DEFENDING NEW YORK.
“What next?” inquired General Putnam.
“That is a difficult question
to answer until I know General Howe’s destination,”
replied Washington.
“Then you don’t think
he is going home?” continued Putnam facetiously.
“Not yet, though I wish he might;
then I would go home, too.”
“But seriously, where do you
think he is going?” urged Putnam.
“I fear that he is bound to
New York, for that is a port more important to him
than even Boston.” Washington spoke as if
he were greatly perplexed.
“Well,” added Putnam in
his resolute way, “if he is bound for New York
it won’t do for us to be fooling about here long.”
“No; and if I were certain that
his destination were there, I should put you in command
of that post at once,” said Washington.
“Besides the importance of the position to him,
the large number of Tories in that town is a great
inducement for him to strike there. Governor Tryon
has been plotting something with them, and who knows
but his appearance there will be the signal for them
to rise against their own country.”
“Just like ’em,”
answered Putnam. “A man who will turn against
his own country ought to dangle at the end of a halter.
With the British army outside, and hundreds of traitors
inside, New York will make a poor show.”
“There is no telling what a
strong defence of the town can be made with the Lord
on our side. My hope is in the righteousness of
our cause.”
Washington called a council of war
in his perplexity. He laid before his military
advisers his reasons for supposing that the foe, driven
from Boston, had sailed for New York.
“The English will be chagrined
over their defeat here, after all their boasting,”
said Washington, “and we may expect heavier blows
in future somewhere. The king will not suffer
‘rebels’ to remain unmolested. We
do well to expect that in future the king will concentrate
the military power of his government and hurl it upon
us to bring us to terms.
It was finally determined to put General
Putnam in command at New York, and he was hurried
away, with all the troops in Boston but five regiments,
and instructions to complete the fortifications commenced
by General Lee. Two or three months before, in
consequence of the appearance of a British fleet,
under Clinton, in the harbor of New York, and the
secret plottings of Governor Tryon and the Tories,
Washington placed General Lee in command there.
Lee at once arrested leading Tories, and sent them
to prison, threatening all the rest, in his fiery
way, with similar punishment if they continued to aid
the enemy. Governor Tryon fled to a British man-of-war
in the harbor, accompanied by several of his political
advisers, and from those new headquarters he continued
secret intercourse with the Tories. New dangers
soon arising farther south, General Lee was transferred
to the Southern Military Department, with headquarters
at Williamsburg.
Such was the state of affairs in New
York when General Putnam took command, with not more
than eight thousand available troops in the town and
vicinity.
Washington ordered three thousand
militia to go to his aid from Connecticut, and as
soon as he could arrange affairs in Boston he himself
hastened to New York with his body-guard, where he
arrived on the thirteenth day of April.
Before this time he had learned that
General Howe proceeded to Halifax, to await large
reinforcements from Great Britain; that his brother,
Admiral Howe, with his naval fleet, would join him
there, and then the great army would sail for New
York.
He did not know, however, at that time, what the British Government was doing
to crush the rebels in North America. He learned afterwards that the king,
stung to madness by the failure of his army in Boston, resolved to avenge the
defeat by a terrible blow upon New York. He hired seventeen thousand Hessians to
join the army, paying them liberally for their services, and these hirelings
would swell the invading army to startling proportions.
Notwithstanding the evacuation of
Boston, the cause of the patriots never seemed more
hopeless than it did when the British army, under the
two Howes, appeared below New York.
“Our army in Canada is beaten
and shattered,” Washington said, “and our
cause is lost there. Here it is difficult to tell
friend from foe. It is claimed that half of the
people in New York are Tories, and what communications
they may have with the British army, through Tryon,
it is impossible to tell. We have not half the
men absolutely required to hold this position, and
what we have are poorly clad and equipped, and not
half fed. Then we have reason to suspect that
the enemy will come with greater inhumanity to man,
and that fire and sword will do a more fearful work
than ever. What some of the British officers are
capable of doing in the way of fiendish devastation
was shown in Boston, when the burning of every town
between that city and Halifax was ordered, and Portland
was laid in ashes.
Washington wrote to his brother:
“We expect a bloody summer in
New York and Canada; and I am sorry to say that we
are not, either in men or arms, prepared for it.
However, it is to be hoped that, if our cause is just,
as I most religiously believe, the same Providence
which has in many instances appeared for us will still
go on to afford us its aid.”
Congress was in session at Philadelphia,
and Washington went thither to confer with members
concerning the summer campaign, and to plead for aid.
Through his influence, Congress added twenty-three
thousand militia to the army, including a flying camp
of ten thousand.
In the midst of these troubles a conspiracy
of startling magnitude was discovered. “A
part of the plot being,” says Sparks, “to
seize General Washington and carry him to the enemy.”
Rev. John Marsh of Wethersfield, Conn., wrote and
published the following account of the affair:
“About ten days before any of
the conspirators were taken up, a woman went to the
general and desired a private interview. He granted
it to her, and she let him know that his life was
in danger, and gave him such an account of the conspiracy
as gained his confidence. He opened the matter
to a few friends on whom he could depend. A strict
watch was kept night and day, until a favorable opportunity
occurred, when the general went to bed as usual, arose
about two o’clock, told his lady that he was
going with some of the Provincial Congress to order
some Tories seized, desired she would make herself
easy and go to sleep. He went off without any
of his aides-de-camp, except the captain of his life-guard;
was joined by a number of chosen men, with lanterns
and proper instruments to break open houses; and before
six o’clock next morning had forty men under
guard at the City Hall, among whom was the mayor of
the city, several merchants, and five or six of his
own life-guard. Upon examination, one Forbes
confessed that the plan was to assassinate the general
and as many of the superior officers as they could,
and to blow up the magazine upon the appearance of
the enemy’s fleet, and to go off in boats prepared
for that purpose to join the enemy.”
Thomas Hickey, one of Washington’s
own guard, was proved to be a leader in the plot,
and he was sentenced to be hung. The sentence
was executed on the twenty-eighth day of June, in
a field near Bowery Lane, in the presence of twenty
thousand people.
On the same day four of the enemy’s
warships dropped anchor in the bay. The next
morning there were forty ships, and they continued
to arrive until one hundred and thirty vessels of
war and transports could be distinctly seen with a
glass. The British troops were landed on Staten Island, where nearly all the
people were Tories, although they had professed to be patriots.
While these warlike preparations were
going forward, the American Congress was discussing
the most important subject ever considered by a legislative
body that of American independence; and
on the 4th of July, 1776, the Declaration of Independence
was adopted.
The discussion upon the adoption of
this important document was conducted in secret session.
The people outside knew what was before the Assembly,
and there was great excitement. For hours citizens
gathered about the State House, awaiting the decision
with the utmost anxiety. A man was stationed
in the steeple of the building to ring the bell when
the decisive vote was declared. The bell was imported
from England twenty-three years before, and bore this
inscription:
“Proclaim liberty throughout
all the land, unto all the inhabitants thereof.”
When the bell pealed forth the glad
news that the Declaration of Independence was adopted,
the joy of the people knew no bounds. The tidings spread from town to town, and
awakened the most hearty response. On the ninth day of July, Washington caused
the Declaration to be read at the head of each regiment, and it revived their
drooping hopes more than the arrival of ten thousand recruits.
In their outburst of gladness, the
soldiers indulged themselves in some excesses.
There was a leaden statue of George III, in the Bowling
Green, which they tore from its pedestal, and cut
up, to run into bullets. Washington thought it
was an unnecessary act of violence, denoting insubordination
and recklessness, and he rebuked the deed by an order,
in which he said:
“The general hopes and trusts
that every officer and man will endeavor to live and
act as becomes a Christian soldier, defending the dearest
rights and liberties of his country.”
One day, before the engagement came
on, General Putnam was crossing a field, which is
now the “Park,” when his attention was
called to a company of artillery on drill. Observing
the company for several minutes, he remarked to the
commander:
“A well-disciplined company!”
“With some more practice they will be,”
the commander replied modestly.
“Have they attained to this
excellence of drill under your command?” General
Putnam asked, noticing that the officer could not be
more than twenty years of age.
“Yes, sir; I have enjoyed some opportunities
to study military science.”
“Where?”
“First in the West Indies, where
I was born. I was a merchant’s clerk there,
but longed for a military life, and finally I seized
upon the first opportunity to study such books as
I could find. After I came to this country my
desire for military service did not abate, and I joined
Captain Fleming’s company.”
“General Washington must know you,” responded
Putnam as he moved on.
We have introduced this incident here
because the young commander was Alexander Hamilton,
who became identified with the history of our country.
He came to this country at fifteen; entered King’s
College, where he was the best scholar; joined one
of the first volunteer companies organized in New
York, and became so efficient that he was made captain
of the artillery company he was drilling when General
Putnam met him. He was not twenty years old at
that time. Subsequently he became one of Washington’s
wisest counsellors. “In him were united,”
says another, “the patriot, the soldier, the
statesman, the jurist, the orator, and philosopher,
and he was great in them all.”
British ships of war continued to
arrive, bringing Hessians and Scotch Highlanders to
swell the king’s army. Still no particular
movement to capture the city was made.
On the 21st of July, Washington heard
from Sir Henry Clinton’s fleet. Clinton
left the British army in Boston, in December, 1775,
and unexpectedly appeared in the harbor of New York,
as we have stated. However, after a conference
with Governor Tryon, he sailed south, saying that
he had no intention of attacking New York.
Clinton soon appeared in Charleston
Harbor, part of an expedition against South Carolina,
under Sir Peter Parker, and in a few days joined in
attacking the fort, six miles below the city.
The fort was commanded by Sir William Moultrie.
It was attacked with both fleet and army, on the twenty-eighth
day of June, by one of the most terrible bombardments
ever known at that time. An experienced British
officer said, “It was the most furious fire
I ever heard or saw.”
A few days before, General Charles
Lee advised abandoning the fort.
“A mere slaughter-house!”
he exclaimed to Governor Rutledge, who was a true
patriot. “A mere slaughter-house! A
British man-of-war will knock it to pieces in half
an hour!”
“Nevertheless, holding that
fort is necessary to the defence of the city and State,”
answered Rutledge. “The fort must be held.”
He sent for Moultrie.
“General Moultrie, what do you
think about giving up the fort?” he inquired,
repeating the advice of General Lee.
Moultrie was indignant, and he replied:
“No man, sir, can have a higher
opinion of British ships and seamen than I have.
But there are others who love the smell of gunpowder
as well as they do. Give us a plenty of powder
and ball, sir, and let them come on as soon as they
please.”
“You shall have plenty of powder
and ball,” answered Rutledge, as he sent Moultrie
back to his post.
The guns of Fort Moultrie riddled
the British ships, and covered their decks with the
dead and dying. One hundred and seventy-five men
were killed on board the fleet, and as many more wounded.
The Americans lost but thirty-five, and held the fort.
A braver garrison never met a foe. Sergeant Jaspar
saw the flag shot away, and leaped down upon the beach,
snatched it up, and returned it to its place, shouting:
“Hurrah, boys! Liberty
and America forever!” Governor Rutledge rewarded
him with a sword.
Sergeant McDonald was terribly shattered
by a cannon-ball, and he called out with his dying
breath, “I die, but don’t let the cause
of liberty die with me!”
The enemy’s fleet was driven
off in a shattered condition. The commander was
so deeply humiliated that even his black pilots insulted
him. Weems says that he called to one of them:
“Cudjo, what water have you there?”
“What water, massa? what water?
Why, salt water, sure sir! sea water always salt water,
ain’t he, massa?”
“You black rascal, I knew it
was salt water; I only wanted to know how much
water you have there?”
“How much water here, massa?
how much water here? God bless me, massa!
Where I going get quart pot for measure him?”
The commander, even in his chagrin
and trouble, could not but laugh at Cudjo’s
idea of measuring the Atlantic ocean with a quart pot.
This discomfited fleet returned to
New York and joined the British army.
When the news of the signal victory
of the patriots at Moultrie reached Washington, he
announced it to the army, and said:
“With such a bright example
before us of what can be done by brave men fighting
in defence of their country, we shall be loaded with
a double share of shame and infamy if we do not acquit
ourselves with courage, and manifest a determined
resolution to conquer or die.”
A detachment of the army was sent
to construct works from Wallabout Bay to Red Hook.
Washington rode out one day to inspect the defences,
when he approached a subaltern officer who was directing
his men to raise a heavy timber to its place.
Instead of lending a helping hand, the conceited fellow
stood, shouting:
“Hurrah, boys, n-o-w, right up,
h-e-a-v-e,” etc.
“Why do you not lend a helping
hand?” said Washington, whom the officer did
not know.
“What, sir! I lend a helping
hand?” exclaimed the official sprig. “Why,
sir, I’ll have you know that I am corporal!”
Washington leaped from his saddle,
laid hold of the timber with the men, and helped lift
it to its place. Then turning to the “corporal,”
he said sarcastically:
“Mr. Corporal, my name’s
George Washington. I have come over from New
York to inspect the works here; so soon as you have
done this piece of work, you will meet me at your
commander’s, General Sullivan’s quarters.
Washington despised officers who felt above their business.
On a flying visit to Connecticut,
he failed to reach his destination on Saturday night.
Early Sunday morning he completed the few remaining
miles of his journey. On his way, a tithing man
came out of a house and inquired of the coachman:
“Is there any necessity of your
travelling on the Lord’s Day?”
Washington ordered his coachman to stop, and replied:
“I have no intention of breaking
the laws of Connecticut; they meet my most cordial
approbation. But I was disappointed in not being
able to reach my destination last night, where I shall
attend church.”
Washington waited and waited for the
enemy to move, and wondered that he did not.
Putnam wrote to Gates:
“Is it not strange that those
invincible troops who were to lay waste all the country,
with their fleets and army, dare not put their feet
on the main?”
About this time General Washington
made the following address to his army:
“The time is now near at hand
which must determine whether Americans are to be free
men or slaves; whether they are to have any property
they can call their own; whether their houses and
farms are to be pillaged and destroyed, and themselves
consigned to a state of wretchedness, from which no
human efforts will deliver them. The fate of unborn
millions will now depend, under God, on the courage
and conduct of this army. Our cruel and unrelenting
enemy leaves us only the choice of a brave resistance
or the most abject submission. We have, therefore,
to resolve to conquer or die. Our own, our country’s,
honor calls upon us for a vigorous and manly action;
and if we now shamefully fail, we shall become infamous
to the whole world. Let us then rely upon the
goodness of our cause, and the aid of the Supreme
Being, in whose hands victory is, to animate and encourage
us to great and noble actions.
The American army had grown by this
time to over twenty thousand men poorly equipped and
fed, though not more than fifteen thousand were available
for immediate action. Congress was slow to provide
supplies, and everything dragged. Many of the
men carried only a spade, shovel or pick-axe.
At the call of the country, they responded with shovels
in hand, having no guns. They could throw up
works, though destitute of arms to repel the foe.
It was this destitute condition of our army that led
a British officer to write home derisively:
“The rebels are armed with scythes and pitchforks.
To rebuke the growing vice and recklessness
of the army, Washington issued the following order:
“The general is sorry to be
informed that the foolish and wicked practice of profane
cursing and swearing, a vice heretofore little known
in an American army, is growing into fashion.
He hopes the officers will by example, as well as
influence, endeavor to check it, and that both they
and the men will reflect that we can have little hope
of the blessing of Heaven on our arms if we insult
it by our impiety and folly; added to this, it is
a vice so mean and low, without any temptation, that
every man of sense and character detests and despises
it.”
On the 17th of August Washington observed
a movement of the enemy.
“They are embarking,”
he said to one of his aides, “bound for some
point. Thirty thousand of them will be able to
crush us if, as General Lee says, ‘God is on
the side of heavy battalions.’”
He was not long in doubt concerning
their destination, for they landed at Long Island.
“They mean to capture Brooklyn
Heights,” exclaimed Washington; “their
designs are clear enough now.”
“The city is at their mercy
if they once capture that position,” replied
“Old Put,” as the soldiers called General
Putnam. “They must not be suffered to gain
that position.”
“You must go to General Sullivan’s
aid with six battalions, all the force we can spare,”
said Washington. “There is no time to be
lost.”
In anticipation of such a movement,
Washington had stationed a body of troops on Brooklyn
Heights under General Greene; but the latter was taken
sick, and General Sullivan succeeded him, and now General
Putnam was placed in command. No more men could
be sent to Brooklyn Heights, because Washington expected
the British fleet would attack the city.
He received the following message
from General Livingston of New Jersey:
“I saw movements of the enemy
on Staten Island, and sent over a spy at midnight,
who brought back the following intelligence: Twenty
thousand men have embarked to make an attack on Long
Island, and up the Hudson. Fifteen thousand remained
on Staten Island, to attack Bergen Point, Elizabethtown
Point, and Amboy.” The spy heard the orders
read and the conversation of the generals. “They
appear very determined,” added he, “and
will put all to the sword.”
Again, in expectation of an immediate
attack, he addressed the army to inspire them with
determined valor, and said:
“The enemy have landed upon
Long Island, and the hour is fast approaching on which
the honor and success of this army, and the safety
of our bleeding country, depend. Remember, officers
and soldiers, that you are free men, fighting for
the blessings of liberty; that slavery will be your
portion, and that of your posterity, if you do not
acquit yourselves like men. It is the general’s
express orders that, if any man attempt to skulk,
lie down, or retreat without orders, he be instantly
shot down for an example.”
Fifteen thousand British troops landed
and advanced to seize the Heights. It was on
the twenty-first day of August, 1776. A terrific
battle of seven days followed, in which the slaughter
and suffering were fearful. Alternate victory
and defeat were experienced by both sides. Sometimes
it was a hand-to-hand fight with bayonets. As
Washington beheld a detachment of his heroic men pierced
to death by Hessian bayonets, he wrung his hands in
an agony of spirit, and exclaimed:
“O good God, what brave fellows I must this
day lose!”
There were but five thousand Americans pitted in this battle against fifteen
thousand British, and yet they fought seven days.
On the twenty-eighth day of August,
the British moved their line of battle to within a
mile of the Yankee breast-works on the Heights. The capture of the Heights, with
all the American soldiers, seemed inevitable. Between them and New York was the
East River, which the enemys fleet commanded. Before them was the foe,
numbering three to one. To human view there was no hope for the brave little
army of patriots.
But on that night a storm arose, and
a dense fog enveloped the Heights. Early in the
evening the rain began to fall, and, together, fog
and rain created a dismal scene. At the same
time a brisk breeze sprang up, sufficient to waft
the boats across to the New York side. If anything
more were needed to prove that God was favoring the
smallest battalions, it was the fact that the night
was clear on the New York side of the river.
“God is propitious to-night,”
said Washington to Putnam in a hopeful tone.
“Under cover of this darkness we must cross the
river and save our army.”
“Our only salvation,” replied Putnam.
Washington superintended the retreat
personally, and, as the fog did not clear away until
ten o’clock on the following day, his whole force,
with guns and ammunition, were carried across the
river before the enemy discovered the retreat.
This retreat was regarded as one of the most signal
achievements of the war. Sparks says, in his “Life
of Washington:”
“The retreat, in its plan, execution,
and success, has been regarded as one of the most
remarkable military events in history, and as reflecting
the highest credit on the talents and skill of the
commander. So intense was the anxiety of Washington,
so unceasing his exertions, that for forty-eight hours
he did not close his eyes, and rarely dismounted from
his horse.”
“We cannot hold New York,”
said Washington, at a council of war he called immediately.
“We are at the mercy of the enemy on every hand.”
“From Brooklyn Heights British
guns can lay this city in ashes,” added Putnam.
“That is true; but the Howes
will never order that destruction so long as half
the citizens are Tories,” replied Washington.
“Sure enough; that is a voucher
against such a measure,” responded Putnam.
“But if thirty thousand well-armed and well-fed
British troops, having possession of all the land
and water around Manhattan Island, can’t capture
this small and undisciplined army, they don’t
deserve the name of soldiers.
“And now our men are disheartened,”
continued Washington. “We lost nearly two
thousand men, killed, wounded, and missing, on Brooklyn
Heights, and many of those who escaped have deserted.
We must evacuate the city.”
“And leave it in flames,” added Putnam.
“Yes, apply the torch,”
said another; “we must do it in self-defence.
What a strong position against us it will afford to
the enemy!”
Washington saw reasons for adopting
this extreme measure, but he could not take the responsibility.
He did write to Congress about it, however, as follows:
“If we should be obliged to
abandon the town, ought it to stand as winter quarters
for the enemy? They would derive great convenience
from it on the one hand, and much property would be
destroyed on the other. At the present, I dare
say, the enemy mean to preserve it if they can.”
On the tenth day of September, Congress
voted to leave the fate of the city in Washington’s
hands, and he left it unharmed.
Concerning the alarming desertions
after the retreat from Brooklyn Heights, he wrote,
in humane extenuation of the deserters’ offence:
“Men just dragged from the tender
scenes of domestic life, and unaccustomed to the din
of arms, totally unacquainted with every kind of military
skill, are timid, and ready to fly from their own shadows.
Besides, the sudden change in their manner of living
brings on an unconquerable desire to return to their
homes.
Establishing his headquarters at King’s
Bridge, Washington superintended the retreat from
New York, which was accomplished without the loss of
anything except his heaviest cannon.
Colonel Humphreys wrote: “I
had frequent opportunities that day of beholding Washington
issuing orders, encouraging the troops, flying on
his horse covered with foam, wherever his presence
was most necessary. Without his extraordinary
exertions the guards must have been inevitably lost,
and it is possible the entire corps would have been
cut in pieces.
He made a noble stand at Harlem Heights
for three weeks, where he had several encounters with
the foe. In one of these, two of his most brilliant
officers were killed, Colonel Knowlton and Major Leith.
Knowlton’s last words were, “Did we drive
the enemy in?” Speaking of Colonel Knowlton
reminds us of an incident.
Soon after the retreat from Brooklyn,
Washington said to Knowlton:
“It is important for me to know
the strength of the enemy on Long Island. Can
you name a trusty man who will find out?”
“I can,” answered Knowlton.
“If he will consent, he is just the man for
such service.”
“Send him to me immediately.”
Within a short time Nathan Hale of
Connecticut, one of the bravest and most promising
young officers in the army, presented himself to the
general.
“Can you ascertain for me the
number and strength of the British on Long Island?”
asked Washington.
“I think I can,” replied Hale; “I
am willing to try.”
“You understand that it will
cost your life if the enemy capture you. It is
serious business.
“I understand. I understood
that when I entered the army,” was young Hale’s
cool and heroic reply.
“Go, then, and quickly as possible
obtain the information I so much need.”
Hale went to Long Island in the capacity of a schoolmaster, obtained the
information that Washington desired, and on his return was discovered and
arrested as a spy. Without trial or court-martial he was executed, in extremely
aggravating circumstances.
“A clergyman, whose attendance
he desired, was refused him; a Bible, for a moment’s
devotion, was not procured though he requested it.
Letters which on the morning of his execution, he
wrote to his mother and sister, were destroyed; and
this very extraordinary reason was given by the provost-martial,
’that the rebels should not know that they had
a man in the army who could die with so much firmness.’
Unknown to all around him, without a single friend
to offer him the least consolation, as amiable and
as worthy a young man as America could boast was thus
hung as a spy.” His last words were:
“I lament only that I have but
one life to give to the cause of liberty and the rights
of man.”
Soon after Washington withdrew his
defeated army to Harlem Heights, he heard cannonading
at the landing, where breastworks had been thrown up.
Springing upon his horse, he galloped away in the direction
of the firing, and, before he reached the place, he
met his soldiers in full retreat before a squad of
British, numbering not more than sixty or seventy.
He drew his sword, and with threats, endeavored to
rally them; but in vain. He was so shocked by
their cowardice, and so determined to repel the foe,
that he would have dashed forward to his death, had
not his aides seized the reins of his charger, and
turned him in the other direction.
On the 20th of September, after the British took possession of New York, a
fire started one night in a drinking saloon, where soldiers were revelling
(perhaps celebrating their triumphal entry into the city), and it spread with
great rapidity. The buildings were mostly of wood, so that the devouring flames
licked them up as tinder; and although the thousands of British soldiers exerted
themselves to the utmost to extinguish the fire, one quarter of the city, about
one thousand buildings, was laid in ashes.
At this time the army in Canada had
withdrawn to Crown Point, numbering about six thousand,
one half of them being sick and the other half disheartened
and disaffected. General Washington ordered them
to retire to Ticonderoga for safety and rest.
The small-pox was spreading among them to an alarming
degree.
Jealousies among officers, dissatisfaction
among soldiers, clashing interests among the Colonies,
and a growing distrust of Washington, added to the
complications of the American cause, and to the trials
of Congress and the commander-in-chief.
Referring to the discordant interests
throughout most of the Colonies, John Adams wrote:
“It requires more serenity of temper, a deeper
understanding, and more courage than fell to the lot
of Marlborough, to ride in this whirlwind.”
By request, General Lee returned from
the South at this time. He was an accomplished
military officer, and his successes at the South added
much to his laurels. Many regarded him superior
to Washington. The latter esteemed him highly
as an officer of skill and experience. At a council
of war held soon after his arrival, General Lee said:
“A position is not a good one
simply because its approaches are difficult.
No army can maintain itself with the enemy in front
and rear, especially when the enemy’s ships
command the water on each side, as they do here.
Your recent experience on Long Island and in New York
shows the danger of such position.”
“That is very true,” answered
Washington. “We cannot afford to hazard
too much in the present condition of the army.
I have satisfactory evidence that General Howe’s
purpose is to surround our camp, and capture the whole
American army.”
“And he is not much of a general
if he does not do it,” responded Lee. “For
my part, I would have nothing to do with the islands
to which you have been clinging so pertinaciously.
I would give Mr. Howe a fee-simple of them.”
“Where and when shall we be
in a better condition to meet the enemy?” inquired
General George Clinton, a brave but inexperienced officer.
“We must fight the enemy somewhere; why not
here?”
“I will answer your inquiry,”
replied Washington. “We shall be in a better
condition to meet the foe when the Colonies have had
time to furnish their quotas of recruits, as recently
ordered by Congress.
At the earnest solicitation of Washington,
Congress had voted that the Colonies should furnish
eighty-eight battalions, in quotas, according to their
abilities; that the pay of officers should be raised;
troops serving throughout the war should receive a
bounty of twenty dollars and one hundred acres of
land, with a new suit of clothes annually. Those
enlisting for three years were to receive twenty dollars
bounty, but no land. This provision was a response
to Washington’s frequent protests against short
enlistments and small pay, and it pointed to a reorganization
of the army, on a permanent footing, according to
Washington’s frequently expressed ideas.
The general had great expectations of relief from
this more liberal policy.
“Our present action should look
solely to the safety of the army,” interjected
Lee. “To save it from annihilation or capture
is our first duty.”
“Certainly,” rejoined
Washington; “and now let this question be answered
definitely: whether (considering that the obstructions
in the North River have proved insufficient, and that
the enemy’s whole force is in our rear on Grog
Point), it is now deemed possible, in our situation,
to prevent the enemy from cutting off the communication
with the country, and compelling us to fight them
at all disadvantages or surrender prisoners at discretion?”
Every number of the council except
General Clinton decided that it was impossible to
occupy the present position without exposing the army
to destruction or capture; hence, another retreat
followed.