui
commence a se développer en France’; a
développement that must prove fatal to Regal
and Papal pretensions. Prudence may, in many cases,
recommend an occasional submission to either; but
when that ignorance, upon which an implicit faith
in both could only be founded, is once removed, God’s
Vicegerent, and Christ’s Vicar, will only be
obeyed and believed, as far as what the one orders,
and the other says, is conformable to reason and to
truth.
I am very glad (to use a vulgar expression)
that You make as if you were
not well, though you really are; I am sure
it is the likeliest way to keep so. Pray leave
off entirely your greasy, heavy pastry, fat creams,
and indigestible dumplings; and then you need not confine
yourself to white meats, which I do not take to be
one jot wholesomer than beef, mutton, and partridge.
Voltaire sent me, from Berlin, his
’History du Siecle de Louis XIV. It came
at a very proper time; Lord Bolingbroke had just taught
me how history should be read; Voltaire shows me how
it should be written. I am sensible that it will
meet with almost as many critics as readers.
Voltaire must be criticised; besides, every man’s
favorite is attacked: for every prejudice is
exposed, and our prejudices are our mistresses; reason
is at best our wife, very often heard indeed, but seldom
minded. It is the history of the human understanding,
written by a man of parts, for the use of men of parts.
Weak minds will not like it, even though they do not
understand it; which is commonly the measure of their
admiration. Dull ones will want those minute and
uninteresting details with which most other histories
are encumbered. He tells me all I want to know,
and nothing more. His reflections are short, just,
and produce others in his readers. Free from
religious, philosophical, political and national prejudices,
beyond any historian I ever met with, he relates all
those matters as truly and as impartially, as certain
regards, which must always be to some degree observed,
will allow him; for one sees plainly that he often
says much less than he would say, if he might.
He hath made me much better acquainted with the times
of Lewis XIV., than the innumerable volumes which
I had read could do; and hath suggested this reflection
to me, which I have never made before His
vanity, not his knowledge, made him encourage all,
and introduce many arts and sciences in his country.
He opened in a manner the human understanding in France,
and brought it to its utmost perfection; his age equalled
in all, and greatly exceeded in many things (pardon
me, Pedants!) the Augustan. This was great and
rapid; but still it might be done, by the encouragement,
the applause, and the rewards of a vain, liberal, and
magnificent prince. What is much more surprising
is, that he stopped the operations of the human mind
just where he pleased; and seemed to say, “Thus
far shalt thou go, and no farther.” For,
a bigot to his religion, and jealous of his power,
free and rational thoughts upon either, never entered
into a French head during his reign; and the greatest
geniuses that ever any age produced, never entertained
a doubt of the divine right of Kings, or the infallibility
of the Church. Poets, Orators, and Philosophers,
ignorant of their natural rights, cherished their
chains; and blind, active faith triumphed, in those
great minds, over silent and passive reason. The
reverse of this seems now to be the case in France:
reason opens itself; fancy and invention fade and
decline.
I will send you a copy of this history
by Lord Huntingdon, as I think it very probable that
it is not allowed to be published and sold at Paris.
Pray read it more than once, and with attention, particularly
the second volume, which contains short, but very
clear accounts of many very interesting things, which
are talked of by everybody, though fairly. understood
by very few. There are two very puerile affectations
which I wish this book had been free from; the one
is, the total subversion of all the old established
French orthography; the other is, the not making use
of any one capital letter throughout the whole book,
except at the beginning of a paragraph. It offends
my eyes to see rome, paris, france, Cæsar, I
henry the fourth, etc., begin with small letters;
and I do not conceive that there can be any reason
for doing it, half so strong as the reason of long
usage is to the contrary. This is an affectation
below Voltaire; who, I am not ashamed to say, that
I admire and delight in, as an author, equally in
prose and in verse.
I had a letter a few days ago from
Monsieur du Boccage, in which he says, ’Monsieur
Stanhope s’est jete dans la politique,
et je crois qu’il y reussira’:
You do very well, it is your destination; but remember
that, to succeed in great things, one must first learn
to please in little ones. Engaging manners and
address must prepare the way for superior knowledge
and abilities to act with effect. The late Duke
of Marlborough’s manners and address prevailed
with the first king of Prussia, to let his troops
remain in the army of the Allies, when neither their
representations, nor his own share in the common cause
could do it. The Duke of Marlborough had no new
matter to urge to him; but had a manner, which he
could not, nor did not, resist. Voltaire, among
a thousand little delicate strokes of that kind, says
of the Duke de la Feuillade, ’qu’il
etoit l’homme lé plus brillant
et lé plus aimable du royaume;
et quoique gendre du General et
Ministre, il avoit pour lui la
faveur publique’. Various little
circumstances of that sort will often make a man of
great real merit be hated, if he hath not address and
manners to make him be loved. Consider all your
own circumstances seriously; and you will find that,
of all arts, the art of pleasing is the most necessary
for you to study and possess. A silly tyrant said,
‘oderint modo timeant’; a wise man
would have said, ’modo ament nihil
timendum est mihi’. Judge from your
own daily experience, of the efficacy of that pleasing
‘je ne saïs quoi’,
when you feel, as you and everybody certainly does,
that in men it is more engaging than knowledge, in
women than beauty.
I long to see Lord and Lady-------(who are not yet arrived), because they
have lately seen you; and I always fancy, that I can fish out something
new concerning you, from those who have seen you last: not that I shall
much rely upon their accounts, because I distrust the judgment of Lord
and Lady-------, in those matters about which I am most inquisitive. They
have ruined their own son by what they called and thought loving him.
They have made him believe that the world was made for him, not he for
the world; and unless he stays abroad a great while, and falls into very
good company, he will expect, what he will never find, the attentions and
complaisance from others, which he has hitherto been used to from Papa
and Mamma. This, I fear, is too much the case of Mr. ; who, I doubt,
will be run through the body, and be near dying, before he knows how to
live. However you may turn out, you can never make me any of these
reproaches. I indulged no silly, womanish fondness for you; instead of
inflicting my tenderness upon you, I have taken all possible methods to
make you deserve it; and thank God you do; at least, I know but one
article, in which you are different from what I could wish you; and you
very well know what that is I want: That I and all the world should like
you, as well as I love you. Adieu.
LETTER XI
London, April 30, O. .
My dear friend:
‘Avoir du monde’ is, in
my opinion, a very just and happy expression for having
address, manners, and for knowing how to behave properly
in all companies; and it implies very truly that a
man who hath not those accomplishments is not of the
world. Without them, the best parts are inefficient,
civility is absurd, and freedom offensive. A
learned parson, rusting in his cell, at Oxford or Cambridge,
will season admirably well upon the nature of man;
will profoundly analyze the head, the heart, the reason,
the will, the passions, the senses, the sentiments,
and all those subdivisions of we know not what; and
yet, unfortunately, he knows nothing of man, for he
hath not lived with him; and is ignorant of all the
various modes, habits, prejudices, and tastes, that
always influence and often determine him. He views
man as he does colors in Sir Isaac Newton’s
prism, where only the capital ones are seen; but an
experienced dyer knows all their various shades and
gradations, together with the result of their several
mixtures. Few men are of one plain, decided color;
most are mixed, shaded, and blended; and vary as much,
from different situations, as changeable silks do form
different lights. The man ‘qui a du
monde’ knows all this from his own experience
and observation: the conceited, cloistered philosopher
knows nothing of it from his own theory; his practice
is absurd and improper, and he acts as awkwardly as
a man would dance, who had never seen others dance,
nor learned of a dancing-master; but who had only
studied the notes by which dances are now pricked
down as well as tunes. Observe and imitate, then,
the address, the arts, and the manners of those ‘qui
ont du monde’: see by what
methods they first make, and afterward improve impressions
in their favor. Those impressions are much oftener
owing to little causes than to intrinsic merit; which
is less volatile, and hath not so sudden an effect.
Strong minds have undoubtedly an ascendant over weak
ones, as Galigai Marachale d’Ancre very justly
observed, when, to the disgrace and reproach of those
times, she was executed for having governed Mary of
Medicis by the arts of witchcraft and magic. But
then ascendant is to be gained by degrees, and by
those arts only which experience and the knowledge
of the world teaches; for few are mean enough to be
bullied, though most are weak enough to be bubbled.
I have often seen people of superior, governed by
people of much inferior parts, without knowing or
even suspecting that they were so governed. This
can only happen when those people of inferior parts
have more worldly dexterity and experience, than those
they govern. They see the weak and unguarded part,
and apply to it they take it, and all the rest follows.
Would you gain either men or women, and every man
of sense desires to gain both, ’il faut
du monde’. You have had more opportunities
than ever any man had, at your age, of acquiring ‘ce
monde’. You have been in the best companies
of most countries, at an age when others have hardly
been in any company at all. You are master of
all those languages, which John Trott seldom speaks
at all, and never well; consequently you need be a
stranger nowhere. This is the way, and the only
way, of having ‘du monde’, but if you
have it not, and have still any coarse rusticity about
you, may not one apply to you the ‘rusticus
expectat’ of Horace?
This knowledge of the world teaches
us more particularly two things, both which are of
infinite consequence, and to neither of which nature
inclines us; I mean, the command of our temper, and
of our countenance. A man who has no ‘monde’
is inflamed with anger, or annihilated with shame,
at every disagreeable incident: the one makes
him act and talk like a madman, the other makes him
look like a fool. But a man who has ’du
monde’, seems not to understand what he cannot
or ought not to resent. If he makes a slip himself,
he recovers it by his coolness, instead of plunging
deeper by his confusion like a stumbling horse.
He is firm, but gentle; and practices that most excellent
maxim, ’suaviter in modo, fortiter
in re’. The other is the ‘volto
sciolto a pensieri stretti’. People
unused to the world have babbling countenances; and
are unskillful enough to show what they have sense
enough not to tell. In the course of the world,
a man must very often put on an easy, frank countenance,
upon very disagreeable occasions; he must seem pleased
when he is very much otherwise; he must be able to
accost and receive with smiles, those whom he would
much rather meet with swords. In courts he must
not turn himself inside out. All this may, nay
must be done, without falsehood and treachery; for
it must go no further than politeness and manners,
and must stop short of assurances and professions
of simulated friendship. Good manners, to those
one does not love, are no more a breach of truth,
than “your humble servant” at the bottom
of a challenge is; they are universally agreed upon
and understood, to be things of course. They are
necessary guards of the decency and peace of society;
they must only act defensively; and then not with
arms poisoned by perfidy. Truth, but not the
whole truth, must be the invariable principle of every
man, who hath either religion, honor, or prudence.
Those who violate it may be cunning, but they are
not able. Lies and perfidy are the refuge of fools
and cowards. Adieu!
P. S. I must recommend to you again,
to take your leave of all your French acquaintance,
in such a manner as may make them regret your departure,
and wish to see and welcome you at Paris again, where
you may possibly return before it is very long.
This must not be done in a cold, civil manner, but
with at least seeming warmth, sentiment, and concern.
Acknowledge the obligations you have to them for the
kindness they have shown you during your stay at Paris:
assure them that wherever you are, you will remember
them with gratitude; wish for opportunities of giving
them proofs of your ’plus tendre et
respectueux souvenir; beg of them in case your good
fortune should carry them to any part of the world
where you could be of any the least use to them, that
they would employ you without reserve. Say all
this, and a great deal more, emphatically and pathetically;
for you know ‘si vis me flere’.
This can do you no harm, if you never return to Paris;
but if you do, as probably you may, it will be of
infinite use to you. Remember too, not to omit
going to every house where you have ever been once,
to take leave and recommend yourself to their remembrance.
The reputation which you leave at one place, where
you have been, will circulate, and you will meet with
it at twenty places where you are to go. That
is a labor never quite lost.
This letter will show you, that the
accident which happened to me yesterday, and of which
Mr. Grevenkop gives you account, hath had no bad consequences.
My escape was a great one.
LETTER XII
London, May 11, O. .
Dear friend: I break
my word by writing this letter; but I break it on
the allowable side, by doing more than I promised.
I have pleasure in writing to you; and you may possibly
have some profit in reading what I write; either of
the motives were sufficient for me, both for you I
cannot withstand. By your last I calculate that
you will leave Paris upon this day se’nnight;
upon that supposition, this letter may still find you
there.
Colonel Perry arrived here two or
three days ago, and sent me a book from you; Cassandra
abridged. I am sure it cannot be too much abridged.
The spirit of that most voluminous work, fairly extracted,
may be contained in the smallest duodecimo; and it
is most astonishing, that there ever could have been
people idle enough to write or read such endless heaps
of the same stuff. It was, however, the occupation
of thousands in the last century, and is still the
private, though disavowed, amusement of young girls,
and sentimental ladies. A lovesick girl finds,
in the captain with whom she is in love, all the courage
and all the graces of the tender and accomplished
Oroondates: and many a grown-up, sentimental lady,
talks delicate Clelia to the hero, whom she would
engage to eternal love, or laments with her that love
is not eternal.
“Ah! qu’il
est doux d’aimer, si Pon aimoit toujours!
Mais helas! il’n’est
point d’eternelles amours.”
It is, however, very well to have
read one of those extravagant works (of all which
La Calprenede’s are the best), because it is
well to be able to talk, with some degree of knowledge,
upon all those subjects that other people talk sometimes
upon: and I would by no means have anything, that
is known to others, be totally unknown to you.
It is a great advantage for any man, to be able to
talk or to hear, neither ignorantly nor absurdly,
upon any subject; for I have known people, who have
not said one word, hear ignorantly and absurdly; it
has appeared in their inattentive and unmeaning faces.
This, I think, is as little likely
to happen to you as to anybody of your age: and
if you will but add a versatility and easy conformity
of manners, I know no company in which you are likely
to be de trop.
This versatility is more particularly
necessary for you at this time, now that you are going
to so many different places: for, though the manners
and customs of the several courts of Germany are in
general the same, yet everyone has its particular
characteristic; some peculiarity or other, which distinguishes
it from the next. This you should carefully attend
to, and immediately adopt. Nothing flatters people
more, nor makes strangers so welcome, as such an occasional
conformity. I do not mean by this, that you should
mimic the air and stiffness of every awkward German
court; no, by no means; but I mean that you should
only cheerfully comply, and fall in with certain local
habits, such as ceremonies, diet, turn of conversation,
etc. People who are lately come from Paris,
and who have been a good while there, are generally
suspected, and especially in Germany, of having a
degree of contempt for every other place. Take
great care that nothing of this kind appear, at least
outwardly, in your behavior; but commend whatever
deserves any degree of commendation, without comparing
it with what you may have left, much better of the
same kind, at Paris. As for instance, the German
kitchen is, without doubt, execrable, and the French
delicious; however, never commend the French kitchen
at a German table; but eat of what you can find tolerable
there, and commend it, without comparing it to anything
better. I have known many British Yahoos, who
though while they were at Paris conformed to no one
French custom, as soon as they got anywhere else, talked
of nothing but what they did, saw, and eat at Paris.
The freedom of the French is not to be used indiscriminately
at all the courts in Germany, though their easiness
may, and ought; but that, too, at some places more
than others. The courts of Manheim and Bonn,
I take to be a little more unbarbarized than some
others; that of Mayence, an ecclesiastical one, as
well as that of Treves (neither of which is much frequented
by foreigners), retains, I conceive, a great deal
of the Goth and Vandal still. There, more reserve
and ceremony are necessary; and not a word of the
French. At Berlin, you cannot be too French.
Hanover, Brunswick, Cassel, etc., are of the
mixed kind, ‘un peu decrottes, maïs
pas assez’.
Another thing, which I most earnestly
recommend to you, not only in Germany, but in every
part of the world where you may ever be, is not only
real, but seeming attention, to whoever you speak to,
or to whoever speaks to you. There is nothing
so brutally shocking, nor so little forgiven, as a
seeming inattention to the person who is speaking to
you: and I have known many a man knocked down,
for (in my opinion) a much lighter provocation, than
that shocking inattention which I mean. I have
seen many people, who, while you are speaking to them,
instead of looking at, and attending to you, fix their
eyes upon the ceiling or some other part of the room,
look out of the window, play with a dog, twirl their
snuff-box, or pick their nose. Nothing discovers
a little, futile, frivolous mind more than this, and
nothing is so offensively ill-bred; it is an explicit
declaration on your part, that every the most trifling
object, deserves your attention more than all that
can be said by the person who is speaking to you.
Judge of the sentiments of hatred and resentment,
which such treatment must excite in every breast where
any degree of self-love dwells; and I am sure I never
yet met with that breast where there was not a great
deal: I repeat it again and again (for it is
highly necessary for you to remember it), that sort
of vanity and self-love is inseparable from human
nature, whatever may be its rank or condition; even
your footmen will sooner forget and forgive a beating,
than any manifest mark of slight and contempt.
Be therefore, I beg of you, not only really, but seemingly
and manifestly attentive to whoever speaks to you;
nay, more, take their ‘ton’, and tune yourself
to their unison. Be serious with the serious,
gay with the gay, and trifle with the triflers.
In assuming these various shapes, endeavor to make
each of them seem to sit easy upon you, and even to
appear to be your own natural one. This is the
true and useful versatility, of which a thorough knowledge
of the world at once teaches the utility and the means
of acquiring.
I am very sure, at least I hope, that
you will never make use of a silly expression, which
is the favorite expression, and the absurd excuse of
all fools and blockheads; I cannot do such
A thing; a thing by no means either morally or
physically impossible. I cannot attend long
together to the same thing, says one fool; that is,
he is such a fool that he will not. I remember
a very awkward fellow, who did not know what to do
with his sword, and who always took it off before
dinner, saying that he could not possibly dine with
his sword on; upon which I could not help telling
him, that I really believed he could without any probable
danger either to himself or others. It is a shame
and an absurdity, for any man to say that he cannot
do all those things, which are commonly done by all
the rest of mankind.
Another thing that I must earnestly
warn you against is laziness; by which more people
have lost the fruit of their travels than, perhaps,
by any other thing. Pray be always in motion.
Early in the morning go and see things; and the rest
of the day go and see people. If you stay but
a week at a place, and that an insignificant one,
see, however, all that is to be seen there; know as
many people, and get into as many houses, as ever
you can.
I recommend to you likewise, though
probably you have thought of it yourself, to carry
in your pocket a map of Germany, in which the postroads
are marked; and also some short book of travels through
Germany. The former will help to imprint in your
memory situations and distances; and the latter will
point out many things for you to see, that might otherwise
possibly escape you, and which, though they may be
in themselves of little consequence, you would regret
not having seen, after having been at the places where
they were.
Thus warned and provided for your
journey, God speed you; ’Felix faustumque sit!
Adieu.
LETTER XIII
London, May 27, O.
My dear friend:
I send you the inclosed original from a friend of ours,
with my own commentaries upon the text; a text which
I have so often paraphrased, and commented upon already,
that I believe I can hardly say anything new upon
it; but, however, I cannot give it over till I am
better convinced, than I yet am, that you feel all
the utility, the importance, and the necessity of
it; nay, not only feel, but practice it. Your
panegyrist allows you, what most fathers would be more
than satisified with, in a son, and chides me for
not contenting myself with ‘l’essentiellement
bon’; but I, who have been in no one respect
like other fathers, cannot neither, like them, content
myself with ‘l’essentiellement bon’;
because I know that it will not do your business in
the world, while you want ‘quelques couches
de vernis’. Few fathers care
much for their sons, or, at least, most of them care
more for their money: and, consequently, content
themselves with giving them, at the cheapest rate,
the common run of education: that is, a school
till eighteen; the university till twenty; and a couple
of years riding post through the several towns of
Europe; impatient till their boobies come home to
be married, and, as they call it, settled. Of
those who really love their sons, few know how to
do it. Some spoil them by fondling them while
they are young, and then quarrel with them when they
are grown up, for having been spoiled; some love them
like mothers, and attend only to the bodily health
and strength of the hopes of their family, solemnize
his birthday, and rejoice, like the subjects of the
Great Mogul, at the increase of his bulk; while others,
minding, as they think, only essentials, take pains
and pleasure to see in their heir, all their favorite
weaknesses and imperfections. I hope and believe
that I have kept clear of all of these errors in the
education which I have given you. No weaknesses
of my own have warped it, no parsimony has starved
it, no rigor has deformed it. Sound and extensive
learning was the foundation which I meant to lay I
have laid it; but that alone, I knew, would by no
means be sufficient: the ornamental, the showish,
the pleasing superstructure was to be begun.
In that view, I threw you into the great world, entirely
your own master, at an age when others either guzzle
at the university, or are sent abroad in servitude
to some awkward, pedantic Scotch governor. This
was to put you in the way, and the only way of acquiring
those manners, that address, and those graces, which
exclusively distinguish people of fashion; and without
which all moral virtues, and all acquired learning,
are of no sort of use in the courts and ‘lé
beau monde’: on the contrary,
I am not sure if they are not an hindrance. They
are feared and disliked in those places, as too severe,
if not smoothed and introduced by the graces; but of
these graces, of this necessary ‘beau vernis’,
it seems there are still ’quelque couches
qui manquent’. Now, pray let me ask
you, coolly and seriously, ’pourquoi ces
couches manquent-elles’? For you may
as easily take them, as you may wear more or less
powder in your hair, more or less lace upon your coat.
I can therefore account for your wanting them no other
way in the world, than from your not being yet convinced
of their full value. You have heard some English
bucks say, “Damn these finical outlandish airs,
give me a manly, resolute manner. They make a
rout with their graces, and talk like a parcel of
dancing-masters, and dress like a parcel of fops:
one good Englishman will beat three of them.”
But let your own observation undeceive you of these
prejudices. I will give you one instance only,
instead of an hundred that I could give you, of a very
shining fortune and figure, raised upon no other foundation
whatsoever, than that of address, manners, and graces.
Between you and me (for this example must go no further),
what do you think made our friend, Lord A e,
Colonel of a regiment of guards, Governor of Virginia,
Groom of the Stole, and Ambassador to Paris; amounting
in all to sixteen or seventeen thousand pounds a year?
Was it his birth? No, a Dutch gentleman only.
Was it his estate? No, he had none. Was
it his learning, his parts, his political abilities
and application? You can answer these questions
as easily, and as soon, as I can ask them. What
was it then? Many people wondered, but I do not;
for I know, and will tell you. It was his air,
his address, his manners, and his graces. He
pleased, and by pleasing he became a favorite; and
by becoming a favorite became all that he has been
since. Show me any one instance, where intrinsic
worth and merit, unassisted by exterior accomplishments,
have raised any man so high. You know the Due
de Richelieu, now ‘Marechal, Cordon bleu, Gentilhomme
de la Chambre’, twice Ambassador,
etc. By what means? Not by the purity
of his character, the depth of his knowledge, or any
uncommon penetration and sagacity. Women alone
formed and raised him. The Duchess of Burgundy
took a fancy to him, and had him before he was sixteen
years old; this put him in fashion among the beau
monde: and the late Regent’s oldest daughter,
now Madame de Modene, took him next, and was near
marrying him. These early connections with women
of the first distinction gave him those manners, graces,
and address, which you see he has; and which, I can
assure you, are all that he has; for, strip him of
them, and he will be one of the poorest men in Europe.
Man or woman cannot resist an engaging exterior; it
will please, it will make its way. You want, it
seems, but ’quelques couches’; for
God’s sake, lose no time in getting them; and
now you have gone so far, complete the work.
Think of nothing else till that work is finished;
unwearied application will bring about anything:
and surely your application can never be so well employed
as upon that object, which is absolutely necessary
to facilitate all others. With your knowledge
and parts, if adorned by manners and graces, what
may you not hope one day to be? But without them,
you will be in the situation of a man who should be
very fleet of one leg but very lame of the other.
He could not run; the lame leg would check and clog
the well one, which would be very near useless.
From my original plan for your education,
I meant to make you ’un homme universel’;
what depends on me is executed, the little that remains
undone depends singly upon you. Do not then disappoint,
when you can so easily gratify me. It is your
own interest which I am pressing you to pursue, and
it is the only return that I desire for all the care
and affection of, Yours.
LETTER XIV
London, May 31, O.
My dear friend:
The world is the book, and the only one to which, at
present, I would have you apply yourself; and the thorough
knowledge of it will be of more use to you, than all
the books that ever were read. Lay aside the
best book whenever you can go into the best company;
and depend upon it, you change for the better.
However, as the most tumultuous life, whether of business
or pleasure, leaves some vacant moments every day,
in which a book is the refuge of a rational being,
I mean now to point out to you the method of employing
those moments (which will and ought to be but few)
in the most advantageous manner. Throw away none
of your time upon those trivial, futile books, published
by idle or necessitous authors, for the amusement
of idle and ignorant readers; such sort of books swarm
and buzz about one every day; flap them away, they
have no sting. ‘Certum pète finem’,
have some one object for those leisure moments, and
pursue that object invariably till you have attained
it; and then take some other. For instance, considering
your destination, I would advise you to single out
the most remarkable and interesting eras of modern
history, and confine all your reading to that era.
If you pitch upon the Treaty of Munster (and that
is the proper period to begin with, in the course
which I am now recommending), do not interrupt it by
dipping and deviating into other books, unrelative
to it; but consult only the most authentic histories,
letters, memoirs, and negotiations, relative to that
great transaction; reading and comparing them, with
all that caution and distrust which Lord Bolingbroke
recommends to you, in a better manner, and in better
words than I can. The next period worth your
particular knowledge, is the Treaty of the Pyrénées:
which was calculated to lay, and in effect did lay,
the succession of the House of Bourbon to the crown
of Spain. Pursue that in the same manner, singling,
out of the millions of volumes written upon that occasion,
the two or three most authentic ones, and particularly
letters, which are the best authorities in matters
of negotiation. Next come the Treaties of Nimeguen
and Ryswick, postscripts in, a manner to those of
Munster and the Pyrénées. Those two transactions
have had great light thrown upon them by the publication
of many authentic and original letters and pieces.
The concessions made at the Treaty of Ryswick, by
the then triumphant Lewis the Fourteenth, astonished
all those who viewed things only superficially; but,
I should think, must have been easily accounted for
by those who knew the state of the kingdom of Spain,
as well as of the health of its King, Charles the
Second, at that time. The interval between the
conclusion of the peace of Ryswick, and the breaking
out of the great war in 1702, though a short, is a
most interesting one. Every week of it almost
produced some great event. Two partition treaties,
the death of the King of Spain, his unexpected will,
and the acceptance of it by Lewis the Fourteenth,
in violation of the second treaty of partition, just
signed and ratified by him. Philip the Fifth quietly
and cheerfully received in Spain, and acknowledged
as King of it, by most of those powers, who afterward
joined in an alliance to dethrone him. I cannot
help making this observation upon that occasion:
That character has often more to do in great transactions,
than prudence and sound policy; for Lewis the Fourteenth
gratified his personal pride, by giving a Bourbon
King to Spain, at the expense of the true interest
of France; which would have acquired much more solid
and permanent strength by the addition of Naples,
Sicily, and Lorraine, upon the footing of the second
partition treaty; and I think it was fortunate for
Europe that he preferred the will. It is true,
he might hope to influence his Bourbon posterity in
Spain; he knew too well how weak the ties of blood
are among men, and how much weaker still they are
among princes. The Memoirs of Count Harrach,
and of Las Torres, give a good deal of light into the
transactions of the Court of Spain, previous to the
death of that weak King; and the Letters of the Marachal
d’Harcourt, then the French Ambassador in Spain,
of which I have authentic copies in manuscript, from
the year 1698 to 1701, have cleared up that whole
affair to me. I keep that book for you. It
appears by those letters, that the impudent conduct
of the House of Austria, with regard to the King and
Queen of Spain, and Madame Berlips, her favorite,
together with the knowledge of the partition treaty,
which incensed all Spain, were the true and only reasons
of the will, in favor of the Duke of Anjou. Cardinal
Portocarrero, nor any of the Grandees, were bribed
by France, as was generally reported and believed
at that time; which confirms Voltaire’s anecdote
upon that subject. Then opens a new scene and
a new century; Lewis the Fourteenth’s good fortune
forsakes him, till the Duke of Marlborough and Prince
Eugene make him amends for all the mischief they had
done him, by making the allies refuse the terms of
peace offered by him at Gertruydenberg. How the
disadvantageous peace of Utrecht was afterward brought
on, you have lately read; and you cannot inform yourself
too minutely of all those circumstances, that treaty
’being the freshest source from whence the late
transactions of Europe have flowed. The alterations
that have since happened, whether by wars or treaties,
are so recent, that all the written accounts are to
be helped out, proved, or contradicted, by the oral
ones of almost every informed person, of a certain
age or rank in life. For the facts, dates, and
original pieces of this century, you will find them
in Lamberti, till the year 1715, and after that time
in Rousset’s ‘Recueil’.
I do not mean that you should plod
hours together in researches of this kind: no,
you may employ your time more usefully: but I
mean, that you should make the most of the moments
you do employ, by method, and the pursuit of one single
object at a time; nor should I call it a digression
from that object, if when you meet with clashing and
jarring pretensions of different princes to the same
thing, you had immediately recourse to other books,
in which those several pretensions were clearly stated;
on the contrary, that is the only way of remembering
those contested rights and claims: for, were
a man to read ‘tout de suite’, Schwederus’s
‘Theatrum Pretensionum’, he would
only be confounded by the variety, and remember none
of them; whereas, by examining them occasionally, as
they happen to occur, either in the course of your
historical reading, or as they are agitated in your
own times, you will retain them, by connecting them
with those historical facts which occasioned your inquiry.
For example, had you read, in the course of two or
three folios of Pretensions, those, among others,
of the two Kings of England and Prussia to Oost Frise,
it is impossible, that you should have remembered them;
but now, that they are become the debated object at
the Diet at Ratisbon, and the topic of all political
conversations, if you consult both books and persons
concerning them, and inform yourself thoroughly, you
will never forget them as long as you live. You
will hear a great deal of them ow one side, at Hanover,
and as much on the other side, afterward, at Berlin:
hear both sides, and form your own opinion; but dispute
with neither.
Letters from foreign ministers to
their courts, and from their courts to them, are,
if genuine, the best and most authentic records you
can read, as far as they go. Cardinal d’Ossat’s,
President Jeanin’s, D’Estrade’s,
Sir William Temple’s, will not only inform your
mind, but form your style; which, in letters of business,
should be very plain and simple, but, at the same
time, exceedingly clear, correct, and pure.
All that I have said may be reduced
to these two or three plain principles: 1st,
That you should now read very little, but converse
a great deal; 2d, To read no useless, unprofitable
books; and 3d, That those which you do read, may all
tend to a certain object, and be relative to, and
consequential of each other. In this method, half
an hour’s reading every day will carry you a
great way. People seldom know how to employ their
time to the best advantage till they have too little
left to employ; but if, at your age, in the beginning
of life, people would but consider the value of it,
and put every moment to interest, it is incredible
what an additional fund of knowledge and pleasure such
an economy would bring in. I look back with regret
upon that large sum of time, which, in my youth, I
lavished away idly, without either improvement or
pleasure. Take warning betimes, and enjoy every
moment; pleasures do not commonly last so long as
life, and therefore should not be neglected; and the
longest life is too short for knowledge, consequently
every moment is precious.
I am surprised at having received
no letter from you since you left Paris. I still
direct this to Strasburgh, as I did my two last.
I shall direct my next to the post house at Mayence,
unless I receive, in the meantime, contrary instructions
from you. Adieu. Remember les attentions:
they must be your passports into good company.
LETTER XV
London, June, O. .
My dear friend:
Very few celebrated negotiators have been eminent for
their learning. The most famous French negotiators
(and I know no nation that can boast of abler) have
been military men, as Monsieur d’Harcourt, Comte
d’Estrades, Marechal d’Uxelles, and others.
The late Duke of Marlborough, who was at least as
able a negotiator as a general, was exceedingly ignorant
of books, but extremely knowing in men, whereas the
learned Grotius appeared, both in Sweden and in France,
to be a very bungling minister. This is, in my
opinion, very easily to be accounted for. A man
of very deep learning must have employed the greatest
part of his time in books; and a skillful negotiator
must necessarily have employed much the greater part
of his time with man. The sound scholar, when
dragged out of his dusty closet into business, acts
by book, and deals with men as he has read of them;
not as he has known them by experience: he follows
Spartan and Roman precedents, in what he falsely imagines
to be similar cases; whereas two cases never were,
since the beginning of the world, exactly alike; and
he would be capable, where he thought spirit and vigor
necessary, to draw a circle round the persons he treated
with, and to insist upon a categorical answer before
they went out of it, because he had read, in the Roman
history, that once upon a time some Roman ambassador,
did so. No; a certain degree of learning may
help, but no degree of learning will ever make a skillful
minister whereas a great knowledge of the world, of
the characters, passions, and habits of mankind, has,
without one grain of learning, made a thousand.
Military men have seldom much knowledge of books; their
education does not allow it; but what makes great
amends for that want is, that they generally know
a great deal of the world; they are thrown into it
young; they see variety of nations and characters;
and they soon find, that to rise, which is the aim
of them all, they must first please: these concurrent
causes almost always give them manners and politeness.
In consequence of which, you see them always distinguished
at courts, and favored by the women. I could
wish that you had been of an age to have made a campaign
or two as a volunteer. It would have given you
an attention, a versatility, and an alertness; all
which I doubt you want; and a great want it is.
A foreign minister has not great business
to transact every day; so that his knowledge and his
skill in negotiating are not frequently put to the
trial; but he has that to do every day, and every hour
of the day, which is necessary to prepare and smooth
the way for his business; that is, to insinuate himself
by his manners, not only into the houses, but into
the confidence of the most considerable people of
that place; to contribute to their pleasures, and
insensibly not to be looked upon as a stranger himself.
A skillful minister may very possibly be doing his
master’s business full as well, in doing the
honors gracefully and genteelly of a ball or a supper,
as if he were laboriously writing a protocol in his
closet. The Marechal d’Harcourt, by his
magnificence, his manners, and his politeness, blunted
the edge of the long aversion which the Spaniards
had to the French. The court and the grandees
were personally fond, of him, and frequented his house;
and were at least insensibly brought to prefer a French
to a German yoke; which I am convinced would never
have happened, had Comte d’Harrach been Marechal
d’Harcourt, or the Marechal d’Harcourt
Comte d’Harrach. The Comte d’Estrades
had, by ’ses manieres polies et liantes’,
formed such connections, and gained such an interest
in the republic of the United Provinces, that Monsieur
De Witt, the then Pensionary of Holland, often applied
to him to use his interest with his friend, both in
Holland and the other provinces, whenever he (De Witt)
had a difficult point which he wanted to carry.
This was certainly not brought about by his knowledge
of books, but of men: dancing, fencing, and riding,
with a little military architecture, were no doubt
the top of his education; and if he knew that ‘collegium’
in Latin signified college in French, it must have
been by accident. But he knew what was more useful:
from thirteen years old he had been in the great world,
and had read men and women so long, that he could
then read them at sight.
Talking the other day, upon this and
other subjects, all relative to you, with one who
knows and loves you very well, and expressing my anxiety
and wishes that your exterior accomplishments, as
a man of fashion, might adorn, and at least equal
your intrinsic merit as a man of sense and honor,
the person interrupted me, and said: Set your
heart at rest; that never will or can happen.
It is not in character; that gentleness, that ‘douceur’,
those attentions which you wish him to have, are not
in his nature; and do what you will, nay, let him
do what he will, he can never acquire them. Nature
may be a little disguised and altered by care; but
can by no means whatsoever be totally forced and changed.
I denied this principle to a certain degree; but admitting,
however, that in many respects our nature was not
to be changed; and asserting, at the same time, that
in others it might by care be very much altered and
improved, so as in truth to be changed; that I took
those exterior accomplishments, which we had been
talking of, to be mere modes, and absolutely depending
upon the will, and upon custom; and that, therefore,
I was convinced that your good sense, which must show
you the importance of them, would make you resolve
at all events to acquire them, even in spite of nature,
if nature be in the case. Our dispute, which
lasted a great while, ended as Voltaire observes that
disputes in England are apt to do, in a wager of fifty
guineas; which I myself am to decide upon honor, and
of which this is a faithful copy. If you think
I shall win it, you may go my halves if you please;
declare yourself in time. This I declare, that
I would most cheerfully give a thousand guineas to
win those fifty; you may secure them me if you please.
I grow very impatient for your future
letters from the several courts of Manheim, Bonn,
Hanover, etc. And I desire that your letters
may be to me, what I do not desire they should be
to anybody else, I mean full of yourself. Let
the egotism, a figure which upon all other occasions
I detest, be your only one to me. Trifles that
concern you are not trifles to me; and my knowledge
of them may possibly be useful to you. Adieu.
‘Les graces, les graces, les graces’.
LETTER XVI
London, June 23, O.
My dear friend:
I direct this letter to Mayence, where I think it is
likely to meet you, supposing, as I do, that you stayed
three weeks at Manheim, after the date of your last
from thence; but should you have stayed longer at
Manheim, to which I have no objection, it will wait
for you at Mayence. Mayence will not, I believe,
have charms to detain you above a week; so that I
reckon you will be at Bonn at the end of July, N.
S. There you may stay just as little or as long as
you please, and then proceed to Hanover.
I had a letter by the last post from
a relation of mine at Hanover, Mr. Stanhope Aspinwall,
who is in the Duke of Newcastle’s office, and
has lately been appointed the King’s Minister
to the Dey of Algiers; a post which, notwithstanding
your views of foreign affairs, I believe you do not
envy him. He tells me in that letter, there are
very good lodgings to be had at one Mrs. Meyers’s,
the next door to the Duke of Newcastle’s, which
he offers to take for you; I have desired him to do
it, in case Mrs. Meyers will wait for you till the
latter end of August, or the beginning of September,
N. S., which I suppose is about the time when you
will be at Hanover. You will find this Mr. Aspinwall
of great use to you there. He will exert himself
to the utmost to serve you; he has been twice or thrice
at Hanover, and knows all the allures there: he
is very well with the Duke of Newcastle, and will
puff you there. Moreover, if you have a mind
to work there as a volunteer in that bureau, he will
assist and inform you. In short, he is a very
honest, sensible, and informed man; ’maïs
me paye pas beaucoup de sa
figure; il abuse meme du
privilege qu’ont les hommes d’etre
laids; et il ne sera pas en
reste avec les lions et les leopards
qu’il trouvera a Alger’.
As you are entirely master of the
time when you will leave Bonn and go to Hanover, so
are you master to stay at Hanover as long as you please,
and to go from thence where you please; provided that
at Christmas you are at Berlin, for the beginning
of the Carnival: this I would not have you say
at Hanover, considering the mutual disposition of those
two courts; but when anybody asks you where you are
to go next, say that you propose rambling in Germany,
at Brunswick, Cassel, etc., till the next spring;
when you intend to be in Flanders, in your way to England.
I take Berlin, at this time, to be the politest, the
most shining, and the most useful court in Europe
for a young fellow to be at: and therefore I would
upon no account not have you there, for at least a
couple of months of the Carnival. If you are
as well received, and pass your time as well at Bonn
as I believe you will, I would advise you to remain
there till about the 20th of August, N. S., in four
days you will be at Hanover. As for your stay
there, it must be shorter or longer, according to certain
circumstances which you know of;
supposing them, at the best, then, stay within a week
or ten days of the King’s return to England;
but supposing them at the worst, your stay must not
be too short, for reasons which you also know; no
resentment must either appear or be suspected; therefore,
at worst, I think you must remain there a month, and
at best, as long as ever you please. But I am
convinced that all will turn out very well for you
there. Everybody is engaged or inclined to help
you; the ministers, English and German, the principal
ladies, and most of the foreign ministers; so that
I may apply to you, ’nullum numen abest,
si sit prudentia’. Du Perron will,
I believe, be back there from Turin much about the
time you get there: pray be very attentive to
him, and connect yourself with him as much as ever
you can; for, besides that he is a very pretty and
well-informed man, he is very much in fashion at Hanover,
is personally very well with the King and certain
ladies; so that a visible intimacy and connection
with him will do you credit and service. Pray
cultivate Monsieur Hop, the Dutch minister, who has
always been very much my friend, and will, I am sure,
be yours; his manners, it is true, are not very engaging;
he is rough, but he is sincere. It is very useful
sometimes to see the things which one ought to avoid,
as it is right to see very often those which one ought
to imitate, and my friend Hop’s manners will
frequently point out to you, what yours ought to be
by the rule of contraries.
Congreve points out a sort of critics,
to whom he says that we are doubly obliged:
“Rules for good
writing they with pains indite,
Then show us what is
bad, by what they write.”
It is certain that Monsieur Hop, with
the best heart in the world, and a thousand good qualities,
has a thousand enemies, and hardly a friend; simply
from the roughness of his manners.
N. B. I heartily wish you could have
stayed long enough at Manheim to have been seriously
and desperately in love with Madame de Taxis; who,
I suppose, is a proud, insolent, fine lady, and who
would consequently have expected attentions little
short of adoration: nothing would do you more
good than such a passion; and I live in hopes that
somebody or other will be able to excite such an one
in you; your hour may not yet be come, but it will
come. Love has not been unaptly compared to the
smallpox which most people have sooner or later.
Iphigenia had a wonderful effect upon Cimon; I wish
some Hanover Iphigenia may try her skill upon you.
I recommend to you again, though I
have already done it twice or thrice, to speak German,
even affectedly, while you are at Hanover; which will
show that you prefer that language, and be of more
use to you there with somebody, than you can
imagine. When you carry my letters to Monsieur
Munchausen and Monsieur Schwiegeldt, address yourself
to them in German; the latter speaks French very well,
but the former extremely ill. Show great attention
to Madame, Munchausen’s daughter, who is a great
favorite; those little trifles please mothers, and
sometimes fathers, extremely. Observe, and you
will find, almost universally, that the least things
either please or displease most; because they necessarily
imply, either a very strong desire of obliging, or
an unpardonable indifference about it. I will
give you a ridiculous instance enough of this truth,
from my own experience. When I was Ambassador
the first time in Holland, Comte de Wassenaer and
his wife, people of the first rank and consideration,
had a little boy of about three years old, of whom
they were exceedingly fond; in order to make my court
to them, I was so too, and used to take the child
often upon my lap, and play with him. One day
his nose was very dirty, upon which I took out my handkerchief
and wiped it for him; this raised a loud laugh, and
they called me a very, handy nurse; but the father
and mother were so pleased with it, that to this day
it is an anecdote in the family, and I never receive
a letter from Comte Wassenaer, but he makes me the
compliments ’du morveux gué j’ai
mouche autrefois’; who, by the way,
I am assured, is now the prettiest young fellow in
Holland. Where one would gain people, remember
that nothing is little. Adieu.
LETTER XVII
London, June 26, O. .
My dear friend:
As I have reason to fear, from your M last letter of
the 18th, N. S., from Manheim, that all, or at least
most of my letters to you, since you left Paris, have
miscarried; I think it requisite, at all events, to
repeat in this the necessary parts of those several
letters, as far as they relate to your future motions.
I suppose that this will either find
you, or be but a few days before you at Bonn, where
it is directed; and I suppose too, that you have fixed
your time for going from thence to Hanover. If
things turn out well at Hanover,
as in my opinion they will, ‘Chi sta
bene non si muova’, stay
there till a week or ten days before the King sets
out for England; but, should they turn out
ill, which I cannot imagine, stay, however, a
month, that your departure may not seem a step of
discontent or peevishness; the very suspicion of which
is by all means to be avoided. Whenever you leave
Hanover, be it sooner or be it later, where would you
go? ‘Lei Padrone’, and I give you
your choice: would you pass the months of November
and December at Brunswick, Cassel, etc.?
Would you choose to go for a couple of months to Ratisbon,
where you would be very well recommended to, and treated
by the King’s Electoral Minister, the Baron de
Behr, and where you would improve your ‘Jus
publicum’? or would you rather go directly
to Berlin, and stay there till the end of the Carnival?
Two or three months at Berlin are, considering all
circumstances, necessary for you; and the Carnival
months are the best; ’pour lé reste
decidez en dernier ressort, et sans
appel comme d’abus’. Let
me know your decree, when you have formed it.
Your good or ill success at Hanover will have a very
great influence upon your subsequent character, figure,
and fortune in the world; therefore I confess that
I am more anxious about it, than ever bride was on
her wedding night, when wishes, hopes, fears, and doubts,
tumultuously agitate, please, and terrify her.
It is your first crisis: the character which
you will acquire there will, more or less, be that
which will abide by you for the rest of your life.
You will be tried and judged there, not as a boy,
but as a man; and from that moment there is no appeal
for character; it is fixed. To form that character
advantageously, you have three objects particularly
to attend to: your character as a man of morality,
truth, and honor; your knowledge in the objects of
your destination, as a man of business; and your engaging
and insinuating address, air and manners, as a courtier;
the sure and only steps to favor.
Merit at courts, without favor, will
do little or nothing; favor, without merit, will do
a good deal; but favor and merit together will do
everything. Favor at courts depends upon so many,
such trifling, such unexpected, and unforeseen events,
that a good courtier must attend to every circumstance,
however little, that either does, or can happen; he
must have no absences, no distractions; he must
not say, “I did not mind it; who would have
thought it?” He ought both to have minded, and
to have thought it. A chamber-maid has sometimes
caused revolutions in courts which have produced others
in kingdoms. Were I to make my way to favor in
a court, I would neither willfully, nor by negligence,
give a dog or a cat there reason to dislike me.
Two ‘pies grièches’, well instructed,
you know, made the fortune of De Luines with Lewis
XIII. Every step a man makes at court requires
as much attention and circumspection, as those which
were made formerly between hot plowshares, in the Ordeal,
or fiery trials; which, in those times of ignorance
and superstition, were looked upon as demonstrations
of innocence or guilt. Direct your principal
battery, at Hanover, at the D of N ’s: there
are many very weak places in that citadel; where,
with a very little skill, you cannot fail making a
great impression. Ask for his orders in everything
you do; talk Austrian and Anti-gallican to him; and,
as soon as you are upon a foot of talking easily to
him, tell him ‘en badinant’, that his skill
and success in thirty or forty elections in England
leave you no reason to doubt of his carrying his election
for Frankfort; and that you look upon the Archduke
as his Member for the Empire. In his hours of
festivity and compotation, drop that he puts you in
mind of what Sir William Temple says of the Pensionary
De Witt, who at that time governed half
Europe, that he appeared at balls, assemblies,
and public places, as if he had nothing else to do
or to think of. When he talks to you upon foreign
affairs, which he will often do, say that you really
cannot presume to give any opinion of your own upon
those matters, looking upon yourself at present only
as a postscript to the corps diplomatique;
but that, if his Grace will be pleased to make you
an additional volume to it, though but in duodecimo,
you will do your best that he shall neither be ashamed
nor repent of it. He loves to have a favorite,
and to open himself to that favorite. He has
now no such person with him; the place is vacant, and
if you have dexterity you may fill it. In one
thing alone do not humor him; I mean drinking; for,
as I believe, you have never yet been drunk, you do
not yourself know how you can bear your wine, and what
a little too much of it may make you do or say; you
might possibly kick down all you had done before.
You do not love gaming, and I thank
God for it; but at Hanover I would have you show,
and profess a particular dislike to play, so as to
decline it upon all occasions, unless where one may
be wanted to make a fourth at whist or quadrille;
and then take care to declare it the result of your
complaisance, not of your inclinations. Without
such precaution you may very possibly be suspected,
though unjustly, of loving play, upon account of my
former passion for it; and such a suspicion would do
you a great deal of hurt, especially with the King,
who detests gaming. I must end this abruptly.
God bless you!
LETTER XVIII
My dear friend:
Versatility as a courtier may be almost decisive to
you hereafter; that is, it may conduce to, or retard
your preferment in your own destination. The
first reputation goes a great way; and if you fix a
good one at Hanover, it will operate also to your advantage
in England. The trade of a courtier is as much
a trade as that of a shoemaker; and he who applies
himself the most, will work the best: the only
difficulty is to distinguish (what I am sure you have
sense enough to distinguish) between the right and
proper qualifications and their kindred faults; for
there is but a line between every perfection and its
neighboring imperfection. As, for example, you
must be extremely well-bred and polite, but without
the troublesome forms and stiffness of ceremony.
You must be respectful and assenting, but without
being servile and abject. You must be frank,
but without indiscretion; and close, without being
costive. You must keep up dignity of character,
without the least pride of birth or rank. You
must be gay within all the bounds of decency and respect;
and grave without the affectation of wisdom, which
does not become the age of twenty. You must be
essentially secret, without being dark and mysterious.
You must be firm, and even bold, but with great seeming
modesty.
With these qualifications, which,
by the way, are all in your own power, I will answer
for your success, not only at Hanover, but at any court
in Europe. And I am not sorry that you begin
your apprenticeship at a little one; because you must
be more circumspect, and more upon your guard there,
than at a great one, where every little thing is not
known nor reported.
When you write to me, or to anybody
else, from thence, take care that your letters contain
commendations of all that you see and hear there;
for they will most of them be opened and read; but,
as frequent couriers will come from Hanover to England,
you may sometimes write to me without reserve; and
put your letters into a very little box, which you
may send safely by some of them.
I must not omit mentioning to you,
that at the Duke of Newcastle’s table, where
you will frequently dine, there is a great deal of
drinking; be upon your guard against it, both upon
account of your health, which would not bear it, and
of the consequences of your being flustered and heated
with wine: it might engage you in scrapes and
frolics, which the King (who is a very sober man himself)
detests. On the other hand, you should not seem
too grave and too wise to drink like the rest of the
company; therefore use art: mix water with your
wine; do not drink all that is in the glass; and if
detected, and pressed to drink more do not cry out
sobriety; but say that you have lately been out of
order, that you are subject to inflammatory complaints,
and that you must beg to be excused for the present.
A young fellow ought to be wiser than he should seem
to be; and an old fellow ought to seem wise whether
he really’ be so or not.
During your stay at Hanover I would
have you make two or three excursions to parts of
that Electorate: the Hartz, where the silver mines
are; Göttingen, for the University; Stade, for
what commerce there is. You should also go to
Zell. In short, see everything that is to be seen
there, and inform yourself well of all the details
of that country. Go to Hamburg for three or four
days, and know the constitution of that little Hanseatic
Republic, and inform yourself well of the nature of
the King of Denmark’s pretensions to it.
If all things turn out right for you
at Hanover, I would have you make it your head-quarters,
till about a week or ten days before the King leaves
it; and then go to Brunswick, which, though a little,
is a very polite, pretty court. You may stay
there a fortnight or three weeks, as you like it;
and from thence go to Cassel, and stay there till you
go to Berlin; where I would have you be by Christmas.
At Hanover you will very easily get good letters of
recommendation to Brunswick and to Cassel. You
do not want any to Berlin; however, I will send you
one for Voltaire. ‘A propos’ of Berlin,
be very reserved and cautious while at Hanover, as
to that King and that country; both which are detested,
because feared by everybody there, from his Majesty
down to the meanest peasant; but, however, they both
extremely deserve your utmost attention and you will
see the arts and wisdom of government better in that
country, now, than in any other in Europe. You
may stay three months at Berlin, if you like it, as
I believe you will; and after that I hope we shall
meet there again.
Of all the places in the world (I
repeat it once more), establish a good reputation
at Hanover, ’et faîtes vous valoir
la, autant qu’il est possible,
par lé brillant, les manieres, et les
graces’. Indeed it is of the greatest importance
to you, and will make any future application to the
King in your behalf very easy. He is more taken
by those little things, than any man, or even woman,
that I ever knew in my life: and I do not wonder
at him. In short, exert to the utmost all your
means and powers to please: and remember that
he who pleases the most, will rise the soonest and
the highest. Try but once the pleasure and advantage
of pleasing, and I will answer that you will never
more neglect the means.
I send you herewith two letters, the
one to Monsieur Munchausen, the other to Monsieur
Schweigeldt, an old friend of mine, and a very sensible
knowing man. They will both I am sure, be extremely
civil to you, and carry you into the best company;
and then it is your business to please that company.
I never was more anxious about any period of your life,
than I am about this, your Hanover expedition, it being
of so much more consequence to you than any other.
If I hear from thence, that you are liked and loved
there, for your air, your manners, and address, as
well as esteemed for your knowledge, I shall be the
happiest man in the world. Judge then what I
must be, if it happens otherwise. Adieu.
LETTER XIX
London, July 21, O.
My dear friend:
By my calculation this letter may probably arrive at
Hanover three or four days before you; and as I am
sure of its arriving there safe, it shall contain
the most material points that I have mentioned in
my several letters to you since you left Paris, as
if you had received but few of them, which may very
probably be the case.
As for your stay at Hanover, it must
not in all events be less than a month;
but if things turn out to Your satisfaction, it
may be just as long as you please. From thence
you may go wherever you like; for I have so good an
opinion of your judgment, that I think you will combine
and weigh all circumstances, and choose the properest
places. Would you saunter at some of the small
courts, as Brunswick, Cassel, etc., till the
Carnival at Berlin? You are master. Would
you pass a couple of months at Ratisbon, which might
not be ill employed? ‘A la bonne
heure’. Would you go to Brussels,
stay a month or two there with Dayrolles, and from
thence to Mr. Yorke, at The Hague? With all my
heart. Or, lastly, would you go to Copenhagen
and Stockholm? ‘Lei e anche Padrone’:
choose entirely for yourself, without any further
instructions from me; only let me know your determination
in time, that I may settle your credit, in case you
go to places where at present you have none.
Your object should be to see the ‘mores multorum
hominum et urbes’; begin and end it where
you please.
By what you have already seen of the
German courts, I am sure you must have observed that
they are much more nice and scrupulous, in points of
ceremony, respect and attention, than the greater courts
of France and England. You will, therefore, I
am persuaded, attend to the minutest circumstances
of address and behavior, particularly during your stay
at Hanover, which (I will repeat it, though I have
said it often to you already) is the most important
preliminary period of your whole life. Nobody
in the world is more exact, in all points of good-breeding,
than the King; and it is the part of every man’s
character, that he informs himself of first.
The least negligence, or the slightest inattention,
reported to him, may do you infinite prejudice:
as their contraries would service.
If Lord Albemarle (as I believe he
did) trusted you with the secret affairs of his department,
let the Duke of Newcastle know that he did so; which
will be an inducement to him to trust you too, and
possibly to employ you in affairs of consequence.
Tell him that, though you are young, you know the
importance of secrecy in business, and can keep a
secret; that I have always inculcated this doctrine
into you, and have, moreover, strictly forbidden you
ever to communicate, even to me, any matters of a
secret nature, which you may happen to be trusted with
in the course of business.
As for business, I think I can trust
you to yourself; but I wish I could say as much for
you with regard to those exterior accomplishments,
which are absolutely necessary to smooth and shorten
the way to it. Half the business is done, when
one has gained the heart and the affections of those
with whom one is to transact it. Air and address
must begin, manners and attention must finish that
work. I will let you into one secret concerning
myself; which is, that I owe much more of the success
which I have had in the world to my manners, than to
any superior degree of merit or knowledge. I
desired to please, and I neglected none of the means.
This, I can assure you, without any false modesty,
is the truth: You have more knowledge than I
had at your age, but then I had much more attention
and good-breeding than you. Call it vanity, if
you please, and possibly it was so; but my great object
was to make every man I met with like me, and every
woman love me. I often succeeded; but why?
By taking great pains, for otherwise I never should:
my figure by no means entitled me to it; and I had
certainly an up-hill game; whereas your countenance
would help you, if you made the most of it, and proscribed
for ever the guilty, gloomy, and funereal part of
it. Dress, address, and air, would become your
best countenance, and make your little figure pass
very well.
If you have time to read at Hanover,
pray let the books you read be all relative to the
history and constitution of that country; which I would
have you know as correctly as any Hanoverian in the
whole Electorate. Inform yourself of the powers
of the States, and of the nature and extent of the
several judicatures; the particular articles of trade
and commerce of Bremen, Harburg, and Stade; the details
and value of the mines of the Hartz. Two or three
short books will give you the outlines of all these
things; and conversation turned upon those subjects
will do the rest, and better than books can.
Remember of all things to speak nothing
but German there; make it (to express myself pedantically)
your vernacular language; seem to prefer it to any
other; call it your favorite language, and study to
speak it with purity and elegance, if it has any.
This will not only make you perfect in it, but will
please, and make your court there better than anything.
A propos of languages: Did you improve your Italian
while you were at Paris, or did you forget it?
Had you a master there? and what Italian books did
you read with him? If you are master of Italian,
I would have you afterward, by the first convenient
opportunity, learn Spanish, which you may very easily,
and in a very little time do; you will then, in the
course of your foreign business, never be obliged to
employ, pay, or trust any translator for any European
language.
As I love to provide eventually for
everything that can possibly happen, I will suppose
the worst that can befall you at Hanover. In that
case I would have you go immediately to the Duke of
Newcastle, and beg his Grace’s advice, or rather
orders, what you should do; adding, that his advice
will always be orders to you. You will tell him
that though you are exceedingly mortified, you are
much less so than you should otherwise be, from the
consideration that being utterly unknown to his M-----,
his objection could not be personal to you, and could
only arise from circumstances which it was not in
your power either to prevent or remedy; that if his
Grace thought that your continuing any longer there
would be disagreeable, you entreated him to tell you
so; and that upon the whole, you referred yourself
entirely to him, whose orders you should most scrupulously
obey. But this precaution, I dare say, is ‘ex
abundanti’, and will prove unnecessary; however,
it is always right to be prepared for all events,
the worst as well as the best; it prevents hurry and
surprise, two dangerous, situations in business; for
I know no one thing so useful, so necessary in all
business, as great coolness, steadiness, and sangfroid:
they give an incredible advantage over whoever one
has to do with.
I have received your letter of the
15th, N. S., from Mayence, where I find that you have
diverted yourself much better than I expected.
I am very well acquainted with Comte Cobentzel’s
character, both of parts and business. He could
have given you letters to Bonn, having formerly resided
there himself. You will not be so agreeably electrified
where this letter will find you, as you were both
at Manheim and Mayence; but I hope you may meet with
a second German Mrs. F-----d, who may make you forget
the two former ones, and practice your German.
Such transient passions will do you no harm; but,
on the contrary, a great deal of good; they will refine
your manners and quicken your attention; they give
a young fellow ‘du brillant’,
and bring him into fashion; which last is a great
article at setting out in the world.
I have wrote, about a month ago, to
Lord Albemarle, to thank him for all his kindnesses
to you; but pray have you done as much? Those
are the necessary attentions which should never be
omitted, especially in the beginning of life, when
a character is to be established.
That ready wit; which you so partially
allow me, and so justly Sir Charles Williams, may
create many admirers; but, take my word for it, it
makes few friends. It shines and dazzles like
the noon-day sun, but, like that too, is very apt
to scorch; and therefore is always feared. The
milder morning and evening light and heat of that planet
soothe and calm our minds. Good sense, complaisance,
gentleness of manners, attentions and graces are the
only things that truly engage, and durably keep the
heart at long run. Never seek for wit; if it presents
itself, well and good; but, even in that case, let
your judgment interpose; and take care that it be
not at the expense of anybody. Pope says very
truly:
“There are whom
heaven has blest with store of wit;
Yet want as much again
to govern it.”
And in another place, I doubt with too much truth:
“For wit and judgment
ever are at strife
Though meant each other’s
aid, like man and wife.”
The Germans are very seldom troubled
with any extraordinary ébullitions or effervescenses
of wit, and it is not prudent to try it upon them;
whoever does, ‘ofendet solido’.
Remember to write me very minute accounts
of all your transactions at Hanover, for they excite
both my impatience and anxiety. Adieu!
LETTER XX
London, August 4, O.
My dear friend:
I am extremely concerned at the return of your old
asthmatic complaint, of which your letter from Cassel
of the 28th July, N. S., in forms me. I believe
it is chiefly owing to your own negligence; for, notwithstanding
the season of the year, and the heat and agitation
of traveling, I dare swear you have not taken one single
dose of gentle, cooling physic, since that which I
made you take at Bath. I hope you are now better,
and in better hands. I mean in Dr. Hugo’s
at Hanover: he is certainly a very skillful physician,
and therefore I desire that you will inform him most
minutely of your own case, from your first attack in
Carniola, to this last at Marpurgh; and not only follow
his prescriptions exactly at present, but take his
directions, with regard to the regimen that he would
have you observe to prevent the returns of this complaint;
and, in case of any returns, the immediate applications,
whether external or internal, that he would have you
make use of. Consider, it is very worth your
while to submit at present to any course of medicine
or diet, to any restraint or confinement, for a time,
in order to get rid, once for all, of so troublesome
and painful a distemper; the returns of which would
equally break in upon your business or your pleasures.
Notwithstanding all this, which is plain sense and
reason, I much fear that, as soon as ever you are
got out of your present distress, you will take no
preventive care, by a proper course of medicines and
regimen; but, like most people of your age, think
it impossible that you ever should be ill again.
However, if you will not be wise for your own sake,
I desire you will be so for mine, and most scrupulously
observe Dr. Hugo’s present and future directions.
Hanover, where I take it for granted
you are, is at present the seat and centre of foreign
negotiations; there are ministers from almost every
court in Europe; and you have a fine opportunity of
displaying with modesty, in conversation, your knowledge
of the matters now in agitation. The chief I
take to be the Election of the King of the Romans,
which, though I despair of, heartily wish were brought
about for two reasons. The first is, that I think
it may prevent a war upon the death of the present
Emperor, who, though young and healthy, may possibly
die, as young and healthy people often do. The
other is, the very reason that makes some powers oppose
it, and others dislike it, who do not openly oppose
it; I mean, that it may tend to make the imperial dignity
hereditary in the House of Austria; which I heartily
wish, together with a very great increase of power
in the empire: till when, Germany will never
be anything near a match for France. Cardinal
Richelieu showed his superior abilities in nothing
more, than in thinking no pains or expense too great
to break the power of the House of Austria in the empire.
Ferdinand had certainly made himself absolute, and
the empire consequently formidable to France, if that
Cardinal had not piously adopted the Protestant cause,
and put the empire, by the treaty of Westphalia, in
pretty much the same disjointed situation in which
France itself was before Lewis the Eleventh; when
princes of the blood, at the head of provinces, and
Dukes of Brittany, etc., always opposed, and often
gave laws to the crown. Nothing but making the
empire hereditary in the House of Austria, can give
it that strength and efficiency, which I wish it had,
for the sake of the balance of power. For, while
the princes of the empire are so independent of the
emperor, so divided among themselves, and so open
to the corruption of the best bidders, it is ridiculous
to expect that Germany ever will, or can act as a compact
and well-united body against France. But as this
notion of mine would as little please some of
our friends, as many of our enemies, I would
not advise you, though you should be of the same opinion,
to declare yourself too freely so. Could the
Elector Palatine be satisfied, which I confess will
be difficult, considering the nature of his pretensions,
the tenaciousness and haughtiness of the court of
Vienna (and our inability to do, as we have too often
done, their work for them); I say, if the Elector
Palatine could be engaged to give his vote, I should
think it would be right to proceed to the election
with a clear majority of five votes; and leave the
King of Prussia and the Elector of Cologne, to protest
and remonstrate as much as ever they please. The
former is too wise, and the latter too weak in every
respect, to act in consequence of these protests.
The distracted situation of France, with its ecclesiastical
and parliamentary quarrels, not to mention the illness
and possibly the death of the Dauphin, will make the
King of Prussia, who is certainly no Frenchman in
his heart, very cautious how he acts as one.
The Elector of Saxony will be influenced by the King
of Poland, who must be determined by Russia, considering
his views upon Poland, which, by the by, I hope he
will never obtain; I mean, as to making that crown
hereditary in his family. As for his sons having
it by the precarious tenure of election, by which
his father now holds it, ‘a la bonne
heure’. But, should Poland have a
good government under hereditary kings, there would
be a new devil raised in Europe, that I do not know
who could lay. I am sure I would not raise him,
though on my own side for the present.
I do not know how I came to trouble
my head so much about politics today, which has been
so very free from them for some years: I suppose
it was because I knew that I was writing to the most
consummate politician of this, and his age. If
I err, you will set me right; ’si quid novisti
rectius istis, candidus imperti’, etc.
I am excessively impatient for your
next letter, which I expect by the first post from
Hanover, to remove my anxiety, as I hope it will, not
only with regard to your health, but likewise to other
things; in the meantime in the language of a
pedant, but with the tenderness of a parent, ‘jubeo
te bene valere’.
Lady Chesterfield makes you many compliments,
and is much concerned at your indisposition.
LETTER XXI
To monsieur de Voltaire, now
staying at Berlin.
London, August 27, O. .
Sir: As a most convincing
proof how infinitely I am interested in everything
which concerns Mr. Stanhope, who will have the honor
of presenting you this letter, I take the liberty
of introducing him to you. He has read a great
deal, he has seen a great deal; whether or not he has
made a proper use of that knowledge, is what I do not
know: he is only twenty years of age. He
was at Berlin some years ago, and therefore he returns
thither; for at present people are attracted toward
the north by the same motives which but lately drew
them to the south.
Permit me, Sir, to return you thanks
for the pleasure and instruction I have received from
your ‘History of Lewis XIV’. I have
as yet read it but four times, because I wish to forget
it a little before I read it a fifth; but I find that
impossible: I shall therefore only wait till you
give us the augmentation which you promised; let me
entreat you not to defer it long. I thought myself
pretty conversant in the history of the reign of Lewis
XIV., by means of those innumerable histories, memoirs,
anecdotes, etc., which I had read relative to
that period of time. You have convinced me that
I was mistaken, and had upon that subject very confused
ideas in many respects, and very false ones in others.
Above all, I cannot but acknowledge the obligation
we have to you, Sir, for the light which you have
thrown upon the follies and outrages of the different
sects; the weapons you employ against those madmen,
or those impostors, are the only suitable ones; to
make use of any others would be imitating them:
they must be attacked by ridicule, and, punished with
contempt. ‘A propos’ of those fanatics;
I send you here inclosed a piece upon that subject,
written by the late Dean Swift: I believe you
will not dislike it. You will easily guess why
it never was printed: it is authentic, and I
have the original in his own handwriting. His
Jupiter, at the Day of judgment, treats them much
as you do, and as they deserve to be treated.
Give me leave, Sir, to tell you freely,
that I am embarrassed upon your account, as I cannot
determine what it is that I wish from you. When
I read your last history, I am desirous that you should
always write history; but when I read your ‘Rome
Sauvee’ (although ill-printed and disfigured),
yet I then wish you never to deviate from poetry; however,
I confess that there still remains one history worthy
of your pen, and of which your pen alone is worthy.
You have long ago given us the history of the greatest
and most outrageous madman (I ask your pardon if I
cannot say the greatest hero) of Europe; you have
given us latterly the history of the greatest king;
give us now the history of the greatest and most virtuous
man in Europe; I should think it degrading to call
him king. To you this cannot be difficult, he
is always before your eyes: your poetical invention
is not necessary to his glory, as that may safely rely
upon your historical candor. The first duty of
an historian is the only one he need require from
his, ’Ne quid falsi dicere audeat,
ne quid veri non audeat’. Adieu,
Sir! I find that I must admire you every day more
and more; but I also know that nothing ever can add
to the esteem and attachment with which I am actually,
your most humble and most obedient servant, Chesterfield.
LETTER XXII
London, September 19, 1752,
My dear friend:
Since you have been at Hanover, your correspondence
has been both unfrequent and laconic. You made
indeed one great effort in folio on the 18th, with
a postscript of the 22d August, N. S., and since that,
‘vous avez rate in quarto’.
On the 31st August, N. S., you give me no informations
of what I want chiefly to know; which is, what Dr.
Hugo (whom I charged you to consult) said of your
asthmatic complaint, and what he prescribed you to
prevent the returns of it; and also what is the company
that, you keep there, who has been kind and civil to
you, and who not.
You say that you go constantly to
the parade; and you do very well; for though you are
not of that trade, yet military matters make so great
a part both of conversation and negotiation, that
it is very proper not to be ignorant of them.
I hope you mind more than the mere exercise of the
troops you see; and that you inform yourself at the
same time, of the more material details; such as their
pay, and the difference of it when in and out of quarters;
what is furnished them by the country when in quarters,
and what is allowed them of ammunition, bread, etc.,
when in the field; the number of men and officers
in the several troops and companies, together with
the non-commissioned officers, as ’caporals,
frey-caporals, anspessades’, sergeants, quarter-masters,
etc.; the clothing how frequent, how good, and
how furnished; whether by the colonel, as here in
England, from what we call the off-reckonings,
that is, deductions from the men’s pay, or by
commissaries appointed by the government for that
purpose, as in France and Holland. By these inquiries
you will be able to talk military with military men,
who, in every country in Europe, except England, make
at least half of all the best companies. Your
attending the parades has also another good effect,
which is, that it brings you, of course, acquainted
with the officers, who, when of a certain rank and
service, are generally very polite, well-bred people,
‘et du bon ton’. They have commonly
seen a great deal of the world, and of courts; and
nothing else can form a gentleman, let people say
what they will of sense and learning; with both which
a man may contrive to be a very disagreeable companion.
I dare say, there are very few captains of foot, who
are not much better company than ever Descartes or
Sir Isaac Newton were. I honor and respect such
superior geniuses; but I desire to converse with people
of this world, who bring into company their share,
at least, of cheerfulness, good-breeding, and knowledge
of mankind. In common life, one much oftener
wants small money, and silver, than gold. Give
me a man who has ready cash about him for present
expenses; sixpences, shillings, half-crowns, and crowns,
which circulate easily: but a man who has only
an ingot of gold about him, is much above common purposes,
and his riches are not handy nor convenient. Have
as much gold as you please in one pocket, but take
care always to keep change in the other; for you will
much oftener have occasion for a shilling than for
a guinea. In this the French must be allowed to
excel all people in the world: they have ’un
certain entregent, un enjouement, un
aimable légèreté dans la conversation,
une politesse aisée et naturelle,
qui paroit ne leur rien coûter’,
which give society all its charms. I am sorry
to add, but it is too true, that the English and the
Dutch are the farthest from this, of all the people
in the world; I do by no means except even the Swiss.
Though you do not think proper to
inform me, I know from other hands that you were to
go to the Gohr with a Comte Schullemburg, for eight
or ten days only, to see the reviews. I know
also that you had a blister upon your arm, which did
you a great deal of good. I know too, you have
contracted a great friendship with Lord Essex, and
that you two were inseparable at Hanover. All
these things I would rather have known from you than
from others; and they are the sort of things that I
am the most desirous of knowing, as they are more
immediately relative to yourself.
I am very sorry for the Duchess of
Newcastle’s illness, full as much upon your
as upon her account, as it has hindered you from being
so much known to the Duke as I could have wished;
use and habit going a great way with him, as indeed
they do with most people. I have known many people
patronized, pushed up, and preferred by those who could
have given no other reason for it, than that they
were used to them. We must never seek for motives
by deep reasoning, but we must find them out by careful
observation and attention, no matter what they should
be, but the point is, what they are. Trace them
up, step by step, from the character of the person.
I have known ‘de par lé monde’,
as Brantome says, great effects from causes too little
ever to have been suspected. Some things must
be known, and can never be guessed.
God knows where this letter will find
you, or follow you; not at Hanover, I suppose; but
wherever it does, may it find you in health and pleasure!
Adieu.
LETTER XXIII
London, September 22, O.
My dear friend:
The day after the date of my last, I received your
letter of the 8th. I approve extremely of your
intended progress, and am very glad that you go to
the Gohr with Comte Schullemburg. I would have
you see everything with your own eyes, and hear everything
with your own ears: for I know, by very long
experience, that it is very unsafe to trust to other
people’s. Vanity and interest cause many
misrepresentations, and folly causes many more.
Few people have parts enough to relate exactly and
judiciously: and those who have, for some reason
or other, never fail to sink, or to add some circumstances.
The reception which you have met with
at Hanover, I look upon as an omen of your being well
received everywhere else; for to tell you the truth,
it was the place that I distrusted the most in that
particular. But there is a certain conduct, there
are certaines ‘manieres’ that will, and
must get the better of all difficulties of that kind;
it is to acquire them that you still continue abroad,
and go from court to court; they are personal, local,
and temporal; they are modes which vary, and owe their
existence to accidents, whim, and humor; all the sense
and reason in the world would never point them out;
nothing but experience, observation, and what is called
knowledge of the world, can possibly teach them.
For example, it is respectful to bow to the King of
England, it is disrespectful to bow to the King of
France; it is the rule to courtesy to the Emperor;
and the prostration of the whole body is required by
eastern monarchs. These are established ceremonies,
and must be complied with: but why thev were
established, I defy sense and reason to tell us.
It is the same among all ranks, where certain customs
are received, and must necessarily be complied with,
though by no means the result of sense and reason.
As for instance, the very absurd, though almost universal
custom of drinking people’s healths. Can
there be anything in the world less relative to any
other man’s health, than my drinking a glass
of wine? Common sense certainly never pointed
it out; but yet common sense tells me I must conform
to it. Good sense bids one be civil and endeavor
to please; though nothing but experience and observation
can teach one the means, properly adapted to time,
place, and persons. This knowledge is the true
object of a gentleman’s traveling, if he travels
as he ought to do. By frequenting good company
in every country, he himself becomes of every country;
he is no longer an Englishman, a Frenchman, or an Italian;
but he is an European; he adopts, respectively, the
best manners of every country; and is a Frenchman
at Paris, an Italian at Rome, an Englishman at London.
This advantage, I must confess, very
seldom accrues to my countrymen from their traveling;
as they have neither the desire nor the means of getting
into good company abroad; for, in the first place,
they are confoundedly bashful; and, in the next place,
they either speak no foreign language at all, or if
they do, it is barbarously. You possess all the
advantages that they want; you know the languages
in perfection, and have constantly kept the best company
in the places where you have been; so that you ought
to be an European. Your canvas is solid and strong,
your outlines are good; but remember that you still
want the beautiful coloring of Titian, and the delicate,
graceful touches of Guido. Now is your time to
get them. There is, in all good company, a fashionable
air, countenance, manner, and phraseology, which can
only be acquired by being in good company, and very
attentive to all that passes there. When you dine
or sup at any well-bred man’s house, observe
carefully how he does the honors of his table to the
different guests. Attend to the compliments of
congratulation or condolence that you hear a well-bred
man make to his superiors, to his equals, and to his
inferiors; watch even his countenance and his tone
of voice, for they all conspire in the main point
of pleasing. There is a certain distinguishing
diction of a man of fashion; he will not content himself
with saying, like John Trott, to a new-married man,
Sir, I wish you much joy; or to a man who lost his
son, Sir, I am sorry for your loss; and both with
a countenance equally unmoved; but he will say in
effect the same thing in a more elegant and less trivial
manner, and with a countenance adapted to the occasion.
He will advance with warmth, vivacity, and a cheerful
countenance, to the new-married man, and embracing
him, perhaps say to him, “If you do justice
to my attachment to you, you will judge of the joy
that I feel upon this occasion, better than I can
express it,” etc.; to the other in affliction,
he will advance slowly, with a grave composure of
countenance, in a more deliberate manner, and with
a lower voice, perhaps say, “I hope you do me
the justice to be convinced that I feel whatever you
feel, and shall ever be affected where you are concerned.”
Your ‘abord’, I must
tell you, was too cold and uniform; I hope it is now
mended. It should be respectfully open and cheerful
with your superiors, warm and animated with your equals,
hearty and free with your inferiors. There is
a fashionable kind of small talk which you
should get; which, trifling as it is, is of use in
mixed companies, and at table, especially in your
foreign department; where it keeps off certain serious
subjects, that might create disputes, or at least
coldness for a time. Upon such occasions it is
not amiss to know how to parley cuisine, and to be
able to dissert upon the growth and flavor of wines.
These, it is true, are very little things; but they
are little things that occur very often, and therefore
should be said ‘avec gentillesse et
grace’. I am sure they must fall often
in your way; pray take care to catch them. There
is a certain language of conversation, a fashionable
diction, of which every gentleman ought to be perfectly
master, in whatever language he speaks. The French
attend to it carefully, and with great reason; and
their language, which is a language of phrases, helps
them out exceedingly. That delicacy of diction
is characteristical of a man of fashion and good company.
I could write folios upon this subject,
and not exhaust it; but I think, and hope, that to
you I need not. You have heard and seen enough
to be convinced of the truth and importance of what
I have been so long inculcating into you upon these
points. How happy am I, and how happy are you,
my dear child, that these Titian tints, and Guido graces,
are all that you want to complete my hopes and your
own character! But then, on the other hand, what
a drawback would it be to that happiness, if you should
never acquire them? I remember, when I was of
age, though I had not near so good an education as
you have, or seen a quarter so much of the world,
I observed those masterly touches and irresistible
graces in others, and saw the necessity of acquiring
them myself; but then an awkward ‘mauvaise
honte’, of which I had brought a great deal
with me from Cambridge, made me ashamed to attempt
it, especially if any of my countrymen and particular
acquaintances were by. This was extremely absurd
in me: for, without attempting, I could never
succeed. But at last, insensibly, by frequenting
a great deal of good company, and imitating those
whom I saw that everybody liked, I formed myself, ’tant
bien que mal’. For God’s
sake, let this last fine varnish, so necessary to
give lustre to the whole piece, be the sole and single
object now of your utmost attention. Berlin may
contribute a great deal to it if you please; there
are all the ingredients that compose it.
‘A Propos’ of Berlin,
while you are there, take care to seem ignorant of
all political matters between the two courts; such
as the affairs of Ost Frise, and Saxe Lawemburg,
etc., and enter into no conversations upon those
points; but, however, be as well at court as you possibly
can; live at it, and make one of it. Should General
Keith offer you civilities, do not decline them; but
return them, however, without being ’enfant
de la maison chez lui’:
say ‘des chores flatteuses’ of the
Royal Family, and especially of his Prussian Majesty,
to those who are the most like to repeat them.
In short, make yourself well there, without making
yourself ill somewhere else. Make compliments
from me to Algarotti, and converse with him in Italian.
I go next week to the Bath, for a
deafness, which I have been plagued with these four
or five months; and which I am assured that pumping
my head will remove. This deafness, I own, has
tried my patience; as it has cut me off from society,
at an age when I had no pleasures but those left.
In the meantime, I have, by reading and writing, made
my eyes supply the defect of my ears. Madame
H-----, I suppose, entertained both yours alike; however,
I am very glad that you were well with her; for she
is a good ‘prôneuse’, and puffs are
very useful to a young fellow at his entrance into
the world.
If you should meet with Lord Pembroke
again, anywhere, make him many compliments from me;
and tell him that I should have written to him, but
that I knew how troublesome an old correspondent must
be to a young one. He is much commended in the
accounts from Hanover.
You will stay at Berlin just as long
as you like it, and no longer; and from thence you
are absolutely master of your own motions, either to
The Hague, or to Brussels; but I think that you had
better go to The Hague first, because that from thence
Brussels will be in your way to Calais, which is a
much better passage to England than from Helvoetsluys.
The two courts of The Hague and Brussels are worth
your seeing; and you will see them both to advantage,
by means of Colonel Yorke and Dayrolles. Adieu.
Here is enough for this time.
LETTER XXIV
London, September 26, 1752
My dear friend:
As you chiefly employ, or rather wholly engross my
thoughts, I see every day, with increasing pleasure,
the fair prospect which you have before you.
I had two views in your education; they draw nearer
and nearer, and I have now very little reason to distrust
your answering them fully. Those two were, parliamentary
and foreign affairs. In consequence of those
views, I took care, first, to give you a sufficient
stock of sound learning, and next, an early knowledge
of the world. Without making a figure in parliament,
no man can make any in this country; and eloquence
alone enables a man to make a figure in parliament,
unless, it be a very mean and contemptible one, which
those make there who silently vote, and who do ‘pedibus
ire in sententiam’. Foreign affairs, when
skillfully managed, and supported by a parliamentary
reputation, lead to whatever is most considerable in
this country. You have the languages necessary
for that purpose, with a sufficient fund of historical
and treaty knowledge; that is to say, you have the
matter ready, and only want the manner. Your objects
being thus fixed, I recommend to you to have them
constantly in your thoughts, and to direct your reading,
your actions, and your words, to those views.
Most people think only ‘ex re nata’,
and few ‘ex professo’: I
would have you do both, but begin with the latter.
I explain myself: Lay down certain principles,
and reason and act consequently from them. As,
for example, say to yourself, I will make a figure
in parliament, and in order to do that, I must not
only speak, but speak very well. Speaking mere
common sense will by no means do; and I must speak
not only correctly but elegantly; and not only elegantly
but eloquently. In order to do this, I will first
take pains to get an habitual, but unaffected, purity,
correctness and elegance of style in my common conversation;
I will seek for the best words, and take care to reject
improper, inexpressive, and vulgar ones. I will
read the greatest masters of oratory, both ancient
and modern, and I will read them singly in that view.
I will study Demosthenes and Cicero, not to discover
an old Athenian or Roman custom, nor to puzzle myself
with the value of talents, mines, drachms, and sesterces,
like the learned blockheads in us; but to observe
their choice of words, their harmony of diction, their
method, their distribution, their exordia, to engage
the favor and attention of their audience; and their
perorations, to enforce what they have said, and to
leave a strong impression upon the passions. Nor
will I be pedant enough to neglect the modern; for
I will likewise study Atterbury, Dryden, Pope, and
Bolingbroke; nay, I will read everything that I do
read in that intention, and never cease improving
and refining my style upon the best models, till at
last I become a model of eloquence myself, which,
by care, it is in every man’s power to be.
If you set out upon this principle, and keep it constantly
in your mind, every company you go into, and every
book you read, will contribute to your improvement,
either by showing you what to imitate, or what to avoid.
Are you to give an account of anything to a mixed
company? or are you to endeavor to persuade either
man or woman? This principle, fixed in your mind,
will make you carefully attend to the choice of your
words, and to the clearness and harmony of your diction.
So much for your parliamentary object;
now to the foreign one.
Lay down first those principles which
are absolutely necessary to form a skillful and successful
negotiator, and form yourself accordingly. What
are they? First, the clear historical knowledge
of past transactions of that kind. That you have
pretty well already, and will have daily more and
more; for, in consequence of that principle, you will
read history, memoirs, anecdotes, etc., in that
view chiefly. The other necessary talents for
negotiation are: the great art of pleasing and
engaging the affection and confidence, not only of
those with whom you are to cooperate, but even of
those whom you are to oppose: to conceal your
own thoughts and views, and to discover other people’s:
to engage other people’s confidence by a seeming
cheerful frankness and openness, without going a step
too far: to get the personal favor of the king,
prince, ministers, or mistresses of the court to which
you are sent: to gain the absolute command over
your temper and your countenance, that no heat may
provoke you to say, nor no change of countenance to
betray, what should be a secret: to familiarize
and domesticate yourself in the houses of the most
considerable people of the place, so as to be received
there rather as a friend to the family than as a foreigner.
Having these principles constantly in your thoughts,
everything you do and everything you say will some
way or other tend to your main view; and common conversation
will gradually fit you for it. You will get a
habit of checking any rising heat; you will be upon
your guard against any indiscreet expression; you
will by degrees get the command of your countenance,
so as not to change it upon any the most sudden accident;
and you will, above all things, labor to acquire the
great art of pleasing, without which nothing is to
be done. Company is, in truth, a constant state
of negotiation; and, if you attend to it in that view,
will qualify you for any. By the same means that
you make a friend, guard against an enemy, or gain
a mistress; you will make an advantageous treaty, baffle
those who counteract you, and gain the court you are
sent to. Make this use of all the company you
keep, and your very pleasures will make you a successful
negotiator. Please all who are worth pleasing;
offend none. Keep your own secret, and get out
other people’s. Keep your own temper and
artfully warm other people’s. Counterwork
your rivals, with diligence and dexterity, but at
the same time with the utmost personal civility to
them; and be firm without heat. Messieurs d’Avaux
and Servien did no more than this. I must make
one observation, in confirmation of this assertion;
which is, that the most eminent negotiators have allways
been the politest and bestbred men in company; even
what the women call the prettiest men.
For God’s sake, never lose view of these two
your capital objects: bend everything to them,
try everything by their rules, and calculate everything
for their purposes. What is peculiar to these
two objects, is, that they require nothing, but what
one’s own vanity, interest, and pleasure, would
make one do independently of them. If a man were
never to be in business, and always to lead a private
life, would he not desire to please and to persuade?
So that, in your two destinations, your fortune and
figure luckily conspire with your vanity and your
pleasures. Nay more; a foreign minister, I will
maintain it, can never be a good man of business if
he is not an agreeable man of pleasure too. Half
his business is done by the help of his pleasures;
his views are carried on, and perhaps best and most
unsuspectedly, at balls, suppers, assemblies, and
parties of pleasure; by intrigues with women, and
connections insensibly formed with men, at those unguarded
hours of amusement.
These objects now draw very near you,
and you have no time to lose in preparing yourself
to meet them. You will be in parliament almost
as soon as your age will allow, and I believe you
will have a foreign department still sooner, and that
will be earlier than ever any other body had one.
If you set out well at one-and-twenty, what may you
not reasonably hope to be at one-and-forty? All
that I could wish you! Adieu.
LETTER XXV
London, September 29, 1752.
My dear friend:
There is nothing so necessary, but at the same time
there is nothing more difficult (I know it by experience)
for you young fellows, than to know how to behave
yourselves prudently toward those whom you do not
like. Your passions are warm, and your heads are
light; you hate all those who oppose your views, either
of ambition or love; and a rival, in either, is almost
a synonymous term for an enemy. Whenever you
meet such a man, you are awkwardly cold to him, at
best; but often rude, and always desirous to give
him some indirect slap. This is unreasonable;
for one man has as good a right to pursue an employment,
or a mistress, as another; but it is, into the bargain,
extremely imprudent; because you commonly defeat your
own purpose by it, and while you are contending with
each other, a third often prevails. I grant you
that the situation is irksome; a man cannot help thinking
as he thinks, nor feeling what he feels; and it is
a very tender and sore point to be thwarted and counterworked
in one’s pursuits at court, or with a mistress;
but prudence and abilities must check the effects,
though they cannot remove the cause. Both the
pretenders make themselves disagreeable to their mistress,
when they spoil the company by their pouting, or their
sparring; whereas, if one of them has command enough
over himself (whatever he may feel inwardly) to be
cheerful, gay, and easily and unaffectedly civil to
the other, as if there were no manner of competition
between them, the lady will certainly like him the
best, and his rival will be ten times more humbled
and discouraged; for he will look upon such a behavior
as a proof of the triumph and security of his rival,
he will grow outrageous with the lady, and the warmth
of his reproaches will probably bring on a quarrel
between them. It is the same in business; where
he who can command his temper and his countenance the
best, will always have an infinite advantage over the
other. This is what the French call un ‘procède
honnête et galant’, to pique
yourself upon showing particular civilities to a man,
to whom lesser minds would, in the same case, show
dislike, or perhaps rudeness. I will give you
an instance of this in my own case; and pray remember
it, whenever you come to be, as I hope you will, in
a like situation.
When I went to The Hague, in 1744,
it was to engage the Dutch to come roundly into the
war, and to stipulate their quotas of troops, etc.;
your acquaintance, the Abbe de la Ville, was there
on the part of France, to endeavor to hinder them
from coming into the war at all. I was informed,
and very sorry to hear it, that he had abilities, temper,
and industry. We could not visit, our two masters
being at war; but the first time I met him at a third
place, I got somebody to present me to him; and I told
him, that though we were to be national enemies, I
flattered myself we might be, however, personal friends,
with a good deal more of the same kind; which he returned
in full as polite a manner. Two days afterward,
I went, early in the morning, to solicit the Deputies
of Amsterdam, where I found l’Abbe de la Ville,
who had been beforehand with me; upon which I addressed
myself to the Deputies, and said, smilingly, I am very
sorry, Gentlemen, to find my enemy with you; my knowledge
of his capacity is already sufficient to make me fear
him; we are not upon equal terms; but I trust to your
own interest against his talents. If I have not
this day had the first word, I shall at least have
the last. They smiled: the Abbe was pleased
with the compliment, and the manner of it, stayed about
a quarter of an hour, and then left me to my Deputies,
with whom I continued upon the same tone, though in
a very serious manner, and told them that I was only
come to state their own true interests to them, plainly
and simply, without any of those arts, which it was
very necessary for my friend to make use of to deceive
them. I carried my point, and continued my ‘procède’
with the Abbe; and by this easy and polite commerce
with him, at third places, I often found means to fish
out from him whereabouts he was.
Remember, there are but two ‘procédés’
in the world for a gentleman and a man of parts; either
extreme politeness or knocking down. If a man
notoriously and designedly insults and affronts you,
knock him down; but if he only injures you, your best
revenge is to be extremely civil to him in your outward
behavior, though at the same time you counterwork him,
and return him the compliment, perhaps with interest.
This is not perfidy nor dissimulation; it would be
so if you were, at the same time, to make professions
of esteem and friendship to this man; which I by no
means recommend, but on the contrary abhor. But
all acts of civility are, by common consent, understood
to be no more than a conformity to custom, for the
quiet and conveniency of society, the ‘agremens’
of which are not to be disturbed by private dislikes
and jealousies. Only women and little minds pout
and spar for the entertainment of the company, that
always laughs at, and never pities them. For
my own part, though I would by no means give up any
point to a competitor, yet I would pique myself upon
showing him rather more civility than to another man.
In the first place, this ‘procède’
infallibly makes all ‘les rieurs’ of your
side, which is a considerable party; and in the next
place, it certainly pleases the object of the competition,
be it either man or woman; who never fail to say,
upon such an occasion, that they must own
you have behaved yourself very,
handsomely in the whole affair.
The world judges from the appearances of things, and
not from the reality, which few are able, and still
fewer are inclined to fathom: and a man, who will
take care always to be in the right in those things,
may afford to be sometimes a little in the wrong in
more essential ones: there is a willingness, a
desire to excuse him. With nine people in ten,
good-breeding passes for good-nature, and they take
attentions for good offices. At courts there
will be always coldnesses, dislikes, jealousies, and
hatred, the harvest being but small in proportion
to the number of laborers; but then, as they arise
often, they die soon, unless they are perpetuated by
the manner in which they have been carried on, more
than by the matter which occasioned them. The
turns and vicissitudes of courts frequently make friends
of enemies, and enemies of friends; you must labor,
therefore, to acquire that great and uncommon talent
of hating with good-breeding and loving with prudence;
to make no quarrel irreconcilable by silly and unnecessary
indications of anger; and no friendship dangerous,
in case it breaks, by a wanton, indiscreet, and unreserved
confidence.
Few, (especially young) people know
how to love, or how to hate; their love is an unbounded
weakness, fatal to the person they love; their hate
is a hot, rash, and imprudent violence, always fatal
to themselves.
Nineteen fathers in twenty, and every
mother, who had loved you half as well as I do, would
have ruined you; whereas I always made you feel the
weight of my authority, that you might one day know
the force of my love. Now, I both hope and believe,
my advice will have the same weight with you from
choice that my authority had from necessity. My
advice is just eight-and-twenty years older than your
own, and consequently, I believe you think, rather
better. As for your tender and pleasurable passions,
manage them yourself; but let me have the direction
of all the others. Your ambition, your figure,
and your fortune, will, for some time at least, be
rather safer in my keeping than in your own. Adieu.
LETTER XXVI
Bath, October 4, 1752
My dear friend:
I consider you now as at the court of Augustus, where,
if ever the desire of pleasing animated you, it must
make you exert all the means of doing it. You
will see there, full as well, I dare say, as Horace
did at Rome, how states are defended by arms, adorned
by manners, and improved by laws. Nay, you have
an Horace there as well as an Augustus; I need not
name Voltaire, ‘qui nil molitur inept?’
as Horace himself said of another poet. I have
lately read over all his works that are published,
though I had read them more than once before.
I was induced to this by his ‘Siecle de Louis
XIV’, which I have yet read but four times.
In reading over all his works, with more attention
I suppose than before, my former admiration of him
is, I own, turned into astonishment. There is
no one kind of writing in which he has not excelled.
You are so severe a classic that I question whether
you will allow me to call his ‘Henriade’
an epic poem, for want of the proper number of gods,
devils, witches and other absurdities, requisite for
the machinery; which machinery is, it seems, necessary
to constitute the ‘épopée’.
But whether you do or not, I will declare (though possibly
to my own shame) that I never read any epic poem with
near so much pleasure. I am grown old, and have
possibly lost a great deal of that fire which formerly
made me love fire in others at any rate, and however
attended with smoke; but now I must have all sense,
and cannot, for the sake of five righteous lines,
forgive a thousand absurd ones.
In this disposition of mind, judge
whether I can read all Homer through ‘tout de
suite’. I admire its beauties; but, to tell
you the truth, when he slumbers, I sleep. Virgil,
I confess, is all sense, and therefore I like him
better than his model; but he is often languid, especially
in his five or six last books, during which I am obliged
to take a good deal of snuff. Besides, I profess
myself an ally of Turnus against the pious AEneas,
who, like many ‘soi-disant’ pious
people, does the most flagrant injustice and violence
in order to execute what they impudently call the
will of Heaven. But what will you say, when I
tell you truly, that I cannot possibly read our countryman
Milton through? I acknowledge him to have some
most sublime passages, some prodigious flashes of light;
but then you must acknowledge that light is often
followed by darkness visible, to use his own expression.
Besides, not having the honor to be acquainted with
any of the parties in this poem, except the Man and
the Woman, the characters and speeches of a dozen
or two of angels and of as many devils, are as much
above my reach as my entertainment. Keep this
secret for me: for if it should be known, I should
be abused by every tasteless pedant, and every solid
divine in England.
’Whatever I have said to the
disadvantage of these three poems, holds much stronger
against Tasso’s ‘Gierusalemme’:
it is true he has very fine and glaring rays of poetry;
but then they are only meteors, they dazzle, then
disappear, and are succeeded by false thoughts, poor
‘concetti’, and absurd impossibilities;
witness the Fish and the Parrot; extravagancies unworthy
of an heroic poem, and would much better have become
Ariosto, who professes ‘lé coglionerie’.
I have never read the “Lusiade
of Camoens,” except in prose translation, consequently
I have never read it at all, so shall say nothing of
it; but the Henriade is all sense from the beginning
to the end, often adorned by the justest and liveliest
reflections, the most beautiful descriptions, the
noblest images, and the sublimest sentiments; not to
mention the harmony of the verse, in which Voltaire
undoubtedly exceeds all the French poets: should
you insist upon an exception in favor of Racine, I
must insist, on my part, that he at least equals him.
What hero ever interested more than Henry the Fourth;
who, according to the rules of epic poetry, carries
on one great and long action, and succeeds in it at
last? What descriptions ever excited more horror
than those, first of the Massacre, and then of the
Famine at Paris? Was love ever painted with more
truth and ‘morbidezza’ than in the ninth
book? Not better, in my mind, even in the fourth
of Virgil. Upon the whole, with all your classical
rigor, if you will but suppose St. Louis a god, a devil,
or a witch, and that he appears in person, and not
in a dream, the Henriade will be an epic poem, according
to the strictest statute laws of the ‘épopée’;
but in my court of equity it is one as it is.
I could expatiate as much upon all
his different works, but that I should exceed the
bounds of a letter and run into a dissertation.
How delightful is his history of that northern brute,
the King of Sweden, for I cannot call him a man; and
I should be sorry to have him pass for a hero, out
of regard to those true heroes, such as Julius Cæsar,
Titus, Trajan, and the present King of Prussia, who
cultivated and encouraged arts and sciences; whose
animal courage was accompanied by the tender and social
sentiments of humanity; and who had more pleasure in
improving, than in destroying their fellow-creatures.
What can be more touching, or more interesting what
more nobly thought, or more happily expressed, than
all his dramatic pieces? What can be more clear
and rational than all his philosophical letters? and
whatever was so graceful, and gentle, as all his little
poetical trifles? You are fortunately ‘a
porte’ of verifying, by your knowledge
of the man, all that I have said of his works.
Monsieur de Maupertius (whom I hope
you will get acquainted with) is, what one rarely
meets with, deep in philosophy and, mathematics, and
yet ‘honnête et aimable homme’:
Algarotti is young Fontenelle. Such men must
necessarily give you the desire of pleasing them; and
if you can frequent them, their acquaintance will
furnish you the means of pleasing everybody else.
‘A propos’ of pleasing, your pleasing Mrs. F-----d is expected here in
two or three days; I will do all that I can for you with her: I think you
carried on the romance to the third or fourth volume; I will continue it
to the eleventh; but as for the twelfth and last, you must come and
conclude it yourself. ‘Non sum qualis eram’.
Good-night to you, child; for I am
going to bed, just at the hour at which I suppose
you are going to live, at Berlin.
LETTER XXVII
Bath, November 11, O.
My dear friend:
It is a very old and very true maxim, that those kings
reign the most secure and the most absolute, who reign
in the hearts of their people. Their popularity
is a better guard than their army, and the affections
of their subjects a better pledge of their obedience
than their fears. This rule is, in proportion,
full as true, though upon a different scale, with
regard to private people. A man who possesses
that great art of pleasing universally, and of gaining
the affections of those with whom he converses, possesses
a strength which nothing else can give him: a
strength which facilitates and helps his rise; and
which, in case of accidents, breaks his fall.
Few people of your age sufficiently consider this
great point of popularity; and when they grow older
and wiser, strive in vain to recover what they have
lost by their negligence. There are three principal
causes that hinder them from acquiring this useful
strength: pride, inattention, and ‘mauvaise
honte’. The first I will not, I cannot
suspect you of; it is too much below your understanding.
You cannot, and I am sure you do not think yourself
superior by nature to the Savoyard who cleans your
room, or the footman who cleans your shoes; but you
may rejoice, and with reason, at the difference that
fortune has made in your favor. Enjoy all those
advantages; but without insulting those who are unfortunate
enough to want them, or even doing anything unnecessarily
that may remind them of that want. For my own
part, I am more upon my guard as to my behavior to
my servants, and others who are called my inferiors,
than I am toward my equals: for fear of being
suspected of that mean and ungenerous sentiment of
desiring to make others feel that difference which
fortune has, and perhaps too, undeservedly, made between
us. Young people do not enough attend to this;
and falsely imagine that the imperative mood, and a
rough tone of authority and decision, are indications
of spirit and courage. Inattention is always
looked upon, though sometimes unjustly, as the effect
of pride and contempt; and where it is thought so,
is never forgiven. In this article, young people
are generally exceedingly to blame, and offend extremely.
Their whole attention is engrossed by their particular
set of acquaintance; and by some few glaring and exalted
objects of rank, beauty, or parts; all the rest they
think so little worth their care, that they neglect
even common civility toward them. I will frankly
confess to you, that this was one of my great faults
when I was of your age. Very attentive to please
that narrow court circle in which I stood enchanted,
I considered everything else as bourgeois, and unworthy
of common civility; I paid my court assiduously and
skillfully enough to shining and distinguished figures,
such as ministers, wits, and beauties; but then I
most absurdly and imprudently neglected, and consequently
offended all others. By this folly I made myself
a thousand enemies of both sexes; who, though I thought
them very insignificant, found means to hurt me essentially
where I wanted to recommend myself the most.
I was thought proud, though I was only imprudent.
A general easy civility and attention to the common
run of ugly women, and of middling men, both which
I sillily thought, called, and treated, as odd people,
would have made me as many friends, as by the contrary
conduct I made myself enemies. All this too was
‘a pure perte’; for I might equally,
and even more successfully, have made my court, when
I had particular views to gratify. I will allow
that this task is often very unpleasant, and that
one pays, with some unwillingness, that tribute of
attention to dull and tedious men, and to old and
ugly women; but it is the lowest price of popularity
and general applause, which are very well worth purchasing
were they much dearer. I conclude this head with
this advice to you: Gain, by particular assiduity
and address, the men and women you want; and, by an
universal civility and attention, please everybody
so far as to have their good word, if not their goodwill;
or, at least, as to secure a partial neutrality.
‘Mauvaise honte’
not only hinders young people from making, a great
many friends, but makes them a great many enemies.
They are ashamed of doing the thing they know to be
right, and would otherwise do, for fear of the momentary
laugh of some fine gentleman or lady, or of some ’mauvais
plaisant’. I have been in this case:
and have often wished an obscure acquaintance at the
devil, for meeting and taking notice of me when I was
in what I thought and called fine company. I have
returned their notice shyly, awkwardly, and consequently
offensively; for fear of a momentary joke, not considering,
as I ought to have done, that the very people who
would have joked upon me at first, would have esteemed
me the more for it afterward. An example explains
a rule best: Suppose you were walking in the
Tuileries with some fine folks, and that you should
unexpectedly meet your old acquaintance, little crooked
Grierson; what would you do? I will tell you
what you should do, by telling you what I would now
do in that case myself. I would run up to him,
and embrace him; say some kind of things to him, and
then return to my company. There I should be
immediately asked: ’Mais qu’est
ce que c’est donc que
ce petit Sapajou que vous avez
embrasse si tendrement? Pour cela,
l’accolade a été charmante’; with
a great deal more festivity of that sort. To this
I should answer, without being the least ashamed,
but en badinant: O je ne vous
dirai tas qui c’est; c’est
un petit ami que je tiens incognito,
qui a son mérite, et qui,
a force d’etre connu, fait oublier sa
figure. Que me donnerez-vous,
et je vous lé présenterai’?
And then, with a little more seriousness, I would
add: ’Mais d’ailleurs c’est
que je ne désavoue jamais
mes connoissances, a cause de leur
état où de leur figure.
Il faut avoir bien peu de
sentimens pour lé faire’.
This would at once put an end to that momentary pleasantry,
and give them all a better opinion of me than they
had before. Suppose another case, and that some
of the finest ladies ‘du bon ton’ should
come into a room, and find you sitting by, and talking
politely to ‘la vieille’ Marquise
de Bellefonds, the joke would, for a moment,
turn upon that ‘tete-a-tete’: He
bien! avez vous a la fin fixd la belle
Marquise? La partie est-elle faîte
pour la petite maison? Le
souper sera galant sans doute:
Mais ne faistu donc point scrupule
de séduire une jeune et aimable
persone comme celle-la’?
To this I should answer: ’La partie n’etoit
pas encore tout-a fait liee, vous nous avez
interrompu; maïs avec lé tems que
fait-on? D’ailleurs moquezvous de mes
amours tant qu’il vous plaira,
je vous dirai que je respecte
tant les jeunes dames, que
je respecte meme les vieilles,
pour l’avoir été. Âpre cela
il y a souvent des liaisons entre
les vieilles et les jeunes’.
This would at once turn the pleasantry into an esteem
for your good sense and your good-breeding. Pursue
steadily, and without fear or shame, whatever your
reason tells you is right, and what you see is practiced
by people of more experience than yourself, and of
established characters of good sense and good-breeding.
After all this, perhaps you will say,
that it is impossible to please everybody. I
grant it; but it does not follow that one should not
therefore endeavor to please as many as one can.
Nay, I will go further, and admit that it is impossible
for any man not to have some enemies. But this
truth from long experience I assert, that he who has
the most friends and the fewest enemies, is the strongest;
will rise the highest with the least envy; and fall,
if he does fall, the gentlest, and the most pitied.
This is surely an object worth pursuing. Pursue
it according to the rules I have here given you.
I will add one observation more, and two examples
to enforce it; and then, as the parsons say, conclude.
There is no one creature so obscure,
so low, or so poor, who may not, by the strange and
unaccountable changes and vicissitudes of human affairs,
somehow or other, and some time or other, become an
useful friend or a trouble-some enemy, to the greatest
and the richest. The late Duke of Ormond was
almost the weakest but at the same time the best-bred,
and most popular man in this kingdom. His education
in courts and camps, joined to an easy, gentle nature,
had given him that habitual affability, those engaging
manners, and those mechanical attentions, that almost
supplied the place of every talent he wanted; and he
wanted almost every one. They procured him the
love of all men, without the esteem of any. He
was impeached after the death of Queen Anne, only because
that, having been engaged in the same measures with
those who were necessarily to be impeached, his impeachment,
for form’s sake, became necessary. But he
was impeached without acrimony, and without the lest
intention that he should suffer, notwithstanding the
party violence of those times. The question for
his impeachment, in the House of Commons, was carried
by many fewer votes than any other question of impeachment;
and Earl Stanhope, then Mr. Stanhope, and Secretary’
of State, who impeached him, very soon after negotiated
and concluded his accommodation with the late King;
to whom he was to have been presented the next day.
But the late Bishop of Rochester, Atterbury, who thought
that the Jacobite cause might suffer by losing the
Duke of Ormond, went in all haste, and prevailed with
the poor weak man to run away; assuring him that he
was only to be gulled into a disgraceful submission,
and not to be pardoned in consequence of it. When
his subsequent attainder passed, it excited mobs and
disturbances in town. He had not a personal enemy
in the world; and had a thousand friends. All
this was simply owing to his natural desire of pleasing,
and to the mechanical means that his education, not
his parts, had given him of doing it. The other
instance is the late Duke of Marlborough, who studied
the art of pleasing, because he well knew the importance
of it: he enjoyed and used it more than ever
man did. He gained whoever he had a mind to gain;
and he had a mind to gain everybody, because he knew
that everybody was more or less worth gaining.
Though his power, as Minister and General, made him
many political and party enemies, they did not make
him one personal one; and the very people who would
gladly have displaced, disgraced, and perhaps attainted
the Duke of Marlborough, at the same time personally
loved Mr. Churchill, even though his private character
was blemished by sordid avarice, the most unamiable
of all vices. He had wound up and turned his
whole machine to please and engage. He had an
inimitable sweetness and gentleness in his countenance,
a tenderness in his manner of speaking, a graceful
dignity in every motion, and an universal and minute
attention to the least things that could possibly
please the least person. This was all art in him;
art of which he well knew and enjoyed the advantages;
for no man ever had more interior ambition, pride,
and avarice, than he had.
Though you have more than most people
of your age, you have yet very little experience and
knowledge of the world; now, I wish to inoculate mine
upon you, and thereby prevent both the dangers and
the marks of youth and inexperience. If you receive
the matter kindly, and observe my prescriptions scrupulously,
you will secure the future advantages of time and
join them to the present inestimable ones of one-and-twenty.
I most earnestly recommend one thing
to you, during your present stay at Paris. I
own it is not the most agreeable; but I affirm it to
be the most useful thing in the world to one of your
age; and therefore I do hope that you will force and
constrain yourself to do it. I mean, to converse
frequently, or rather to be in company frequently with
both men and women much your superiors in age and
rank. I am very sensible that, at your age,
’vous y entrez pour peu de
chose, et meme souvent pour
rien, et que vous y passerez meme
quelques mauvais quart-d’heures’;
but no matter; you will be a solid gainer by it:
you will see, hear, and learn the turn and manners
of those people; you will gain premature experience
by it; and it will give you a habit of engaging and
respectful attentions. Versailles, as much as
possible, though probably unentertaining: the
Palais Royal often, however dull: foreign ministers
of the first rank, frequently, and women, though old,
who are respectable and respected for their rank or
parts; such as Madame de Pusieux, Madame de Nivernois,
Madame d’Aiguillon, Madame Geoffrain, etc.
This ‘sujétion’, if it be one to you,
will cost you but very little in these three or four
months that you are yet to pass in Paris, and will
bring you in a great deal; nor will it, nor ought
it, to hinder you from being in a more entertaining
company a great part of the day. ’Vous
pouvez, si vous lé voulex, tirer
un grand parti de ces quatre mois’.
May God make you so, and bless you! Adieu.
LETTER XXVIII
Bath, November 16, O. .
My dear friend:
Vanity, or to call it by a gentler name, the desire
of admiration and applause, is, perhaps, the most
universal principle of human actions; I do not say
that it is the best; and I will own that it is sometimes
the cause of both foolish and criminal effects.
But it is so much oftener the principle of right things,
that though they ought to have a better, yet, considering
human nature, that principle is to be encouraged and
cherished, in consideration of its effects. Where
that desire is wanting, we are apt to be indifferent,
listless, indolent, and inert; we do not exert our
powers; and we appear to be as much below ourselves
as the vainest man living can desire to appear above
what he really is.
As I have made you my confessor, and
do not scruple to confess even my weaknesses to you,
I will fairly own that I had that vanity, that weakness,
if it be one, to a prodigious degree; and, what is
more, I confess it without repentance: nay, I
am glad I had it; since, if I have had the good fortune
to please in the world, it is to that powerful and
active principle that I owe it. I began the world,
not with a bare desire, but with an insatiable thirst,
a rage of popularity, applause, and admiration.
If this made me do some silly things on one hand, it
made me, on the other hand, do almost all the right
things that I did; it made me attentive and civil
to the women I disliked, and to the men I despised,
in hopes of the applause of both: though I neither
desired, nor would I have accepted the favors of the
one, nor the friendship of the other. I always
dressed, looked, and talked my best; and, I own, was
overjoyed whenever I perceived, that by all three,
or by any one of them, the company was pleased with
me. To men, I talked whatever I thought would
give them the best opinion of my parts and learning;
and to women, what I was sure would please them; flattery,
gallantry, and love. And, moreover, I will own
to you, under the secrecy of confession, that my vanity
has very often made me take great pains to make a woman
in love with me, if I could, for whose person I would
not have given a pinch of snuff. In company with
men, I always endeavored to outshine, or at least,
if possible, to equal the most shining man in it.
This desire elicited whatever powers I had to gratify
it; and where I could not perhaps shine in the first,
enabled me, at least, to shine in a second or third
sphere. By these means I soon grew in fashion;
and when a man is once in fashion, all he does is
right. It was infinite pleasure to me to find
my own fashion and popularity. I was sent for
to all parties of pleasure, both of men or women;
where, in some measure, I gave the ‘ton’.
This gave me the reputation of having had some women
of condition; and that reputation, whether true or
false, really got me others. With the men I was
a Proteus, and assumed every shape, in order to please
them all: among the gay, I was the gayest; among
the grave, the gravest; and I never omitted the least
attentions of good-breeding, or the least offices
of friendship, that could either please, or attach
them to me: and accordingly I was soon connected
with all the men of any fashion or figure in town.
To this principle of vanity, which
philosophers call a mean one, and which I do not,
I owe great part of the figure which I have made in
life. I wish you had as much, but I fear you
have too little of it; and you seem to have a degree
of laziness and listlessness about you that makes
you indifferent as to general applause. This is
not in character at your age, and would be barely
pardonable in an elderly and philosophical man.
It is a vulgar, ordinary saying, but it is a very true
one, that one should always put the best foot foremost.
One should please, shine, and dazzle, wherever it
is possible. At Paris, I am sure you must observe
‘que chacun se fait valoir
autant qu’il est possible’;
and La Bruyere observes, very justly, qu’on
ne vaut dans ce monde que
ce qu’on veut valoir’:
wherever applause is in question, you will never see
a French man, nor woman, remiss or negligent.
Observe the eternal attentions and politeness that
all people have there for one another. ’Ce
n’est pas pour leurs beaux yeux
au moins’. No, but for their own
sakes, for commendations and applause. Let me
then recommend this principle of vanity to you; act
upon it ‘meo periculo’; I promise
you it will turn to your account. Practice all
the arts that ever coquette did, to please. Be
alert and indefatigable in making every man admire,
and every woman in love with you. I can tell
you too, that nothing will carry you higher in the
world.
I have had no letter from you since
your arrival at Paris, though you must have been long
enough there to have written me two or three.
In about ten or twelve days I propose leaving this
place, and going to London; I have found considerable
benefit by my stay here, but not all that I want.
Make my compliments to Lord Albemarle.
LETTER XXIX
Bath, November 28, 1752
My dear friend:
Since my last to you, I have read Madame Maintenon’s
“Letters”; I am sure they are genuine,
and they both entertained and informed me. They
have brought me acquainted with the character of that
able and artful lady; whom I am convinced that I now
know much better than her directeur the Abby de Fenelon
(afterward Archbishop of Cambray) did, when he wrote
her the 185th letter; and I know him the better too
for that letter. The Abby, though brimful of the
divine love, had a great mind to be first minister,
and cardinal, in order, no doubt, to have
an opportunity of doing the more good. His being
‘directeur’ at that time to Madame Maintenon,
seemed to be a good step toward those views. She
put herself upon him for a saint, and he was weak
enough to believe it; he, on the other hand, would
have put himself upon her for a saint too, which,
I dare say, she did not believe; but both of them knew
that it was necessary for them to appear saints to
Lewis the Fourteenth, who they were very sure was
a bigot. It is to be presumed, nay, indeed, it
is plain by that 185th letter that Madame Maintenon
had hinted to her directeur some scruples of conscience,
with relation to her commerce with the King; and which
I humbly apprehend to have been only some scruples
of prudence, at once to flatter the bigot character,
and increase the desires of the King. The pious
Abbe, frightened out of his wits, lest the King should
impute to the ‘directeur’ any scruples
or difficulties which he might meet with on the part
of the lady, writes her the above-mentioned letter;
in which he not only bids her not tease the King by
advice and exhortations, but to have the utmost submission
to his will; and, that she may not mistake the nature
of that submission, he tells her it is the same that
Sarah had for Abraham; to which submission Isaac perhaps
was owing. No bawd could have written a more seducing
letter to an innocent country girl, than the ‘directeur’
did to his ‘pénitente’; who I dare
say had no occasion for his good advice. Those
who would justify the good ‘directeur’,
alias the pimp, in this affair, must not attempt to
do it by saying that the King and Madame Maintenon
were at that time privately married; that the directeur
knew it; and that this was the meaning of his ‘énigme’.
That is absolutely impossible; for that private marriage
must have removed all scruples between the parties;
nay, could not have been contracted upon any other
principle, since it was kept private, and consequently
prevented no public scandal. It is therefore
extremely evident that Madame Maintenon could not be
married to the King at the time when she scrupled
granting, and when the ‘directeur’ advised
her to grant, those favors which Sarah with so much
submission granted to Abraham: and what the ‘directeur’
is pleased to call ’lé mystère de
Dieu’, was most evidently a state of concubinage.
The letters are very well worth your reading; they
throw light upon many things of those times.
I have just received a letter from
Sir William Stanhope, from Lyons; in which he tells
me that he saw you at Paris, that he thinks you a little
grown, but that you do not make the most of it, for
that you stoop still: ‘d’ailleurs’
his letter was a panegyric of you.
The young Comte de Schullemburg, the
Chambellan whom you knew at Hanover, is come
over with the King, ‘et fait aussi vos
éloges’.
Though, as I told you in my last,
I have done buying pictures, by way of ‘virtu’,
yet there are some portraits of remarkable people that
would tempt me. For instance, if you could by
chance pick up at Paris, at a reasonable price, and
undoubted originals (whether heads, half lengths,
or whole lengths, no matter) of Cardinals Richelieu,
Mazarin, and Retz, Monsieur de Turenne, lé grand
Prince de Condo; Mesdames de Montespan, de Fontanges,
de Montbazon, de Sevigne, de Maintenon, de Chevreuse,
de Longueville, d’Olonne, etc., I should
be tempted to purchase them. I am sensible that
they can only be met with, by great accident, at family
sales and auctions, so I only mention the affair to
you eventually.
I do not understand, or else I do
not remember, what affair you mean in your last letter;
which you think will come to nothing, and for which,
you say, I had once a mind that you should take the
road again. Explain it to me.
I shall go to town in four or five
days, and carry back with me a little more hearing
than I brought; but yet, not half enough for common
wants. One wants ready pocket-money much oftener
than one wants great sums; and to use a very odd expression,
I want to hear at sight. I love every-day senses,
every-day wit and entertainment; a man who is only
good on holydays is good for very little. Adieu.
LETTER XXX
Christmas Day, 1752
My dear friend:
A tyrant with legions at his com mand may say, Oderint
modo timeant; though he is a fool if he says it,
and a greater fool if he thinks it. But a private
man who can hurt but few, though he can please many,
must endeavor to be loved, for he cannot be feared
in general. Popularity is his only rational and
sure foundation. The good-will, the affections,
the love of the public, can alone raise him to any
considerable height. Should you ask me how he
is to acquire them, I will answer, By desiring them.
No man ever deserved, who did not desire them; and
no man both deserved and desired them who had them
not, though many have enjoyed them merely by desiring,
and without deserving them. You do not imagine,
I believe, that I mean by this public love the sentimental
love of either lovers or intimate friends; no, that
is of another nature, and confined to a very narrow
circle; but I mean that general good-will which a
man may acquire in the world, by the arts of pleasing
respectively exerted according to the rank, the situation,
and the turn of mind of those whom he hath to do with.
The pleasing impressions which he makes upon them
will engage their affections and their good wishes,
and even their good offices as far (that is) as they
are not inconsistent with their own interests; for
further than that you are not to expect from three
people in the course of your life, even were it extended
to the patriarchal term. Could I revert to the
age of twenty, and carry back with me all the experience
that forty years more have taught me, I can assure
you, that I would employ much the greatest part of
my time in engaging the good-will, and in insinuating
myself into the predilection of people in general,
instead of directing my endeavors to please (as I
was too apt to do) to the man whom I immediately wanted,
or the woman I wished for, exclusively of all others.
For if one happens (and it will sometimes happen to
the ablest man) to fail in his views with that man
or that woman, one is at a loss to know whom to address
one’s self to next, having offended in general,
by that exclusive and distinguished particular application.
I would secure a general refuge in the good-will of
the multitude, which is a great strength to any man;
for both ministers and mistresses choose popular and
fashionable favorites. A man who solicits a minister,
backed by the general good-will and good wishes of
mankind, solicits with great weight and great probability
of success; and a woman is strangely biassed in favor
of a man whom she sees in fashion, and hears everybody
speak well of. This useful art of insinuation
consists merely of various little things. A graceful
motion, a significant look, a trifling attention,
an obliging word dropped ’a propos’, air,
dress, and a thousand other undefinable things, all
severally little ones, joined together, make that happy
and inestimable composition, the art of
pleasing. I have in my life seen many a very
handsome woman who has not pleased me, and many very
sensible men who have disgusted me. Why? only
for want of those thousand little means to please,
which those women, conscious of their beauty, and those
men of their sense, have been grossly enough mistaken
to neglect. I never was so much in love in my
life, as I was with a woman who was very far from
being handsome; but then she was made up of graces,
and had all the arts of pleasing. The following
verses, which I have read in some congratulatory poem
prefixed to some work, I have forgot which, express
what I mean in favor of what pleases preferably to
what is generally called mare solid and instructive:
“I
would an author like a mistress try,
Not
by a nose, a lip, a cheek, or eye,
But
by some nameless power to give me joy.”
Lady Chesterfield bids me make you
many compliments; she showed me your letter of recommendation
of La Vestres; with which I was very well pleased:
there is a pretty turn in it; I wish you would always
speak as genteelly. I saw another letter from
a lady at Paris, in which there was a high panegyrical
paragraph concerning you. I wish it were every
word of it literally true; but, as it comes from a
very little, pretty, white hand, which is suspected,
and I hope justly, of great partiality to you:
’il en faut rabattre quelque
chose, et meme en lé faisant
it y aura toujours d’assez beaux restes’.
Adieu.