This gentleman, an able lawyer of
East Tennessee, a member of the Presbyterian Church,
and a member of the American party, was nominated
an Elector for the State of Tennessee at large, by
the American State Convention at Nashville, in February
last. Though an ardent American a
great friend of Mr. Fillmore and
a member of the late Philadelphia Convention, and
aided in the nomination of Maj. Donelson,
he has been reluctantly compelled to decline the position
of Elector. Under date of May 30, 1856, he addressed
a letter of nine columns, of great force and ability,
to Messrs. A. W. Johnson, Robert C. Foster, 3d.,
John H. Callender, William N. Bilbo, Sam’l.
Pritchett, and E. D. Farnsworth, State Executive Committee
of the American Party, Nashville, Tennessee, declining
the position. Although we regret his inability
to serve, as do the whole party in this State, yet,
if his letter could be placed in the hands of every
voter in the State, we would be willing to risk the
contest without further discussion. Such is our
estimate of this document. For the benefit of
“Old Line Whigs,” and such Democrats as
are disposed to excuse and apologise for Romanism,
we give the four concluding columns of this letter.
The five preceding columns are mainly occupied with
an outline and defence of the action of the Philadelphia
Nominating Convention, and a discussion of the slavery
question questions we had discussed in this
work before this document came to hand. Mr. Nelson
concludes thus:
“The Foreigners and Catholics
were directly appealed to in the Presidential
elections of 1848 and 1852. Who does not remember
that, immediately preceding the election in 1844,
fraudulent naturalization papers were manufactured
in New York? Who has forgotten the Plaquemines
fraud in Louisiana? Who has not heard of
the abuse of Mr. Frelinghuysen for no other cause than
that he was the President of the American Bible
Society?
“But, without
dwelling upon other illustrations, look to the
Democratic platform
of 1852, and read the 8th section of the
third resolution, which
is in the following words:
“’That the liberal principles
embodied by Jefferson in the Declaration of Independence
and sanctioned in the Constitution, which makes
ours the land of liberty and the asylum of the oppressed
of every nation, have ever been cardinal principles
in the Democratic faith, and every attempt to
abridge the present privilege of becoming citizens
and the owners of soil among us, ought to be
resisted with the same spirit which swept the
alien and sedition laws from our statute books.’
“During the last election in
Tennessee, it was often said by Democrats that
they were just as much opposed to the immigration
of foreign criminals and paupers as members of the
American party, but would not attach themselves
to the latter because of their objections to
its organization. But the Democratic Platform
of 1852 contains no exception against criminals
and paupers. The naturalization laws have, in
practice, been found inadequate to their exclusion,
and the platform, in effect, avows unqualified
adherence to them without abridgement
or modification.
“These laws are, in substance,
declared to have ’ever been cardinal
principles in the Democratic faith.’
By its own avowal, the Democratic party is responsible
for giving encouragement to the whole policy
of foreign immigration. If that policy has
flooded the country with criminals and paupers; if
it has produced riots and bloodshed in our large cities;
if it has endangered the religious as well as
the civil liberty of Protestants; if it has swelled
the ranks of Abolition and fanned the flame of
Agitation the Democratic party, by its own
avowal, is amenable at the bar of public opinion
for these astounding and deplorable results.
Reckless of consequences, it has persevered in
a system hazardous to the stability of our institutions,
because that system has annually swelled the number
of its adherents, and increased the chances of its
perpetual ascendency.
“Without adverting to the census
tables, or repeating those familiar facts connected
with the statistics of immigration which have
been so extensively published, it is sufficient to
observe that, under this continued patronage of
the Democratic party, the immigration of foreigners
has increased from a few thousands, twenty years
ago, to nearly half a million in 1854.
“But the Democratic party cannot
justly claim the exclusive honor of projecting
or carrying out the system. More than twenty
years ago, the Duke of Richmond declared, in substance,
that he had conversed with most of the sovereigns
and princes of Europe; that they were jealous
of the influence of our republican institutions
upon their own Government; that they did not
expect to conquer us as a nation, but designed the
subversion of our Government by the introduction
of the low and surplus population of Europe among
us; that ’discord, dissension, anarchy,
and civil war would ensue, and some popular individual
would assume the government and restore order,
and the sovereigns of Europe, the emigrants, and many
of the natives, would sustain him.’
He also said, in speaking of the United States,
that ’the Church of Rome has a design upon that
country, and it will, in time, be the established
religion, and will aid in the destruction of that
republic.’
“These statements
of the Duke of Richmond are abundantly
corroborated by other
declarations, as well as the most
undeniable facts which
have occurred since their promulgation.
“I have in my possession, among
various others, two small books published by
‘the American and Foreign Christian Union,’
156 Chambers street, New York, the one entitled
’Foreign Conspiracy,’ the other,
‘Startling Facts,’ both of which, as I
infer from their contents, were written in the
year 1834, long before the American party had
an existence. The work entitled ‘Foreign
Conspiracy’ is composed of a series of articles
originally published, over the signature of Brutus,
in the New York Observer. They now appear
with the name of the author, SAMUEL F. B. MORSE.
His object in writing the work was to arouse
public attention to the efforts then being made in
Europe to propagate the Catholic religion in the
United States, and to show its danger to our
republican institutions. He traces the origin
of the Leopold Foundation in Austria, under the
especial patronage of the Emperor at Vienna on the
12th May, 1829, and shows that one of its leading
objects was ’to promote the greater activity
of Catholic missions in America.’
“The letter of Prince Metternich
to Bishop Fenwich, of Cincinnati, under date,
Vienna, April 27, 1830, is set out at length;
and, in that letter, the Prince informs the Bishop,
among other things, that the Emperor ’allows
his people to contribute to the support of the
Catholic Church in America.’ Numerous
quotations are made from the letters of Foreign Bishops
in the United States to their patrons at home, and,
among the rest, is the following statement,
made by one of them, in regard to the people
of the United States: ’We entreat
all European Christians to unite in prayer to God for
the conversion of these unhappy heathen and obstinate
heretics.’ But, forbearing to multiply
quotations from this little work, admirable in
most of its positions, my main object, in citing
it, was to make the following extract, of the preface, taken by the author from the lectures
of the celebrated Frederick Schlegel, delivered
at Vienna in 1828, where that distinguished foreigner
says, ’The true nursery of all these destructive
principles, the revolutionary school for France
and the rest of Europe, has been North America.
Thence the evil has spread over many other lands,
either by national contagion or by arbitrary communication;’
and also the following quotation, from Mr. Morse’s book: ’Austria,
one of the Holy Alliance of sovereigns, leagued against
the liberties of the world, has the superintendence
of the operations of Popery in this country.’
“In the tract entitled ’Startling
Facts for American Protestants,’ written
in the year 1834, by REV. HERMAN NORTON, Corresponding
Secretary of the American Protestant Society, an account is given of a London pamphlet
entitled ‘New Plan of Emigration,’
the production of a Roman Catholic gentleman,
a London Banker; in which a project for occupying
the North Western States with the Roman Catholic population
of Europe, is unfolded, together with a map of the
country, and, among other things, it is said: ’The first settlements
should be made in those fertile prairie districts
situated on the southern sides of the Canadian lakes,
where slavery is unknown. The objects of this society, as set forth
in this pamphlet, are stated to be,
“’1.
To provide the means for colonizing the surplus Roman
Catholic population
of Europe in our Western States.
“’2.
To do this in such a way as to create a large demand
for
articles of British
manufacture.
“’3. To
make Romanism the predominant religion of this
country.’
“The census tables will show
that, since these plans were set on foot, in
England and in Europe, to break down our government,
there has been an astonishing increase in the foreign
immigration to this country. Great as it was prior
to the Revolutions in Europe in 1848, it has
been amazingly augmented since that time.
Millions of foreign money have been collected
in Europe and expended since the organization of the
society for the propagation of the faith, at Lyons
in France, about the year 1822, in the United
States. While an Austrian Emperor has had
the charge, in a good degree, of the propagation
of the Catholic religion in the United States, the
public authorities in various parts of Europe
have defrayed the expenses of their criminals
and paupers to this country, as was clearly shown
by Congressional investigations.
“What do these facts prove?
Why, that the declaration of the Duke of Richmond,
that the crowned heads of Europe intended to subvert
our government, was true. What more do they prove?
Why, that the effort to establish the Catholic
religion in this country has, for more than twenty
years, been conducted with steady perseverance,
until the Catholics, who, in 1850, were more
numerous, as the census compendium shows, than any
one denomination of Methodists, are now no doubt
stronger than all the Methodists put together,
and stronger than any other denomination of Protestants.
“While these publications have
been before the American people for more than
twenty years, Democratic leaders have received, with
open arms, the swarms of foreigners who have settled
upon our shores. What care they for
the slavery question, when they have seen this
foreign immigration, according to the plan concerted
in England, settling in the non-slaveholding States,
and every year increasing the Abolition power?
What care they for the Protestant religion, if
the Catholics can only give them the numerical
strength at the ballot-box? What regard have
they for the preservation of our liberties,
when European despots are seeking to undermine
them, if those despots only send such myrmidons
as will shout hosannas to Democracy and drive
from the polls peaceful American citizens who oppose
them? Is the preservation of the Union a
matter of any consequence to them? Do they
not in vision behold its scattered fragments
and contemplate new confederacies, with hosts of new
offices and millions of spoil?
“Can any one doubt that the Democratic
party is in league with all the dangerous elements
that have disturbed and are continuing to disturb
our once peaceful and happy country, and that
they stickle at nothing when votes are at stake?
“Look to their conduct in running
Mr. Polk as a tariff man in the North, and an
anti-tariff man in the South! Look to the two
lives of Cass. Look to their equivocal position
as to slavery and the Union. Look to their
appeals to foreigners and Catholics by name in
the elections of 1844 and 1852, and probably
in 1848. Look to their alliance with Free Germans
and Fourierites, Free Soilers and Secessionists.
And, above all, look to the miserable cant with
which they raise the hue and cry of persecution
in favor of the Catholics, and, indirectly, deny
to Protestant ministers the right to make war upon
a huge corporation, calling itself a church,
dealing in human souls, reeking with the blood
of martyrs, and begrimed with more than ten centuries
of oppression.
“No wonder that they have vilified
and denounced the American party with every term
of opprobrium that our vocabulary can furnish.
No wonder they talk of dark lanterns and secret oaths
and midnight assemblies. No wonder that they
strive to frighten their followers with the notion
that the American party is a raw-head and bloody
bones, which should be shunned and avoided. For,
if honest men of that party will only take the trouble
to shake off the control of their leaders:
to think, examine, to read, reflect, and act
for themselves, there are thousands of Democrats
in the South who would scorn, like the American party,
an alliance with Abolitionists, and there are tens
of thousands of Protestant Union-loving Democrats
everywhere, who have only confided in, to be
deceived and betrayed by, their leaders, and,
if they discover, as it is hoped they will, that they
have brought them to the crumbling verge of an awful
precipice, they have patriotism enough and Protestantism
enough to break away from them rather than make
the awful plunge.
“I regret that I am admonished
by the length to which I have extended this communication,
that I cannot now discuss the Catholic question,
as I had hoped to do at the outset, and I shall
present only a few disjointed remarks in connection
with it.
“The American party does not
seek to impose any religious test such as prevailed
in the reign of Charles II., when two thousand
Non-conformist ministers were driven from their pulpits,
or such, as in the same reign, was imposed upon Roman
Catholics and continued from 1673 to 1828.
The American party does not propose that any
religious test, of any kind, shall be imposed
by law, upon any person whatever, but it does seek
to organize a public sentiment on the Catholic
question, just in the same mode that, in times
past, parties have sought to organize public
sentiment upon the tariff question the bank
question the internal improvement question the
temperance question, and every other question
which has been the subject of difference.
If it is lawful to say, I will not vote for you because
you are a Whig, it is equally lawful to say I
will not vote for you because you are a foreigner.
If it is lawful to say, I will not vote for you
because you are a Democrat, it is equally lawful
to say, I will not vote for you because you are a
Catholic.
“Neither does the American party
propose, in the slightest degree, to interfere
with any of the rights secured to Roman Catholics,
in common with others, by the Constitution. If
they choose to worship a great DOLL as the Virgin
Mary to burn tall wax-candles in daylight to
pray to God in an unknown tongue to
believe that a simple wafer is the actual body, and
common wine the very blood of our Saviour to
enforce the celibacy of the clergy to
worship the host to believe that old
toe-nails and pieces of wood are precious relics to
prevent their people from reading the Bible to
refuse to send their children to Protestant schools to
retain the confessional and the nunnery to
pin their faith to unauthenticated traditions to
assert that theirs is the only true Church, and
to perpetrate a thousand ridiculous mummeries the
members of the American party with one accord will
say, molest them not, disturb them not, trouble them
not; the religious privileges of this country
are as free to them as they are to us, and we
will not, by law or by violence, interrupt or
interfere with them in the slightest degree. But
knowing that the Catholic Church was for a thousand
years allied to the State; that it claimed dominion,
in temporal as well as spiritual affairs, over
the kings of the earth; that it regards the Pope
as the Vicegerent of the Almighty; that he wears
the tiara as the symbol of his power in heaven, earth,
and hell; that Romanists treat all other professions
as heretics; that its Archbishops, Bishops and
Priests are sworn to persecute all who differ
with them; that the persecuting spirit of that
Church has been displayed, for centuries, in the most
odious acts of cruelty as well as the most despotic
tyranny that ever cursed the earth; that fire
and faggot, confiscation and torture have been
its favorite weapons; that no age, or sex or
condition has been exempt from its inhuman butcheries
and demoniac lusts; that it exterminated the Albigenses
and Waldenses; that it caused the gutters of Paris
to run with human blood on St. Bartholomew’s
day; that it lighted the fires of Smithfield;
that through the instrumentality of Tyrconnel
and Catholic and Irish Rappadees, it perpetrated
the inhuman atrocities of the Irish Massacres; that,
it drove the Huguenots from France, and the Puritans
from England; that it has delighted in the chains
and dungeons of the Inquisition, and shouted,
with fiendish exultation, at the cries and groans
of the victims in the auto da fe; that no republican
government has ever flourished under its sway; that
it regards ignorance as the mother of devotion,
and denies the obligation of an oath; that it
gave rise to the Order of Jesuits, the most detestable
sect that the earth has ever seen; that, in the
midst of the blaze of the nineteenth century, it has
burned the Bible in America and imprisoned men and
women in Europe for no other offence than that
of reading it; that, abusing the freedom of the
press and speech secured in the United States,
it unblushingly avows that all Protestantism is heresy that
it is a crime and punished in Christian
countries like Spain and Italy as a crime;
that it has banished the Bible from Protestant
schools, when under its control; that it has
intermeddled in political elections, and is struggling
for political power; that it wears a mask and claims
to be harmless in this country for present effect,
although it has never renounced one of its dogmas
in any authoritative mode; that it is typified,
in the Bible, as the Man of Sin and the Great
Whore of Babylon; that it comes to us as an angel
of light, but is allied with the Prince of Darkness:
knowing all these things, and believing that the Roman
Catholic Church, now that it is covered with the broad
wings of Modern Democracy, partakes of its meat
and is pampered by its patronage, is, infinitely,
the most dangerous political power with which
the people of the United States have ever been compelled
to grapple, the American party invites all who love
national liberty more than Democracy; who prefer
civil and religious freedom to the spoils of
office; who revere the memory of Tyndale, Luther,
and Calvin; of Cranmer, Latimer, and Ridley;
of the seven Bishops; of Fox; of the Puritan fathers;
of Wesley and Hall; of the Reformers and Protestants
of every name, and, more than all, of our revolutionary
ancestors, to burst the fetters of party and
come to the rescue of their bleeding country,
bleeding at every pore from wounds inflicted by
Democratic hands, amidst the jeers of European despots,
the shouts of foreigners in our midst, and the
taunts and sneers of Catholics and Jesuits all
around us!
“Let not Protestant ministers
be intimidated by the impudent assaults of a
venal press, or the fierce denunciations of infuriated
politicians, from doing their whole duty in the pulpit
and at the polls. No Presbyterian has ever denied
to a Methodist the right to question his religious
faith, and no Methodist will dispute the right
of other denominations to impugn his creed.
Methodists have assailed the Presbyterian doctrine
of election. Presbyterians, in turn, have assailed
their ideas of perfection and falling from grace.
Both have controverted the Baptists’ views
of immersion, and all have denied the Episcopalians’
doctrine of apostolic succession. These
and many other points of difference have, from the
foundation of our government, often been the subjects
of earnest, protracted, and excited discussion;
but when did any American Protestant ever deny
to another American Protestant the constitutional
right to differ with him in opinion, and to express
that difference through the press, in the pulpit, or
any other constitutional mode? Yet, it has
been reserved for Democratic presses to attempt,
for electioneering purposes, to curb the free
spirit of Protestant ministers: to denounce them
as “REVEREND HYPOCRITES;” and, when
beholding at home and abroad, on the land and
on the sea, among Christians and Pagans, in the
halls of legislation, in churches and schools, in
free speech, and in a free press, and in ten thousand
other forms, the magnificent and glorious results
of the Reformation, to ask, with impudent assurance,
’WHAT HAS PROTESTANTISM DONE FOR THE WORLD?’
Not satisfied with the storm of execration which
such an infamous interrogatory produced, the Nashville
Union and American, the leading Democratic paper
in Tennessee, in a very abusive article entitled
’What has it accomplished?’
under date of April 26, 1856, thus speaks, among
other things, of what he styles ’the Know Nothing
Organization:’
“’It has done more than
this: it has gone into the Church and CONVERTED
THE PULPIT INTO A POLITICAL ROSTRUM it
has turned the attention of the ministry from
THE PEACEFUL PATHS OF CHRISTIANITY TO THE ARENA
OF POLITICAL TURMOIL it has pulled down
the banner of the Cross, and placed in its stead
THE RED FLAG OF INTOLERANCE AND PROSCRIPTION.’
“While Protestant ministers,
in the enjoyment of the rights secured to them
by the Constitution, have, as before stated, often
engaged in controversies with each other as to their
differences in matters of Church government and
speculative faith, they have, with one accord,
from the foundation of the government, preached
and published their views against the Roman Catholic
Church which arrogates a superiority over
them all, and stigmatizes them as sects long
before the American party ever had an existence.
But because, in the course of events, it has
become necessary for politicians to inquire what effect
an acknowledgment of the temporal supremacy of the
Pope may have upon our free institutions, the
Democratic party if it is to be judged
of by its organ would gag the Protestant
clergy, deny to them a right which they have always
exercised, and, if they dare to oppose the colossal
strides of Rome, denounce them as having converted
the pulpit into a political rostrum,’
and as having raised ’the red flag of Intolerance
and Proscription.’
“It is not for me to prescribe,
nor do I desire to dictate the duty of Protestant
ministers; but if, in the combined efforts which
the Catholics have been making under the patronage
of European despots and noblemen, and the encouragement
of Democratic demagogues in our own country,
they see that this tremendous corporation has
planted its footsteps in all our large cities is
possessing itself of the North-West and the Mississippi
valley and is encircling them, as it were,
with a wall of fire: if they see that the
newspapers and periodicals of that corporation
have published doctrines in this free country
which they would scarcely avow in the Roman Catholic
countries of Europe: if, in one word, they
believe that they are to be persecuted and exterminated
by Catholics, or take care of themselves before
it is too late then Protestant ministers,
agreeing as they do in all great doctrines, and differing
only as to those which are not absolutely essential,
will cease to disagree among themselves, at least
until after they avert a common danger, and will
rally as a band of brethren to resist, in such
mode as they may deem proper, the encroachments
and the insults of Rome, and all her satellites and
allies.
“If I do not greatly err in the
estimate which I place upon the Protestant clergymen
of America, the Democratic party and the Catholics
will discover, sooner or later, that the same spirit
which caused the Protestant fathers to brave the
perils of the BOOT and the STAKE: to stand,
without flinching, before such miscreant judges
as Jeffreys and Scroggs: to yield
two thousand pulpits and look beggary and starvation
in the face, rather than compromise with conscience;
and, above all, to risk the untried dangers of
the ocean and settle among savages will
nobly animate their descendants, and they will
act in a manner worthy of themselves and of the
great cause which is intrusted to their keeping.
“Never was a more unfounded charge
made against any party than that of proscription
against the American party. It is only the
political feature the allegiance to the
Pope of Rome which we have felt called
upon especially to oppose: leaving it to
Protestant ministers to expose, if they choose, the
absurdity of Catholic theological tenets.
“It is a historical fact that
the Romish clergy of France in 1682, under the
lead of Louis XIV., made a declaration that ’Kings
and sovereigns are not subject to any ecclesiastical
power by the order of God in temporal things,
and their subjects cannot be released from the
obedience which they owe them, nor absolved from
their oath of allegiance.’ The doctrine
of this declaration is called indifferently ’the
Gallican, or the French, or the Cis-Alpine
doctrine. That of the Court of Rome is called
the Italian, or trans-Alpine doctrine.”
“Under the solemn assurance of
the Louisiana delegation that the native Catholics
of Louisiana do not acknowledge the temporal
supremacy of the Pope, they were admitted to representation
in the American Council and Convention, and this fact
abundantly proves that there is no desire to persecute
Catholics for their religion, but only a determination
to resist their political doctrine, which, although
denied by Mr. Chandler in Congress, has been
incontrovertibly established by the history of
that Church for ages, the avowals of Mr. Brownson,
the rebuke of Mr. Chandler by the Dublin Tablet, and
other overwhelming proofs.
“In concluding this letter, it
would, perhaps, be proper to dwell upon the claims
of Messrs. Fillmore and Donelson to the support
of the American people of all parties; but their characters
are so well known, and I have already so extended my
remarks, that I deem it unnecessary to observe
any thing more than that Mr. Fillmore, by the
faithful discharge of his duty, won the most
cordial approbation of his political enemies as well
as political friends, and had the confidence of the
whole country when he retired from office, and
has done nothing since to destroy it; while Maj.
Donelson, as our Minister to Texas, to Prussia,
and to Denmark, sustained the dignity of our country
and acquitted himself with honor denounced
the unhallowed proceedings of the Southern Convention struggled
manfully, as the Democratic editor of the Washington
Union, in behalf of the Compromise, and never
withdrew from it until May, 1852, when, so far
as I understand his course from his public acts,
being unwilling to ‘blow hot and cold’
on the slavery question, and to aid the Democratic
party in wearing a Northern and a Southern face,
he indignantly retired from it, and subsequently
attached himself to the American party in the hope
that it could carry on his most cherished object the
preservation of the Union.
“The object of selecting an old-line
Whig and an old-line Democrat, was to nail to
the counter the charge that the American party
is the Whig party in disguise, and to induce, if possible,
conservative men of both the old parties to unite and
rescue the country from Democratic misrule.
“Hundreds, thousands of Democrats
in Tennessee, acting upon their own impulses
and without concert with their leaders, attached
themselves to the American party, but under the abuse
of the leaders withdrew from it. Although,
personally, I have no claims upon the Democracy,
and have been always opposed to that party, yet
I would respectfully observe that first impressions
are often the best, and if such Democrats will take
the trouble faithfully and honestly to examine
the questions of the day for themselves, uninfluenced
by the dictation of party leaders on either side,
they will, doubtless, find many and cogent reasons
to return to their first love.
“But to such of the old-line
Whigs as have not already gone over to the Democratic
party, I do feel that I have the right through
this or any other medium to address a few words.
It is well known that I have been a Whig from
my boyhood, and until I attached myself to the
American party about twelve months ago; and that,
in some form or other, I have labored in behalf of
the Whig cause from my youth up in
good report and evil report, in prosperity and
in adversity, and without fee or reward.
And, with great deference to the opinions of others,
I would inquire what has any old-line Whig to
gain, either for his country or himself, by listening
to the seductive flatteries of Democracy,
as he looks upon the dismembered fragments of
the Whig party, or sits, like Marius, amid the ruins
of Carthage? What party is it that has brought
about the desolation you behold? To whose
strategy was it owing that the once impregnable
city was betrayed and surrounded, and its lofty
battlements levelled with the dust? What foul
coalition circumvented you, and whose pestilential
breath is now whispering in your ear? Has
that party against which you have fought for
twenty years which you have regarded as
essentially corrupt and dangerous to the Union all
at once, and by some magical and unknown process,
been cleansed of its impurities, and does it
stand before you clothed in a white and spotless robe?
What are some of the reasons why you opposed it?
“It denounced proscription for
opinion’s sake before it came into power,
but kept the guillotine in continual motion afterwards.
It rebuked any interference with the freedom of elections,
and then denied its doctrine, and sought in countless
ways to control them. It charged the administration
of John Quincy Adams with reckless extravagance,
and has expended as much, or nearly as much,
of the public treasure in one year as he did
in the course of his administration. It was favorable
to a bank, a judicious tariff, and internal
improvements by the general government, but has
crushed beneath its iron heel the whole American
system. It promised a gold and silver currency,
and told the farmers that they and their wives should
have ’long silken purses, through the interstices
of which the yellow gold would shine and glitter,’
but has given us instead more than thirteen hundred
State bonds, with a capital of more than three
hundred millions. It has united the purse
and the sword by means of its odious Sub-Treasury.
It trampled beneath its feet the broad seal of
the State of New Jersey, and encouraged Dorr’s
rebellion.
“It annexed Texas and California,
and has strengthened the Abolition power.
It sustains the frequent use of the veto, and under
the name of Democracy delights in the exercise of
monarchical prerogative. It proclaimed in
1844 and 1845, that not a thimblefull of blood
would be shed by any war growing out of the annexation
of Texas, when that war sacrificed thousands of
lives, and has cost us millions in money and land.
It boasted, in regard to the Oregon question,
that we must have ‘54 deg. 40’
or fight,’ but swallowed its own words, and in
later times has attempted to retrieve its courage
by the sublime and magnificent bombardment of
Greytown! It ordered General Taylor into
the heart of the Mexican country with a feeble force,
and when his victories had won the grateful plaudits
of his countrymen, it had the unparalleled meanness,
while he was still fighting our battles, to censure
the capitulation of Monterey. It had the
baseness to call General Scott from the head
of a victorious army, and to attempt to disgrace him
in the eyes of his own country and the world.
It denounced Judge White as a renegade, General
Harrison as a coward, Mr. Clay as a blackguard,
and General Scott as a fool. And, without repeating
what has been already urged in regard to its attitude
upon the slavery question and the other topics
that have been discussed, I submit to the old-line
Whigs that there is no principle which the Democratic
party sincerely holds in common with them, and
that they should unite with us in the effort to man
the ship of State with officers and men devoted to
the Constitution and true to the Union, in the
hope that it may be rescued from the whirlpools
and breakers among which it has been so recklessly
conducted.
“Having expressed myself with
the independence which should characterize a
freeman, I cannot expect that a party which has dealt
in the most unmitigated denunciation of wiser and better
men than myself, will permit my observations to
pass with impunity, but I shall be amply compensated
for their abuse if abler tongues and pens will
improve upon these hurried remarks, and teach
our Democratic traducers that they cannot continue,
without just retaliation, their unjustifiable
assaults upon the American party.
“Yours respectfully,
“THOS. A.
R. NELSON.”