A brittle glory shineth in this face:
As brittle as the glory is the face.
The English plays of Shakespeare
needed but the completion of one unimportant interval
to possess the unity of a popular chronicle from Richard
the Second to Henry the Eighth, and possess, as they
actually stand, the unity of a common motive in the
handling of the various events and persons which they
bring before us. Certain of his historic dramas,
not English, display Shakespeare’s mastery in
the development of the heroic nature amid heroic circumstances;
and had he chosen, from English history, to deal with
Coeur-de-Lion or Edward the First, the innate quality
of his subject would doubtless have called into play
something of that profound and sombre power which in
Julius Cæsar and Macbeth has sounded the depths of
mighty character. True, on the whole, to fact,
it is another side of kingship which he has made prominent
in his English histories. The irony of
kingship — average human nature, flung with
a wonderfully pathetic effect into the vortex of great
events; tragedy of everyday quality heightened in degree
only by the conspicuous scene which does but make
those who play their parts there conspicuously unfortunate;
the utterance of common humanity straight from the
heart, but refined like other common things for kingly
uses by Shakespeare’s unfailing eloquence:
such, unconsciously for the most part, though palpably
enough to the careful reader, is the conception under
which Shakespeare has arranged the lights and shadows
of the story of the English kings, emphasising merely
the light and shadow inherent in it, and keeping very
close to the original authorities, not simply in the
general outline of these dramatic histories but sometimes
in their very expression. Certainly the history
itself, as he found it in Hall, Holinshed, and Stowe,
those somewhat picturesque old chroniclers who had
themselves an eye for the dramatic “effects”
of human life, has much of this sentiment already
about it. What he did not find there was the
natural prerogative — such justification,
in kingly, that is to say, in exceptional, qualities,
of the exceptional position, as makes it practicable
in the result. It is no Henriade he writes,
and no history of the English people, but the sad
fortunes of some English kings as conspicuous examples
of the ordinary human condition. As in a children’s
story, all princes are in extremes. Delightful
in the sunshine above the wall into which chance lifts
the flower for a season, they can but plead somewhat
more touchingly than others their everyday weakness
in the storm. Such is the motive that gives unity
to these unequal and intermittent contributions toward
a slowly evolved dramatic chronicle, which it would
have taken many days to rehearse; a not distant story
from real life still well remembered in its general
course, to which people might listen now and again,
as long as they cared, finding human nature at least
wherever their attention struck ground in it.
He begins with John, and allows indeed
to the first of these English kings a kind of greatness,
making the development of the play centre in the counteraction
of his natural gifts — that something of heroic
force about him — by a madness which takes
the shape of reckless impiety, forced especially on
men’s attention by the terrible circumstances
of his end, in the delineation of which Shakespeare
triumphs, setting, with true poetic tact, this incident
of the king’s death, in all the horror of a
violent one, amid a scene delicately suggestive of
what is perennially peaceful and genial in the outward
world. Like the sensual humours of Falstaff
in another play, the presence of the bastard Faulconbridge,
with his physical energy and his unmistakable family
likeness — “those limbs which
Sir Robert never holp to make" contributes to an
almost coarse assertion of the force of nature, of
the somewhat ironic preponderance of nature and circumstance
over men’s artificial arrangements, to, the
recognition of a certain potent natural aristocracy,
which is far from being always identical with that
more formal, heraldic one. And what is a coarse
fact in the case of Faulconbridge becomes a motive
of pathetic appeal in the wan and babyish Arthur.
The magic with which nature models tiny and delicate
children to the likeness of their rough fathers is
nowhere more justly expressed than in the words of
King Philip. —
Look here upon thy brother Geoffrey’s
face
These eyes, these brows were moulded out
of his:
This little abstract doth contain that
large
Which died in Geoffrey; and the hand of
time
Shall draw this brief into as huge a volume.
It was perhaps something of a boyish
memory of the shocking end of his father that had
distorted the piety of Henry the Third into superstitious
terror. A frightened soul, himself touched with
the contrary sort of religious madness, doting on
all that was alien from his father’s huge ferocity,
on the genialities, the soft gilding, of life, on
the genuine interests of art and poetry, to be credited
more than any other person with the deep religious
expression of Westminster Abbey, Henry the Third,
picturesque though useless, but certainly touching,
might have furnished Shakespeare, had he filled up
this interval in his series, with precisely the kind
of effect he tends towards in his English plays.
But he found it completer still in the person and
story of Richard the Second, a figure — “that
sweet lovely rose” — which haunts Shakespeare’s
mind, as it seems long to have haunted the minds of
the English people, as the most touching of all examples
of the irony of kingship.
Henry the Fourth — to look
for a moment beyond our immediate subject, in pursuit
of Shakespeare’s thought — is presented,
of course, in general outline, as an impersonation
of “surviving force:” he has a certain
amount of kingcraft also, a real fitness for great
opportunity. But still true to his leading motive,
Shakespeare, in King Henry the Fourth, has left the
high-water mark of his poetry in the soliloquy which
represents royalty longing vainly for the toiler’s
sleep; while the popularity, the showy heroism, of
Henry the Fifth, is used to give emphatic point to
the old earthy commonplace about “wild oats.”
The wealth of homely humour in these plays, the fun
coming straight home to all the world, of Fluellen
especially in his unconscious interview with the king,
the boisterous earthiness of Falstaff and his companions,
contribute to the same effect. The keynote of
Shakespeare’s treatment is indeed expressed
by Henry the Fifth himself, the greatest of Shakespeare’s
kings. — “Though I speak it to you,”
he says incognito, under cover of night, to a common
soldier on the field, “I think the king is but
a man, as I am: the violet smells to him as it
doth to me: all his senses have but human conditions;
and though his affections be higher mounted than ours
yet when they stoop they stoop with like wing.”
And, in truth, the really kingly speeches which Shakespeare
assigns to him, as to other kings weak enough in all
but speech, are but a kind of flowers, worn for, and
effective only as personal embellishment. They
combine to one result with the merely outward and
ceremonial ornaments of royalty, its pageantries, flaunting
so naively, so credulously, in Shakespeare, as in
that old medieval time. And then, the force
of Hotspur is but transient youth, the common heat
of youth, in him. The character of Henry the
Sixth again, roi faineant, with La Pucelle for his
counterfoil, lay in the direct course of Shakespeare’s
design: he has done much to fix the sentiment
of the “holy Henry.” Richard the
Third, touched, like John, with an effect of real
heroism, is spoiled like him by something of criminal
madness, and reaches his highest level of tragic expression
when circumstances reduce him to terms of mere
human nature. —
A horse! A horse! My kingdom
for a horse!
The Princes in the Tower recall to
mind the lot of young Arthur: —
I’ll go with thee,
And find the inheritance of this poor
child,
His little kingdom of a forced grave.
And when Shakespeare comes to Henry
the Eighth, it is not the superficial though very
English splendour of the king himself, but the really
potent and ascendant nature of the butcher’s
son on the one hand, and Katharine’s subdued
reproduction of the sad fortunes of Richard the Second
on the other, that define his central interest.
With a prescience of the Wars of the
Roses, of which his errors were the original cause,
it is Richard who best exposes Shakespeare’s
own constant sentiment concerning war, and especially
that sort of civil war which was then recent in English
memories. The soul of Shakespeare, certainly,
was not wanting in a sense of the magnanimity of warriors.
The grandiose aspects of war, its magnificent apparelling,
he records monumentally enough — the
“dressing of the lists,” the lion’s
heart, its unfaltering haste thither in all the freshness
of youth and morning. —
Not sick although I have to do with death —
The sun doth gild our armour: Up,
my Lords! —
I saw young Harry with his beaver on,
His cuisses on his thighs, gallantly
arm’d,
Rise from the ground like feather’d
Mercury.
Only, with Shakespeare, the afterthought is immediate: —
They come like sacrifices in their trim.
— Will it never be to-day?
I will trot to-morrow a mile, and my way shall be
paved with English faces.
This sentiment Richard reiterates
very plaintively, in association with the delicate
sweetness of the English fields, still sweet and fresh,
like London and her other fair towns in that England
of Chaucer, for whose soil the exiled Bolingbroke
is made to long so dangerously, while Richard on his
return from Ireland salutes it —
That pale, that white-fac’d shore, —
As a long-parted mother with her child. —
So, weeping, smiling, greet I thee, my
earth!
And do thee favour with my royal hands. —
Then (of Bolingbroke)
Ere the crown he looks for live in peace,
Ten thousand bloody crowns of mothers’
sons
Shall ill become the flower of England’s
face;
Change the complexion of her maid-pale
peace
To scarlet indignation, and bedew
My pastures’ grass with faithful
English blood. —
Why have they dared to march? —
asks York,
So many miles upon her peaceful bosom,
Frighting her pale-fac’d visages
with war? —
waking, according to Richard,
Our peace, which in our country’s
cradle,
Draws the sweet infant breath of gentle
sleep: —
bedrenching “with crimson tempest”
The fresh green lap of fair king Richard’s
land: —
frighting “fair peace” from “our
quiet confines,” laying
The summer’s dust with showers of
blood,
Rained from the wounds of slaughter’d
Englishmen:
bruising
Her flowerets with the armed hoofs
Of hostile paces.
Perhaps it is not too fanciful to
note in this play a peculiar recoil from the mere
instruments of warfare, the contact of the “rude
ribs,” the “flint bosom,” of Barkloughly
Castle or Pomfret or
Julius Caesar’s ill-erected tower:
the
Boisterous untun’d drums
With harsh-resounding trumpets’
dreadful bray
And grating shock of wrathful iron arms.
It is as if the lax, soft beauty of
the king took effect, at least by contrast, on everything
beside. One gracious prerogative, certainly,
Shakespeare’s English kings possess:
they are a very eloquent company, and Richard is the
most sweet-tongued of them all. In no other
play perhaps is there such a flush of those gay, fresh,
variegated flowers of speech — colour and
figure, not lightly attached to, but fused into, the
very phrase itself — which Shakespeare cannot
help dispensing to his characters, as in this “play
of the Deposing of King Richard the Second,”
an exquisite poet if he is nothing else, from first
to last, in light and gloom alike, able to see all
things poetically, to give a poetic turn to his conduct
of them, and refreshing with his golden language the
tritest aspects of that ironic contrast between the
pretensions of a king and the actual necessities of
his destiny. What a garden of words! With
him, blank verse, infinitely graceful, deliberate,
musical in inflexion, becomes indeed a true “verse
royal,” that rhyming lapse, which to the Shakespearian
ear, at least in youth, came as the last touch of
refinement on it, being here doubly appropriate.
His eloquence blends with that fatal beauty, of which
he was so frankly aware, so amiable to his friends,
to his wife, of the effects of which on the people
his enemies were so much afraid, on which Shakespeare
himself dwells so attentively as the “royal
blood” comes and goes in the face with his rapid
changes of temper. As happens with sensitive
natures, it attunes him to a congruous suavity of
manners, by which anger itself became flattering:
it blends with his merely youthful hopefulness
and high spirits, his sympathetic love for gay people,
things, apparel — “his cote of gold
and stone, valued at thirty thousand marks,”
the novel Italian fashions he preferred, as also with
those real amiabilities that made people forget the
darker touches of his character, but never tire of
the pathetic rehearsal of his fall, the meekness of
which would have seemed merely abject in a less graceful
performer.
Yet it is only fair to say that in
the painstaking “revival” of King Richard
the Second, by the late Charles Kean, those who were
very young thirty years ago were afforded much more
than Shakespeare’s play could ever have been
before — the very person of the king based
on the stately old portrait in Westminster Abbey,
“the earliest extant contemporary likeness of
any English sovereign,” the grace, the winning
pathos, the sympathetic voice of the player, the tasteful
archaeology confronting vulgar modern London with
a scenic reproduction, for once really agreeable,
of the London of Chaucer. In the hands of Kean
the play became like an exquisite performance on the
violin.
The long agony of one so gaily painted
by nature’s self, from his “tragic abdication”
till the hour in which he
Sluiced out his innocent soul thro’
streams of blood,
was for playwrights a subject ready
to hand, and became early the theme of a popular
drama, of which some have fancied surviving favourite
fragments in the rhymed parts of Shakespeare’s
work.
The king Richard of Yngland
Was in his flowris then regnand:
But his flowris efter sone
Fadyt, and ware all undone: —
says the old chronicle. Strangely
enough, Shakespeare supposes him an over-confident
believer in that divine right of kings, of which people
in Shakespeare’s time were coming to hear so
much; a general right, sealed to him (so Richard is
made to think) as an ineradicable personal gift by
the touch — stream rather, over head and breast
and shoulders — of the “holy oil”
of his consecration at Westminster; not, however,
through some oversight, the genuine balm used at the
coronation of his successor, given, according to legend,
by the Blessed Virgin to Saint Thomas of Canterbury.
Richard himself found that, it was said, among other
forgotten treasures, at the crisis of his changing
fortunes, and vainly sought reconsecration therewith — understood,
wistfully, that it was reserved for his happier rival.
And yet his coronation, by the pageantry, the amplitude,
the learned care, of its order, so lengthy that the
king, then only eleven years of age, and fasting,
as a communicant at the ceremony, was carried away
in a faint, fixed the type under which it has ever
since continued. And nowhere is there
so emphatic a reiteration as in Richard the Second
of the sentiment which those singular rites were calculated
to produce.
Not all the water in the rough rude sea
Can wash the balm from an anointed king, —
as supplementing another, almost supernatural,
right. — “Edward’s seven sons,”
of whom Richard’s father was one,
Were as seven phials of his sacred blood.
But this, too, in the hands of Shakespeare,
becomes for him, like any other of those fantastic,
ineffectual, easily discredited, personal graces,
as capricious in its operation on men’s wills
as merely physical beauty, kindling himself to eloquence
indeed, but only giving double pathos to insults which
“barbarism itself” might have pitied — the
dust in his face, as he returns, through the streets
of London, a prisoner in the train of his victorious
enemy.
How soon my sorrow hath destroyed my face!
he cries, in that most poetic invention
of the mirror scene, which does but reinforce again
that physical charm which all confessed. The sense
of “divine right” in kings is found to
act not so much as a secret of power over others,
as of infatuation to themselves. And of all those
personal gifts the one which alone never altogether
fails him is just that royal utterance, his
appreciation of the poetry of his own hapless lot,
an eloquent self-pity, infecting others in spite of
themselves, till they too become irresistibly eloquent
about him.
In the Roman Pontifical, of which
the order of Coronation is really a part, there is
no form for the inverse process, no rite of “degradation,”
such as that by which an offending priest or bishop
may be deprived, if not of the essential quality of
“orders,” yet, one by one, of its outward
dignities. It is as if Shakespeare had had in
mind some such inverted rite, like those old ecclesiastical
or military ones, by which human hardness, or human
justice, adds the last touch of unkindness to the
execution of its sentences, in the scene where Richard
“deposes” himself, as in some long, agonising
ceremony, reflectively drawn out, with an extraordinary
refinement of intelligence and variety of piteous
appeal, but also with a felicity of poetic invention,
which puts these pages into a very select class, with
the finest “vermeil and ivory” work of
Chatterton or Keats.
Fetch hither Richard that in common view
He may surrender! —
And Richard more than concurs:
he throws himself into the part, realises a type,
falls gracefully as on the world’s stage. — Why
is he sent for?
To do that office of thine own good will
Which tired majesty did make thee offer. —
Now mark me! how I will undo myself.
Hath Bolingbroke
Deposed thine intellect? hath he been
in thy heart?
And in truth, but for that adventitious
poetic gold, it would be only “plume-plucked
Richard.” —
I find myself a traitor with the rest,
For I have given here my soul’s
consent
To undeck the pompous body of a king.
He is duly reminded, indeed, how
That which in mean men we entitle patience
Is pale cold cowardice in noble breasts.
Yet at least within the poetic bounds
of Shakespeare’s play, through Shakespeare’s
bountiful gifts, his desire seems fulfilled. —
O! that I were as great
As is my grief.
And his grief becomes nothing less
than a central expression of all that in the revolutions
of Fortune’s wheel goes down in the world.
No! Shakespeare’s kings
are not, nor are meant to be, great men: rather,
little or quite ordinary humanity, thrust upon greatness,
with those pathetic results, the natural self-pity
of the weak heightened in them into irresistible appeal
to others as the net result of their royal prerogative.
One after another, they seem to lie composed in Shakespeare’s
embalming pages, with just that touch of nature about
them, making the whole world akin, which has
infused into their tombs at Westminster a rare poetic
grace. It is that irony of kingship, the sense
that it is in its happiness child’s play, in
its sorrows, after all, but children’s grief,
which gives its finer accent to all the changeful
feeling of these wonderful speeches: — the
great meekness of the graceful, wild creature, tamed
at last. —
Give Richard leave to live till Richard
die!
his somewhat abject fear of death,
turning to acquiescence at moments of extreme weariness: —
My large kingdom for a little grave!
A little little grave, an obscure grave! —
his religious appeal in the last reserve,
with its bold reference to the judgment of Pilate,
as he thinks once more of his “anointing.”
And as happens with children he attains
contentment finally in the merely passive recognition
of superior strength, in the naturalness of the result
of the great battle as a matter of course, and experiences
something of the royal prerogative of poetry to obscure,
or at least to attune and soften men’s griefs.
As in some sweet anthem of Handel, the sufferer,
who put finger to the organ under the utmost pressure
of mental conflict, extracts a kind of peace at last
from the mere skill with which he sets his distress
to music. —
Beshrew thee, Cousin, that didst lead
me forth
Of that sweet way I was in to despair!
That small model of the barren earth
Which serves as paste and cover to our
bones,
the effigy clasping the hand of his
youthful consort, was already prepared there, with
“rich gilding and ornaments,” monument
of poetic regret, for Queen Anne of Bohemia, not of
course the “Queen” of Shakespeare, who
however seems to have transferred to this second wife
something of Richard’s wildly proclaimed affection
for the first. In this way, through the connecting
link of that sacred spot, our thoughts once more associate
Richard’s two fallacious prerogatives, his personal
beauty and his “anointing.”
According to Johnson, Richard the
Second is one of those plays which Shakespeare has
“apparently revised;” and how doubly delightful
Shakespeare is where he seems to have revised!
“Would that he had blotted a thousand” — a
thousand hasty phrases, we may venture once more to
say with his earlier critic, now that the tiresome
German superstition has passed away which challenged
us to a dogmatic faith in the plenary verbal inspiration
of every one of Shakespeare’s clowns. Like
some melodiously contending anthem of Handle’s,
I said, of Richard’s meek “undoing”
of himself in the mirror-scene; and, in fact, the
play of Richard the Second does, like a musical composition,
possess a certain concentration of all its parts, a
simple continuity, an evenness in execution, which
are rare in the great dramatist. With Romeo
and Juliet, that perfect symphony (symphony of three
independent poetic forms set in a grander one which
it is the merit of German criticism to have
detected) it belongs to a small group of plays, where,
by happy birth and consistent evolution, dramatic form
approaches to something like the unity of a lyrical
ballad, a lyric, a song, a single strain of music.
Which sort of poetry we are to account the highest,
is perhaps a barren question. Yet if, in art
generally, unity of impression is a note of what is
perfect, then lyric poetry, which in spite of complex
structure often preserves the unity of a single passionate
ejaculation, would rank higher than dramatic poetry,
where, especially to the reader, as distinguished from
the spectator assisting at a theatrical performance,
there must always be a sense of the effort necessary
to keep the various parts from flying asunder, a sense
of imperfect continuity, such as the older criticism
vainly sought to obviate by the rule of the dramatic
“unities.” It follows that a play
attains artistic perfection just in proportion as it
approaches that unity of lyrical effect, as if a song
or ballad were still lying at the root of it, all
the various expression of the conflict of character
and circumstance falling at last into the compass
of a single melody, or musical theme. As, historically,
the earliest classic drama arose out of the chorus,
from which this or that person, this or that episode,
detached itself, so, into the unity of a choric song
the perfect drama ever tends to return, its intellectual
scope deepened, complicated, enlarged, but still with
an unmistakable singleness, or identity, in
its impression on the mind. Just there, in that
vivid single impression left on the mind when all is
over, not in any mechanical limitation of time and
place, is the secret of the “unities” — the
true imaginative unity — of the drama.
1889.