So wonderful are the days in which
we are living and so rapidly is the canvas being crowded
with the record of achievement in the woman’s
movement that it is time for readers of the Woman’s
Journal and for all suffragists to know somewhat intimately
and as never before what goes on in the four little
rooms in Boston where the organ of the suffrage movement
is prepared for its readers each week.
Before telling what has been done
and what is planned and hoped, it will perhaps be
well to give a little picture of the paper which to
many has been the “Suffrage Bible” since
it was started over forty-six years ago by Lucy Stone,
Henry B. Blackwell and the little band of woman’s
rights pioneers who saw, almost at the dawn of the
movement, the need of an organ.
Before the charter for the Woman’s
Journal was granted in 1870, $10,000 had to be paid
into its treasury. This was at a time when there
were few millionaires in the world, and $10,000 then
must have looked like as many millions today.
How ardent, then, must have been the
few, how eloquent the presentation, to have raised
$10,000 with which to start a paper for the sole purpose
of advocating equal rights for women! But they
were ardent and eloquent, and from the road to martyrdom
they have come to us through history as great men
and women of their time. The pages of the Woman’s
Journal are brilliant with their sayings, and the reports
of the early stockholders’ meetings echo the
voices of that pioneer band led by Wendell Phillips,
William Lloyd Garrison, Lucy Stone and Julia Ward
Howe.
Never for a single week since 1870
have the women of the country been without a mouthpiece
to voice their needs and wrongs. This has been
due chiefly to the fact that the Stone-Blackwell family
has continuously given not only of its services in
editing and managing the paper, but also has made
generous contributions for years to enable the paper
to continue.
So much in brief for the forty years
from 1870 to 1910. From July 1, 1910, to September
30, 1912, the financial support of the paper was assumed
by the National American Woman Suffrage Association.
After that it fell to the manager of the paper either
to get contributions to meet the deficit each year
or to borrow. On October 1, 1912, Miss Blackwell
contributed $2,000; on January 31, 1914, she again
gave the paper $2,000.
With the exception of these $4,000,
I have raised or borrowed each year the necessary
money, over and above receipts, to keep the paper
going. With the beginning of 1915 Miss Blackwell
began to feel that she could not continue indefinitely
to make up a deficit, and she began seriously to consider
cutting the size of the paper to four pages or making
it a monthly.
The 1915 campaigns particularly needed
all the aid that the Journal could give, and feeling
keenly that the proposed changes would greatly reduce
its power of usefulness, the following points were
made by Mr. Stevens and myself in further consideration
of the matter with Miss Blackwell and a few warm friends
of the Journal:
With the single exception of the Irish
Citizen, the Woman’s Journal is the only
suffrage paper in existence which has no organization
back of it. Jus Suffragii has the International
Woman Suffrage Alliance. The Woman Voter has
the New York Woman Suffrage Party. Votes for Women
in England has the United Suffragists. The Suffragette
had the Woman’s Social and Political Union of
England. The Suffragist has the Congressional
Union. The Headquarters News Letter has the
National Suffrage Association.
Now, while the Journal has had no
organization with large membership and resources to
make it a power, it has shown great vitality as witnessed
by the fact that it is the oldest surviving suffrage
periodical in the world. Furthermore, it has shown
such remarkable growth during the past few years,
with no capital put up to promote it and build it
up as other businesses are built up, that it seemed
apparent that all it needed to make it strong and self-supporting
was a reasonable amount of capital, a reasonable amount
of time and the wholehearted co-operation of suffragists
in general which has been growing in an encouraging
degree. It seemed a time for faith and not for
fear.
It was accordingly decided to retain
the eight-page size, to continue the paper as a weekly
and to borrow the money necessary to meet the deficit,
believing that the great body of readers of the Journal
would approve and sustain this decision when it was
brought to their knowledge. They would feel that
a backward step should be impossible.
At the present time and covering the
indebtedness of the Journal from October, 1912, to
January, 1916, the figures are as follows:
Borrowed in 1915....................... $10,500
Owed E.L. Grimes Company for printing,
paper stock, mailing, approximately .. 9,000
________
$19,500
The assets of the Journal at the time
of the last stockholders’ meeting (January 28)
included the following:
Subscriptions in arrears .................$4,968
Sales accounts ........................... 45
Advertising accounts ..................... 460
Legacy of Miss Caroline F. Hollis......... 3,000
Legacy of Mrs. Mary E.C. Orne............. 4,000
Legacy of Mrs. Hollingsworth ............. 1,000
______
$13,473
The amount to be raised, therefore,
to meet the indebtedness of the three years and three
months from October 1, 1912, to January 1, 1916, is
$6,027.
From these figures it will be seen
that we have to count upon collecting nearly $5,000
in subscriptions in arrears, upon legacies to be paid
within the year, to meet the expenses of furnishing
a paper to the cause, and that even then we must have
over $5,000 additional to be out of debt for 1915.
While the Journal has always had a
few gifts each year and an occasional legacy, both
gifts and legacies have, in their very nature, been
uncertain quantities and not to be relied upon.
It has, therefore, followed that from 1870 to 1910,
as well as in the period above referred to (1912 to
1915), for forty-three years, the Stone-Blackwell
family has borne the brunt of the burden of the support
of the paper on which the whole suffrage movement has
depended so completely for nearly half a century.
As Mrs. Chapman Catt says, “The Woman’s
Journal has always been the organ of the suffrage
movement, and no suffragist, private or official, can
be well informed unless she is a constant reader of
it. It is impossible to imagine the suffrage
movement without the Woman’s Journal.”
That is the way suffragists feel about the paper from
the Atlantic to the Pacific and abroad, and
yet there is no organized, systematic effort made for
its support and maintenance.
There is, moreover, no suffragist
but will say at once that this paper, which is for
the advancement of all women, should be supported
by all suffragists in an organized way rather than
by a few out of their own pockets.
I am working to bring this to pass. I believe
one of the results that will follow the heavy expenditures
made by the Journal in 1915 will be organized support
of the paper.
Since the Woman’s Journal is
the organ of the movement, since it gives the news
of the movement, voices the wrongs of women, and furnishes
data as well as inspiration with which to work, it
is important that it reach the largest number of women
possible each week with its message, and so far as
is possible for a paper, convert them into efficient,
consecrated workers, possessed with the ideal of equality
and justice for women. It is, therefore, obvious
that, however good the editorial output, it counts
for comparatively little if it goes to only a small
number of people.
From 1870 to 1907, there is no record
of the number of subscribers to the paper, for the
price of the paper was changed from $3 to $2.50 to
$1.50. The price is now $1 per year. The
last change was made in 1910 because it was becoming
clear that a lower price would mean a larger circulation,
while a higher price made it prohibitive to many.
Furthermore, the lower price was in harmony with the
growing tendency to remove the membership fee in suffrage
organizations because it had proved a handicap in
having a large backing of women for the cause.
So many women of humble means, or no independent means,
wanted to take the paper and could not!
Bearing in mind, then, that the aim
of the Journal, both from a propaganda and business
viewpoint, is to reach large numbers, that is, to
have a large circulation, I have had two charts drawn
which will show that, although the cost of publishing
is heavy, the cost of production is not advancing
as rapidly as is the increase in circulation.
In other words, the circulation of the paper has multiplied
over eleven times in the last eight years, while the
cost of publishing for the same period has multiplied
less than eight times. The following charts show
this graphically.
Compare the two long vertical lines.
The longer one shows the increase in the number of
readers. The shorter one shows the increase in
the cost of publishing the paper.
As a propaganda paper, the Woman’s
Journal has, of course, always sent out many papers
per year purely for educational purposes. Hundreds
of papers have gone each year since 1870 through 1915
to campaign states, to legislators, to libraries,
to newspapers, to ministers and teachers, in the attempt
to make converts, and every suffragist having any
perspective of the movement knows that such propaganda
work by the Woman’s Journal is to a great extent
what has advanced the movement to its present status.
In other words, the Journal has from year to year
carried the torch on, but it has always
been at the sacrifice of a large sum to be raised,
over and above the receipts, either from the Stone-Blackwell
family or from a few friends of the movement.
The year 1915, with the advance of
the movement in general, and in the four big campaign
states in particular, has been exceptional as a propaganda
year for the Journal. When a call came for Journals
or for information which the Journal workers could
give, whether from New York, Massachusetts, New Jersey,
or Pennsylvania, the call has been answered promptly;
we have not said, when the amendments were
to be voted on at a definite time, “You
must wait until we have raised the money to pay for
what you ask.” We are proceeding in the
same way with the campaign states of 1916. What
else can we do when the need is so great?
The following illustration shows the
extent of our propaganda work, measured in papers,
for 1915. It does not show what has been done
in the way of furnishing information and argument,
refutation and data, material and articles for the
press or for special articles, debates, and speeches.
This chart shows the free propaganda
use of the Journal as compared with the paid circulation.
The black lines show the paid circulation of the Journal
per month, that is, the number of papers paid for by
the subscriber or by the single copy. The gray
extension of the lines shows the number of papers
furnished by the Journal, for which the recipient
did not pay. The reader can here see at a glance
what a large part of our work does not bring any financial
returns.
If a diagram could be shown of the
number of letters we have answered during the year,
the amount of time it has taken, and the number of
writers who do not even send a postage stamp to carry
information back to them, and the consequent deficit
the paper incurs in this way alone, the result would
shock the average suffragist into a new attitude toward
the paper, which she has called upon as freely and
thoughtlessly as a girl in her teens calls upon the
time and resources of the mother who has always stood
near and ready to meet her every need “without
money and without price.”
At this point, I want again to call
attention to the fact that the Woman’s Journal
is, with one exception, the only suffrage paper in
existence which does not have some organization back
of it which helps to meet its financial responsibilities.
Although it has always been the organ of the movement,
it has stood alone for the most part, depending on
the devotion of a few to make up any sum that might
be needed to meet the lack of organized suffragists
to support it as part of their suffrage work.
It is, of course, easy to see how
this has come about. In the beginning the number
of suffragists was so small that there was little
organization. The movement was carried on by a
few and a few supported the paper. Times have
changed, however, and all of the other branches of
suffrage work are being carried on by organizations
with the body of believers meeting the expense of
running the work.
There has, however, always been this
difference between the expense of maintaining the
Journal and supporting the work of the suffrage organization:
The Journal has been published every week for over
forty-six years; it has never missed an issue, and
its expenses have gone on. In other words, it
has always been in campaign, while for the most part
during those forty-six years the organizations have
had comparatively little expense, they have not usually
maintained a headquarters, have had few or no meetings,
and have had few and short campaigns. Now, because
the Journal has survived the times of no organizations,
the times of few and weak organizations, it is thoughtlessly
expected to go on as it has since 1870, paying its
bills as best it might. In the meantime, its
work has increased so that it is large enough to be
unwieldy without being self-supporting. (Self-support
cannot come until its paid circulation is about 50,000.)
We are, therefore, face to face with
the fact that, while all suffragists are agreed as
to the merits of the paper and the need it fills,
very few have considered its problems, few have helped
to carry its burdens, and no organization today makes
itself responsible for any of the paper’s expenses.
With the advancing movement’s
heavy demands on the paper, however, the time for
a change has come. The paper’s support in
the future ought to be borne by the body of organized
suffragists rather than by the devotion and sacrifice
of the few. Lucy Stone and Henry B. Blackwell
died in harness. Alice Stone Blackwell, their
daughter, is no longer young, and ought not to suffer
from overwork and worry in connection with the struggle
to keep the paper going.
So much for the past. What shall
be the story of the future? The paper has been
almost inevitably in debt. Its present bills and
loans must be met. It will doubtless be possible
to raise money to meet them from individuals as in
the past, although that is an uphill and rather thankless
task. But it does seem as if those who labor early
and late in the office, often single-handed, ought
not to have to go out to raise money to meet a deficit
they were obliged to incur purely in order to serve
the woman’s movement.
What is the solution? I want
to propose a definite, practical, constructive solution, one
that will not only lift the paper to self-support
almost at once, but will strengthen the whole movement
in the very things that Mrs. Chapman Catt and all others
know is most needed, education and organization
of women. What I want to propose is that as suffragists
we show what our present power is; that we show the
strength of our present organization; that as leaders
and workers, organizers and speakers, we get behind
our paper and push it with all our might; that, so
far as is humanly possible, we enroll as regular readers
every member of our respective organizations; that
we give our paper a backing as much to be reckoned
with as the so-called women’s publications that
are so conspicuous on the news-stands. It can
be done. We have the power.
Doing it is bound to mean more education
and more organization. For the Journal fills
its readers with zeal for the cause; it makes them
want to work for it; and it makes them well informed,
efficient workers. By taking this one step we
have the power to put the entire movement on a new
footing!
But how is the paper to be put into
the hands of all suffragists? They are many and
to send them a well-edited, well-printed paper will
be expensive. How are bills and loans already
incurred to be met? By gifts and legacies from
individuals as in the past in the uphill,
undignified way? Or by getting all readers of
the Journal, all believers in it as an educator, to
join themselves into a mighty army to enroll as subscribers
for the Journal every possible member of a suffrage
organization?
Until the second way shall be in operation
long enough say, two years to
have a chance to work out successfully, there is absolutely
no question but that the needs of the situation must
be met in the first way. But must it be done
by begging in humiliation undeserved or
will those who are able consider it a privilege, an
opportunity, to take the burden from the backs that
are bent and sore from carrying it?
In the Balance
If this were the crucial moment in a campaign
and you saw that votes for a suffrage amendment
were in the balance, you would give of the best
that you have, with all the fervency of your heart.
But campaigns are not won in a day. They are
won only by constant and untiring advance work.
The Woman’s Journal does a big share of this
advance work. The Journal is always in campaign.
The Journal needs your help now and it needs it
given as freely as if a critical Election Day were
only six weeks off. The campaigns of this year
and the next few years are in the balance now.
A privilege, an opportunity for furthering a great
world movement, waits on those who are able.
Taken Into Our Confidence
In the following pages our readers
and the great body of suffragists are taken quite
generally into our confidence. If they see any
skeletons in the closets, we shall ask them to remember
that we did not want the skeletons there.
All persons who have ever tried to
raise money for a worthy cause, all suffragists who
have given balls and bazaars, all who have labored
to make an audience pledge its last dollar for suffrage,
all who have ever tried to run an impecunious newspaper,
all who have ever tried to finance any kind of a movement
for the betterment of mankind, will know that the
figures given here are written in blood and should
be read only by those of an understanding and sympathetic
heart.
1908--1915
Cost Circulation
1909.................. $5,303 2,328
1910.................. 10,020 3,989
1911.................. 18,510 15,275
1912.................. 24,499 19,309
1913.................. 24,588 20,309
1914.................. 27,509 21,303
1915.................. 38,137 27,634
Some ChangesTo the friends of the Woman’s
Journal who used to visit its office on Beacon Street,
and remember the tiny room with its staff of two or
three workers, the pictures of the office staff on
the accompanying pages will come as a surprise.
This is the 1916 staff, however, and the movement
has grown most encouragingly in every branch since
the quiet days on Beacon Street.
Every phase of the Journal work, from
handling a subscription list of about 30,000 to answering
a thousand and one questions of debaters, press chairmen
and speakers, has grown to such proportions that it
has been necessary to divide the work into ten variously
developed departments, which will be described in
the following pages.
It Speaks for Itself
The Editorial Department in the main
speaks for itself and does not need a special report.
It has its seamy side, however, and little as people
want to believe it, it is not merely the literary branch
of the work. On the contrary, the editorial work
of the Woman’s Journal is, figuratively speaking,
divided into sevenths. It is one part literary
or journalistic, two parts business, and four parts
propaganda.
There is, of course, a great deal
of pleasure in editorial work for the mere fun of
it, for the variety and fascination it affords, for
the mere delight in expressing thought in writing and
in choosing pictures to carry the weekly message.
But when a publication has to be put to press on the
same day every week, when one feels almost instinctively
that each issue must be better than the one before,
and when each week of the world every worker in the
department carries a double or triple load, some of
the pleasure of writing and editing and planning is
worn away.
The material for the contents of the
paper is gathered each week from a variety of sources:
From letters, personal interviews, press chairmen
of league and associations in the different states,
from bulletins, newspapers, periodicals, reports of
meetings and conventions, and from clipping bureaus.
All material has, of course, to be sorted and worked
over for the various departments. It divides
chiefly into matter for editorials, for propaganda
articles, for the news columns, and for the activities
reported under the headings of the various states.
The editorial page of the Journal
carries about 2,200 words each week. This page
goes to about 30,000 homes, libraries and clubs, and
is read by approximately 100,000 persons. Issued
fifty-two times a year, it means that Miss Blackwell
makes about five million two hundred thousand “drives”
per year with her editorials alone to educate the
public on equal suffrage.
The news of the whole movement gleaned
from the various sources including some two hundred
papers and periodicals each week, must be so combined
and boiled down as to occupy the smallest space; and
it must be interpreted, investigated and its relation
to the general current of events brought out so that
the propaganda value of the week’s news is unmistakable.
Besides the editorials and the regular
news of the movement, we use occasional contributed
articles, poems and stories. During 1915 for
the first time investigations of various sorts and
analyses of news, reports and various kinds of data
were made to furnish a telling and convincing array
of facts, figures, data and information particularly
fitted for suffrage workers. Such material has
been found especially valuable for use with those
who were wavering as to the merits of the cause.
Many people would find it hard to
believe, but it is true nevertheless that a paper
needs to consider itself something of a business matter.
This is particularly true of propaganda papers in spite
of all that has been said to the contrary. In
the case of the Journal, we need to plan to produce
an article that cannot be excelled; we need to manufacture
a product so useful, so valuable, so indispensable,
that there must be a market for it.
It must be so run that the largest
possible number of people will be satisfied with its
policy, and this is no easy matter if one has convictions
and wants to run the paper according to high ideals
and with certain principles dominant. Many people
want personal notices and trivial articles in the
paper; some wish long manuscripts published; others
think their league meetings should be more fully reported.
The paper must, therefore, be so edited and the letters
of the department must be so written as to make every
one feel that the Journal is fair to all and that
whatever it does is done with no personal animosities,
with no biases, and purely for the welfare of the
cause and in accordance with the best ideals we have
been able to work out. One of our tasks is to
make all realize that in editing the organ of the
movement a great responsibility must be met and that
mean or small things cannot influence us.
All daily papers, all periodicals
and magazines that live and become powerful relate
their editorial policy very closely to their business
plans. And whether the end and aim of a publication
is to make money or to make converts to some cause
or idea, the editorial policy cannot be planned independent
of the circulation of the paper without running the
risk of defeating its purpose.
In this connection a suffragist can
scarcely help coveting for her paper the circulation
which the various women’s magazines of fashion
have attained. The thought leads almost inevitably
to the question, How did they get their large circulation?
Now whenever there is large use made
of any article under the sun, the reasons for its
extensive use simmer down to three; First, the article
must be something that practically everybody needs;
Second, the marketers of the article must spend a
lot of money in advertising the article and making
the public think it wants it; or, Third, the article
must carry with it some great interest and attraction
that makes people want it.
The first kind of article is usually
one of the necessities of life. The second is
in a greater or less degree usually one of the comforts
of life. The third kind is neither a matter of
physical necessity nor of physical comfort; it is
usually something that feeds the mind, diverts the
mind, or kindles the emotions. Obviously the manufacturer
of the third kind of article must mind his P’s
and Q’s or he will not sell his product at all.
Newspapers, periodicals, and magazines,
of course, come under the third class. Now while
a good daily paper and a good weekly review of events
have become almost necessities for the mass of mankind,
a propaganda paper is neither a necessity nor a physical
comfort, and for its circulation it must depend to
a great extent for financial support on making itself
so interesting and attractive that a larger number
of people than the already converted, the reformers,
will want it.
How then shall a propaganda paper
make itself so interesting and attractive that those
outside its fold will want it and want it badly enough
to pay for it and read it when there are
so many attractive and interesting publications to
read in busy days?
The problem solves itself if the paper
records news of vitality, of heroism, of martyrdom,
of stinging injustice in connection with everyday
life, if the doings within the movement
are vital and challenging and kindle the imagination.
One of the biggest “strikes”
in the recent history of the Woman’s Journal
has been the addition of Mrs. Palmer to the staff.
Her drawings, contributed gratis, have attracted
country-wide attention, because of their artistic
quality. Mrs. Palmer studied art in Christiania,
Norway, and is the wife of Prof. A.H.
Palmer, of Yale University.
One of Mrs. Ames’s cartoons brought
down the disapprobation of Ex-President Taft but
the approbation of a great many suffragists.
Mrs. Ames is treasurer of the Massachusetts Woman
Suffrage Association and wife of the director of
the Botanic Garden of Harvard University.
But women’s lives are full of
just such vitally interesting matters. There
are such glaring cases of inequality before the law,
such abuses and atrocities in women’s working
world today, such humiliation and insinuation in the
personal life of womankind, simply because of sex,
that, were the half of it told, the suffrage movement
would take on such proportions as even the leaders
do not dream of.
Because an experience is common in
the life of womankind, because an abuse is as old
as the hills, it is no less vital, no less thrilling,
no less in need of righting. And because some
men are opposed, secretly or openly, to its righting
is no reason why we should be silent. Before
the women of this country are fully enfranchised, a
hard fight, an almost life and death struggle for liberty,
must be fought, and it will be a shorter fight the
hotter it is. And the heat of the battle and
the shortness of the struggle will depend almost entirely
on our courage in presenting vividly and with power
woman’s case to women themselves.
Our Volunteer Suffrage News Service
Instead of a staff of paid correspondents
and a special news service, the Woman’s Journal
has a large unnumbered staff of volunteers and its
news service which extends all over the civilized world
also is voluntary.
The editorial output is, therefore,
greatly enhanced each week by the careful vigilance
of its many volunteer workers. In this service
all readers are invited to join by mailing to the
Journal clippings, news, articles, items, poems, pictures,
jokes, examples of discriminations against women,
examples of women’s achievements, and ideas of
all kinds.
The Connecting Link
When I think of the Circulation Department
of the Woman’s Journal, I feel as I think Angela
Morgan must have felt when she wrote the following
lines for the beginning of her great poem, “Today:”
“To be alive in such an age!
With every year a lightning page
Turned in the world’s great wonder
book
Whereon the leaning nations look....
When miracles are everywhere
And every inch of common air
Throbs a tremendous prophecy
Of greater marvels yet to be.
O thrilling age!”
The Woman’s Journal is the connecting
link between the individual suffragist and the movement
itself, and a certain thrill and delight and marvel
get hold of me when I realize how wonderful each year
is and how full of prophecy and promise and marvel
is the cause for which we all work.
Because the Circulation Department
of the Woman’s Journal is the tangible bond
which holds us all together and makes one big family
of all who work for the movement and all who are in
any way connected with the paper, I am going to try
to take the readers of these pages into the Journal
offices and let them see the processes of the department.
While Miss Blackwell, Mr. Stevens,
Miss Smith, Mr. Morris and myself are spending part
of our time in preparing reading matter and pictures
for the paper, and while we are working at the printing
office of the Grimes Brothers on Wednesdays, Miss
Spink, Miss Ethel Costello and their assistants, Miss
Mosher, Miss Isabel McCormick, Miss Falvey, Miss Hegarty,
Miss McCarthy, Miss Collins, Miss Cox, Miss Johnson,
Miss Gilbert, and Miss Hazel McCormick are diligently
at work in the Circulation Department.
What do they all do? the subscriber
may ask. In the first place, the Journal goes
to forty-eight states, besides Alaska and the District
of Columbia, and to thirty-nine foreign countries.
On a page by itself, in the back of this little book,
will be shown the list of foreign countries.
When a subscription is received at
the office, the letter carrying it has to be opened
and the money entered by Miss Elizabeth Costello in
the ledger and it takes just as long to
enter 25 cents or a dollar as to enter $1,000, and
it must be done just as accurately. If the subscription
is sent in for one’s self, no acknowledgment
is necessary, for the next issue of the paper is sufficient
to tell the subscriber that her money and order have
been received. If, however, as so often happens,
one person sends a subscription for another, two additional
processes must be carried out: We must acknowledge
the order and money to the person who sends it, and
we must tell the other person (if the subscription
is a gift) that the paper is being sent to her with
the compliments of her friend, or by an anonymous person,
as the case may be: but at any rate, that the
subscription is for a certain time and that she will
not be billed for it. This takes two letters
and two stamps. When a subscription is sent in
by some suffragist who is acting as agent in forwarding
subscriptions for other people, we acknowledge the
order only to the sender, thinking that receipt of
the paper by the subscriber is sufficient acknowledgment.
In this connection, one of our worst problems is to
learn from those who mail us subscription orders whether
they are simply forwarding for other people or are
sending the paper at their expense in the hope of
making a convert or of introducing it to someone,
with the hope that she will want to continue the subscription.
The trouble comes in the question of knowing whom to
ask to renew. Sometimes the sender means to renew
for the person, and sometimes she means to have us
ask the person to renew for herself. We have
no means of knowing unless the sender tells us.
We have found that whichever way we do, some of our
friends do not like it. We have, therefore, adopted
the system of asking the person who has been receiving
the paper to renew for herself unless we have been
definitely instructed not to do this. Some people
tell us to discontinue the subscription when the time
has expired. We do not think this a fair thing
to ask, for the obvious reason that everyone ought
to have a chance to renew for herself in case the giver
does not want to renew for her.
The third step in receiving a subscription
is to write the name in the proper place on the subscription
lists that go to the mailing company every Tuesday
night. The states in these lists are arranged
alphabetically, the towns and cities are arranged alphabetically
and the names of subscribers are arranged in the same
way. In addition to this the books have to be
arranged in districts that correspond to the mail
routing of the United States post office. This
is an arbitrary dividing, and it increases the work
of finding the proper place for entering a subscription.
In this a post office chart has to be used constantly.
After an entry has been made in the
mailing books, the subscription order, before it is
filed, goes to the subscription cards. There the
clerks must see whether the name is already on the
books, or, if not, if it has ever been on our books
(In the latter case we revise the former card instead
of making a new one). The subscription cards look
like the one reproduced below.
Some letters that bring subscription
orders contain many other items that must be attended
to before the order or letter is filed. For instance,
a letter may contain a new subscription, a renewal,
a remittance or a request to send a bill, an order
for sample copies, for papers to sell at a meeting,
for literature, a request for information and an item
or poem or article for the columns of the paper.
Each matter mentioned in the letter must, of course,
be attended to before the letter can go to the files.
To avoid having a letter filed before all of its orders
or requests have been attended to, we stamp each piece
of mail with a little rubber stamp that looks like
the following:
A.S.B.....Bill
A.E.R.....Fin.
H.B.S.....Advt.
Date Received
Ackg......Sub.
Papers....Lit.
Circ......Amt. & page.
Every piece of first-class mail that
reaches the office is stamped with these abbreviations
and is at once checked for the different stages through
which it must go before it is filed. The clerk
filing must see that every check on the stamp has
a sign after the check to show that the particular
matter indicated has been attended to.
Of course, another part of the subscription
work is in making changes of address, changing dates
of expiration and removing names of those who do not
want to continue to receive the paper, such as the
anti-suffragists, who do not want to be converted,
to whom some relative or friend or acquaintance has
been sending the paper out of her own pocket.
Then there is the work involved in
getting subscribers to renew. When the subscription
list contained only twenty-four hundred names and
when there were few letters to write, it was possible
to know the names and perhaps something of the history
of every subscriber, especially since only a few were
put on the books in a week. But with a circulation
of nearly thirty thousand it is obviously impossible
for any one person to give the whole list personal
attention.
The result is that the business policy
of the paper has had to be changed a number of times
to meet the changing needs. In the earlier days
of the paper it was thought that subscribers would
watch the expiration date on the wrapper of their
paper and would send in the renewal price without
any kind of reminder. In those days Miss Wilde
and her assistant would go over the books twice a year
and send a reminder to all who had not renewed.
As the list grew larger, this plan seemed unsatisfactory
to both the subscriber and the paper. Since people
were at liberty to start a subscription at any time
in the year, it was plain that a year’s subscription
would run out at the same time the following year,
and since this was going on twelve months in the year,
we began sending out bills each month to those subscribers
whose subscriptions were about to expire. That
system was in operation from 1910 through 1915.
During 1915, it was made possible
for us to have enough helpers in the office to make
a study of the Circulation Department with a view
to seeing where improvements could be made, what leakages
could be stopped, and what kind of circulation work
was paying. The result was that we decided that
along with our efforts to get new subscriptions we
must carry on a new kind of work to keep those already
obtained on our books. We found that it was not
sufficient simply to send the paper to a person for
a certain time and then ask her to renew. We
found that we needed to study the source of the subscription,
the motive for subscribing, and how best to appeal
to the subscriber to renew. We found that since
we had been keeping the record (1910 through 1915),
about 26,000 persons have been on our books and for
some reason or other are no longer there. A careful
study and a long one showed that those whose papers
had been discontinued in that period fell into the
following classifications:
1. Those who had died.
2. Unconverted antis.
3. Those who had not paid
after we had sent three
bills.
4. Those who had moved without
giving us their change
of address.
5. Those whom the post office
reported as “not found.”
6. Those who asked to be
discontinued without giving
a reason.
7. Those who said they could
not afford it.
8. Those who said they were
too busy to read it.
9. Those who said they were
converted and did not
need it.
10. Those who disapproved of
our policy in some way.
The number of new subscriptions and
the number of papers discontinued for 1915, by the
month, is shown below so that readers may understand
how serious is this problem and so that they may understand
why every subscriber and every suffragist ought to
help keep the numbers in these ten classes as small
as is possible, if they care to have a part in making
the paper self-supporting.
In this connection it ought to be
said here that all subscriptions divide into two classes:
Those that are expected to make converts and may or
may not be expected to renew, and second, those who
are suffragists and may logically be expected to renew.
When an order for a subscription is given, it, therefore,
ought to make clear whether it is for a suffragist
or for some one who it is hoped will be converted
by reading the paper. If the name is that of a
suffragist, it is legitimate and entirely fair that
we should offer the paper for her at $1.00 a year
and should expect her to renew, and it may be considered
our fault if she does not. If, on the other hand,
the paper is being sent merely as a piece of propaganda
literature to a person who knows nothing of the cause,
to one who is undecided, or to an avowed anti-suffragist,
it ought to be paid for as literature and that name
ought not to be counted as legitimate circulation.
How many of the total number of discontinuances
come from the use of the paper as propaganda literature,
and how many come from the rank and file of suffragists
whom we ought to be expected to hold as regular readers,
cannot be known. Detailed records showing this
are being kept for 1916, and we expect to be in a
better position to solve some of the circulation difficulties
in the future than ever in the past, chiefly
because we never dared to spend the money to have the
records and study and analyses made.
It ought to be said in this connection
that we have, since the first of the year, revised
our whole system of billing and are sending a different
kind of reminder to renew to those who have been receiving
a trial subscription, a complimentary subscription
from a friend, a first year subscription for which
they have themselves paid, from the one we send to
those who have been taking the paper for a year or
more. With the latter, for the most part, we simply
have to remind them that their subscription has run
out. In the billing department, therefore, we
have six different kinds of reminders or requests to
renew.
So much for that part of the work
of the Circulation Department that has to do with
entering, recording, billing, analyzing and studying.
We turn now to what may be called plans and advance
work for making more subscriptions come in, that is,
for increasing the circulation of the paper.
We have on cards the names of nearly
35,000 members of suffrage leagues who are not subscribers
for the Woman’s Journal. This large list
is, roughly, only about 30 per cent of the dues-paying
membership of the suffrage leagues of the country.
An effort is being made to get the total dues-paying
and non-dues-paying membership of the leagues and
organizations in order that we may send each member
who is not a subscriber a sample copy of the organ
of the movement and ask her to subscribe.
Besides the league lists, we have
the names of over 1300 prominent men and women who
believe in equal suffrage but are not subscribers.
In addition we have other lists totaling about 32,000
suffragists whose names are not on our books.
This makes over 68,000 suffragists
who, so far as we know, have never seen a copy of
the organ of the movement, and have never been asked
to subscribe. Each week scores and sometimes hundreds
of such suffragists, who are not subscribers, write
letters to our office, to the offices of the National
Suffrage Association and to other headquarters and
offices, asking for information which the Woman’s
Journal publishes from week to week. Think of
the waste! They have the faith but not the knowledge
to make converts, to answer objections, to write “copy”
for the newspapers, to make addresses, to take part
in debates, to write articles for the magazines, and
to do the thousand and one things that suffragists
must do if the present generation of women is not
to go down to the grave unenfranchised as their mothers
and grandmothers did.
Think of it! Nearly 70,000 known
suffragists who do not subscribe. In the interest
of efficiency they ought all to be constant readers
of the paper. But how are they to be reached?
There are two ways: First, by the officers of
the organization to which they belong; and second,
by means of letters, sample copies, and follow up letters
until the last one of them has enrolled as a regular
reader.
But advance work requires funds.
No matter how necessary to the cause of equal suffrage
it may be to enroll those 68,000 suffragists as readers,
the United States Post Office will not sell us stamps
for writing to them unless we can make cash payments.
Funds for other parts of the work of increasing the
circulation are equally necessary, and the work halts
for lack of that which reformers always lack.
The Woman’s Journal can make
suffrage speeches every week in the remote parts as
well as in the crowded cities, and it can do this more
cheaply than can any other agent of equal quality.
But if the paper is to do its part in the general
suffrage work, it must be through the body of organized
suffragists, and not single-handed. The movement
is growing too fast for the management, unaided by
organization, to make the obvious and necessary expansion.
What Papers Live By
One of the well-known facts in the
world of publishing newspapers and periodicals is
that neither magazines, newspapers nor periodicals
of any kind live by the subscription price. Most
of them live chiefly by advertisements.
Why, then, does the Journal not carry
more advertising? The answer is that it will
not take most of the advertisements it can get, and
it cannot get most of the advertisement sit wants.
In the first place. The Woman’s Journal
will not accept liquor or tobacco advertisements,
or any advertisements of patent medicines, swindling
schemes, or matters of a questionable character.
Every year it declines a considerable amount of business
on this score.
“But,” the reader is sure
to say, “what about the thousand and one advertisements
which are legitimate? There are hundreds and thousands
of advertisements of women’s products for which
the Journal ought to be an excellent medium.”
In answer to this one might almost say that the better
the grade of advertising the harder it is to get.
The better grades of advertising require a much larger
circulation than we have and a better grade of paper
on which to print their advertisements; they naturally
want their advertisements to be shown in the most
attractive manner. And there are hundreds of publications
just as good as ours which can give them the proper
display.
Another difficulty we have to combat
is the fact that our paper is not well known to men;
it is not advertised anywhere, it is not displayed
anywhere; they rarely see any one reading it; they
cannot get it on the newsstands, and, in short, they
cannot imagine who reads it. This is hard to
combat.
Another reason given by those who
refuse to advertise in the Woman’s Journal is
that the advertiser or the advertising agent does not
believe in equal suffrage, or to use his own expression,
he is “not a suffragette.” He is
sure that no one would ever advertise in the paper
unless he believed in votes for women, and frankly,
he does not want his friends to be given a chance
to tease him about “this suffragette business.”
Since the Journal is a national paper,
it ought, of course, to have national advertising,
but national advertisers require at least 50,000 circulation,
we are told. If the Journal’s circulation
were local, it could get plenty, but local advertising,
of course, does not properly belong in a national
paper, for all except the local circulation is a waste
for it.
If the present circulation of the
Journal were in one State or in one section of the
country, say in the West, the Middle West, or in New
York and New England, the paper could get more advertising
than it could carry. But its circulation is scattered
over the whole country, and while this spoils it for
local advertising, its circulation is not yet large
enough to enable it to get much national advertising.
To an advertising agent who has seen
in a suffrage parade in New York, Boston, Philadelphia,
or Washington from 10,000 to 50,000 suffragists, it
is hard to explain why the national paper going to
forty-eight States, has less than 30,000 subscribers.
He expects that the organ of the movement has at least
75,000 subscribers. When he learns the truth,
it is impossible to talk with him further.
In a nutshell, then, what the advertising
department needs is that great body of non-subscribing
suffragists to enroll as readers. Think of that
68,000 whose names and addresses we have! If we
only had them on our lists, if they stood back of
us, advertisers would be glad to consider us.
What, then, can suffragists do for
the advertising department? They can do three
things.
(1) Increase the number of readers of the paper.
(2) Read the advertisements we print
and patronize every advertiser possible, letting him
know why they do so: and
(3) Unite to bring pressure to bear
on advertisers so they will advertise with us.
Imagine what would happen if twenty
suffragists in each city in the country were to call
on the advertisers doing business there and urge them
to advertise in the Journal! They would simply
put the Journal on the advertiser’s map!
Prints and Reprints
“Your editorial in this week’s
issue deserves a wider circulation. It ought
to go to thousands who are not yet with us. Can
you reprint it for more general distribution?”
Such requests have led us from time to time to reprint
something which has appeared in the paper. If
it is reprinted soon after it is current in the paper,
it can be furnished at a cheaper rate than if the
type had to be set for pamphlet or leaflet use alone.
There is usually a good demand for what we have reprinted,
particularly since we can advertise it in the Journal.
The Journal has, accordingly, printed
the following which appeared first in its columns:
A Bubble Pricked.
The Threefold
Menace.
Open Letter To Clergymen.
Liquor
Against Suffrage.
Suffrage and Temperance
The Stage and Woman Suffrage.
Votes and Athletics.
Ballots and Brooms.
Suffrage in Utah.
Suffrage and Mormonism.
My Mother and the
Little Girl Next Door.
Massachusetts Laws.
Suffrage and Morals.
Worth of a Vote.
Jane Addams Testifies.
A Campaign of Slander.
In addition to these, the Journal
printed in 1915 200,000 postal cards on good stock
with colored ink, especially calculated to win voters.
In preparing them, every type of man from the point
of view of his business or profession was considered.
Their titles are as follows and indicate their character:
If You Are A Working Man Working
Men Help.
If You Are A Doctor.
If You Are A Farmer.
If You Are A Policeman.
If You Are An Educator.
If You Are A Postman.
If You Are A Business Man.
If You Are A Minister.
If You Are A Traveling Man.
If You Are A
Fireman.
If You Are Interested In Political
Questions.
A Statement By Judge Lindsey.
An Object Lesson.
Think On These Things.
The Meaning Of The Suffrage Map.
Arms Versus
Armies.
Do Women Want To Vote?
Suffrage literature divides into two
kinds: that which must be inexpensive and very
easily read, for the voter; and that which is designed
for women who, like conservative college graduates
and many other women, will be surely impressed with
a more weighty, more obviously expensive-looking argument.
We find that many want good-looking, well-prepared,
convincing literature to send to those whom they are
trying to convert. Practically all of the literature
which the Journal has printed belongs to the second
class.
The Graveyard
Every live newspaper office has as
part of its necessary equipment What is familiarly
known as “The Graveyard.” Ours is
a combination of the Research and Information Departments.
It contains pictures of distinguished and leading
suffragists in this country and abroad, biographical
sketches of them, quotations from them and other suffragists,
notable articles, criticisms, reviews and news of the
movement which may be useful at some later date, a
large amount of information and data and compilation
of facts and figures, such as one needs at his fingers’
ends in an office which does the kind of work that
is being done in few places if anywhere else in the
country. The files in this department include
also a large amount of statistics and information
regarding anti-suffrage activities, workers for the
opposition, methods, amount of money spent, sources
of income, and an index of the Journal from week to
week.
Who was the first woman doctor, what
college first opened its doors to women, what was
the date of the first suffrage convention, how many
times was equal suffrage submitted in Oregon before
it was granted, what States in the Union have no form
of suffrage for women whatever, who are the most distinguished
men advocates of woman suffrage today, how many believers
in equal suffrage are there in this country? These
are some examples of the myriad questions that come
constantly to the Journal for answer usually
at short notice and without a stamped envelope for
reply.
Material for debates, speeches, articles
for the press, chapters in books, copy to be read
into the minutes of the Congress of the United States,
refutation of anti-suffrage articles, answers to hundreds
and thousands of objections to equal suffrage, questions
of how it works, what women have achieved in science,
art, literature, to meet these with the
least waste of time and energy is the end and aim of
“The Graveyard.” Practically all
suffragists use it, but no one has ever contributed
a penny toward its support, and no organization has
ever made an appropriation to maintain it. It
is simply another case of the willing mother and the
thoughtless daughter!
Holding the Reins
In 1910 there was one woman worker
besides the editor-in-chief in the office of the Woman’s
Journal, and one woman who worked part time.
Mr. Henry B. Blackwell, who always gave his services
to the paper, had died in 1909. There were only
four pages to the paper then, and the total subscription
list was 3,989. Bills were sent out only twice
a year, and hardly any work was being done to increase
the subscription list or any department of the paper.
Office administration was then a very simple matter whereas
now the Subscription Department alone requires the
full time of more than ten workers.
The result is that office administration
now is a very different matter. It has become
a question of holding the reins of twenty-four young
people, all of whom have special work to do, but all
of whom need almost constant direction. And while
there are heads of departments who oversee the work
of clerks and stenographers up to a point, almost
daily conferences and supervisions are necessary in
order to have the work go on satisfactorily. This
takes an immense amount of time and energy and initiative
and planning. It is a case of driving twenty-four
in hand. Some days it sends the driver home thoroughly
wearied.
Besides the absorbing task of keeping
the whole staff busy, there is always the exhausting
and important matter of mapping out the work, laying
plans for advance work, originating and initiating,
and making decisions that involve more or less risk.
Then there is the actual personal
labor of helping to get the paper to press each week,
choosing from a limited supply suitable illustrations,
writing some “copy,” writing heads, making
up, dictating and signing hundreds of letters each
week, seeing all callers who need to be seen, and
constantly directing and overseeing to keep matters
of a thousand and one details ship-shape and accurate.
There is the question of office space,
rent, subletting office room, buying typewriters,
stationery and other supplies to advantage. The
question of ventilation, health and sick leave of staff,
obtaining efficient and conscientious work and maintaining
a wholesome esprit de corps.
Capturing the Imagination
Capturing the imagination for equal
suffrage or for the Woman’s Journal is another
way of saying “getting so many inches or columns
of free advertising in the papers.” Each
week for some time we have been watching the Journal’s
columns to see whether, by sending an advance clipping
from the week’s paper, we could not get a certain
amount of free publicity in the daily paper.
We have also experimented to some extent to see if
we could get publicity for the Journal aside from
what appears in its columns. The result has been
that such stories as the analysis of the source of
income of the anti-suffragists has had very wide publicity.
It has even been published in country weeklies and
monthly magazines. In the majority of cases, the
Journal has been credited, and in this way much free
advertising has been secured.
At the time of the elections, we sent
a copy of Mrs. Fredrikke Palmer’s drawing called
“Waiting for the Returns” with a little
sketch of the artist to a number of first class dailies.
A number of these papers used it, giving full credit
to the Woman’s Journal.
The Massachusetts Woman Suffrage Association
has a showcase on the sidewalk in front of its headquarters
where it displays pictures, clippings, novelties and
anything that may capture the interest of the passing
pedestrian. We asked to have the Journal displayed
there each week and to have special articles clipped
and attractively mounted. This has been done
with benefit to both the Association and the Journal.
The suggestion might well be adopted for every suffrage
headquarters. The cost is very slight and the
people whose attention one gets in this way are not
those, as a rule, who attend suffrage meetings or
are easily reached. They are the great host of
“passers-by.”
A method of publicity for the Journal
and the cause which has been adopted successfully
by many individuals is that of displaying a copy of
the Journal on the library table in one’s home.
In some cases the front page drawings have been considered
so good that requests have been received to have extra
copies struck off for use in showcases, bulletin boards
and booths.
Other suffragists adopt other methods
of making the paper known to the public. Some
make a point of earning a copy to read in the street
car or train whenever possible. Anyone who tries
this will find many and many a pair of eyes diverted
to the picture or the appearance of a publication
with which the onlooker is not familiar. Ardent
partisans of the Journal always mention it in reports
and speeches at meetings and even in debates.
They are usually persons who have been converted to
the principle of equal suffrage by a stray copy of
the Journal sent to them by ardent friend!
A Word In Time
Miss Margaret Foley has been doing
Field Work for the Woman’s Journal since the
elections in November. She has been working as
an experiment to see if Journals cannot be sold successfully
at all suffrage meetings when from three to ten minutes
are devoted to calling attention to the paper from
the platform.
From the last thirteen meetings at
which she sold papers and took subscription orders
she got $74.42. Many of the meetings were small
and at the larger number of them the attendance was
made up mostly of those who already subscribe for
the paper. Miss Foley’s work is proof positive,
if such were needed, that it pays to mention the Journal
at suffrage meetings and to have it on sale and to
take subscriptions. The results she has had can
be duplicated at every suffrage meeting in the United
States where 100 or more are gathered together, and
a word spoken in time at suffrage meetings saves much
of the more expensive converting and canvassing to
bring out the vote when election time comes.
One of the greatest wastes of the movement today is
the failure of those in charge of meetings to make
provision for this part of propaganda work.
Miss Foley usually speaks toward the
close of a meeting. The gist of her remarks is
something like this:
“You have just heard about our
cause and how wonderful it is to be connected with
it. I am sure you will want to know more about
it. The best way to get authentic information
and news about Votes for Women is to read the organ
of the suffrage movement, The Woman’s Journal
and Suffrage News, on sale in the corridor. The
paper is only five cents a copy and you can get a
full year’s subscription for $1.00. Do not
fail to get a copy from me before you go.”
The Woman’s Journal has many
field workers who do in connection with the regular
suffrage work what Miss Foley has been doing for the
Journal as an experiment. For the vitality of
the movement every locality which holds suffrage meetings
should have a Journal field worker for every occasion.
A word in time saves an endless amount of converting.
Our Hope Chest
Other causes, other propaganda papers,
have their budgets, their war chests, their exchequers,
their ways and means committees, their financial backers
of wealth and prestige, but the Woman’s Journal
has had only what we may perhaps call our “Hope
Chest.” It was constructed purely out of
the hope that, if the paper filled a need, if it was
found worthy of the movement it represents, its finances
would in some way take care of themselves. And
it is a wonderful tribute to the believers in the
cause for equal suffrage that this plan has worked
for better or worse for more than forty years.
As the financial responsibilities
of the paper have grown during the past six years,
however, it has become apparent that we must not merely
publish the paper each year and hope to pay our bills
but that we must study the question of financing a
growing paper with ever growing needs of expansion
and consequent growing financial risks.
Accordingly, we decided that if we
must “raise money” each year in some way
or other, we must go about it in a well thought out
way and not leave such an important matter to haphazard
uncertainties. We have, therefore, formed a small
Finance Department and have studied all of the ways
of raising money that are known to us, trying of course
to make out which ones are particularly adapted to
our needs.
The result is that we have decided
on the following course:
(1) To issue this survey of the Journal’s
work, and ask suffragists to consider the value of
the paper purely on its merits and contribute to it
and support it if they believe in what it is doing.
(2) To form a Central Finance Committee
with a branch in each state in the Union.
(3) To ask able women and friendly
organizations in various towns and cities throughout
the country to give a ball, banquet, bazaar, festival
or other benefit or entertainment with the express
purpose of sharing the proceeds with the Woman’s
Journal.
Because of the vitality of the paper
through the barren pioneer days, through the days
of ridicule and up into these times of great numbers,
splendid prestige and backing for the whole movement,
we have faith that our hopes are not in vain.
One proof of our faith is that we
find working in the Woman’s Journal office year
after year is in some ways like living in a fairy
story. We never know what is going to happen next.
The day after election and defeat in New
York, Pennsylvania, Massachusetts and New Jersey a
woman came to the Journal office bearing a check for
$1,000 in her hand and saying in substance, “Here
is a small check to cheer Miss Blackwell and the Journal
in the face of yesterday’s defeats at the polls.”
She asked not to have her name used. Hers is an
example of the way suffragists feel toward the Woman’s
Journal. To them it symbolizes the cause.
FORM OF BEQUEST
I hereby give and bequeath to
the Proprietors of
The Woman’s Journal,
published in Boston, a corporation established under
the laws of
Massachusetts,
the sum of dollars.
Early Stockholders of the Woman’s Journal
NATHANIEL WHITE Concord, N.H.
MRS. ARMENIA WHITE Concord, N.H.
MRS. HARRIET M. PITMAN Somereville, Mass.
JULIA WARD HOWE Boston, Mass.
SAMUEL E. SEWALL Melrose, Mass.
E.D. DRAPER Boston, Mass.
MRS. ANNA C. LODGE Boston, Mass.
MRS. ELIZABETH B. CHACE Valley Falls, R.I.
MRS. LILLIE B. CHACE Valley Falls, R.I.
T.W. HIGGINSON Newport, R.I.
SARAH W. GRIMKE Hyde Park, Mass.
MRS. ANGELINA G. WELD Hyde Park, Mass.
MRS. SUSIE CRANE VOGL Hyde Park, Mass.
MRS. MARY HEMINWAY Boston, Mass.
WILLIAM B. STONE W. Brookfield, Mass.
REBECCA BOWKER No address.
JOHN GAGE Vineland, N.J.
MRS. PORTIA GAGE Vineland, N.J.
ALFRED H. BATCHELOUR Boston, Mass.
CHARLOTTE A. JOY Mendon, Mass.
SAMUEL MAY Boston, Mass.
ALFRED WYMAN Worcester, Mass.
CHARLES DWIGHT Boston, Mass.
ISAAC AMES Hacerhill, Mass.
HENRY MAYO Boston, Mass.
AUGUSTA DAGGETT Boston, Mass.
GEORGE B. LORINE Salem, Mass.
CHARLES RICHARDSON Address unknown.
A.P. WARD Worcester, Mass.
STEPHEN S. FOSTER Worcester, Mass.
A.S. HASKELL Chelsea, Mass.
SARAH G. WILKINSON Salem, Mass.
LUCY STONE Boston, Mass.
CHARLES W. SLACK Boston, Mass.
A.A. BURRAGE Boston, Mass.
JOHN WHITEHEAD Newark, N.J.
OTIS CLAPP Boston, Mass.
T.L. NELSON Worcester, Mass.
PHILIP C. WHEELER Boston, Mass.
HENRY CHAPIN Worcester, Mass.
E.S. CONVERSE Boston, Mass.
MRS. CARRIE P. LACOSTE Maiden, Mass.
LUCIUS W. POND Worcester, Mass.
GEORGE W. KEENE Lynn, Mass.
EDWARD EARLE Worcester, Mass.
SARAH SHAW RUSSELL Boston, Mass.
ROWLAND CONNOR Boston, Mass.
E.D. WINSLOW Boston, Mass.
H.B. BLACKWELL Newark, N.J.
CAROLINE M. SEVERANCE West Newton, Mass.
MRS. MARY MAY Boston, Mass.
F.W.G. MAY Dorcestoer, Mass.
HARRISON BLISS Worcester, Mass.
JOHN W. HUTCHINSON Lynn, Mass.
J.J. BELVILLE Dayton, Ohio.
WILLIAM CLATLIN Boston, Mass.
MERCY B. JACKSON Boston, Mass.
WARREN McFRALAND Worcester, Mass.
SARAH G. WELD Hyde Park, Mass.
LOUISA SEWALL CABOT Brookline, Mass.
Stockholders of the Woman’s
Journal, 1916 Individuals
JANE ADDAMS
MARY WARE ALLEN
HELEN H. BENNETT
EMMA L. BLACKWELL
ALICE STONE BLACKWELL
HOWARD L. BLACKWELL
VIRGINIA BRANNER
EMILY E. DALAND
M.A. EVANS
H.E. FLANSBURG
SUSANNA PHELPS GAGE
FRANCIS J. GARRISON
JENNY C. LAW HARDY
HARRIET O. HAWKINS
MARY E. HILTON
MARY JOHNSTON
MARTHA S. KIMBALL
FLORENCE HOPE LUSCOMB
MARY McWILLIAMS MARSH
FLORENCE E.M. MASKREY
CATHERINE M. McGINLEY
MAUD WOOD PARK
ANNETTE W. PARMELEE
AGNES E. RYAN
MARTHA SCHOFIELD
PAULINE A. SHAW
JUDITH W. SMITH
HELEN D. STEARNS
HENRY BAILEY STEVENS
GRACE L. TAYLOR
JOHN FOGG TWOMBLY
MABEL CALDWELL WILLARD
Estates of
MRS. SUSAN LOOK AVERY
J.J. BELVILLE
HARRISON BLISS
MRS. REBECCA
BOWKER
A.A. BURRAGE
LOUISE SEWALL CABOT
WILLIAM CLAFLIN
JOHN GAGE
MRS. PORTIA GAGE
JOHN W. HUTCHINSON
MERCY B. JACKSON
MRS. CARRIE
P. LACOSTE
GEORGE B. LORINO
HENRY MAYO
CHARLES
RICHARDSON
A.P. WARE
CLARA E. CLEMENT WATERS
ANGELINA GRIMKE WELD
JOHN WHITEHEAD
MISS C.I.
WILBY
SARAH G. WILKINSON E.D. WINSLOW
National, State and League Associations
NATIONAL AMERICAN WOMAN SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION.
ALABAMA EQUAL SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION.
BOSTON EQUAL SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION FOR
GOOD GOVERNMENT.
CAMBRIDGE POLITICAL EQUALITY ASSOCIATION.
CONNECTICUT WOMAN SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION.
ILLINOIS EQUAL SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION.
IOWA EQUAL SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION.
KENTUCKY EQUAL RIGHTS ASSOCIATION.
LOUISIANA STATE SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION
MAINE WOMAN SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION.
MASSACHUSETTS WOMAN SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION.
MICHIGAN EQUAL SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION.
MINNESOTA WOMAN SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION.
MISSOURI EQUAL SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION.
NEBRASKA WOMAN SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION.
NEVADA EQUAL FRANCHISE SOCIETY.
NEW HAMPSHIRE EQUAL SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION.
NEW JERSEY WOMAN SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION.
NEWPORT COUNTY, R.I. WOMAN SUFFRAGE
LEAGUE.
NEW YORK STATE WOMAN SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION.
PENNSYLVANIA WOMAN SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION.
ROCK COUNTY, WIS., WOMAN SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION.
WEST VIRGINIA EQUAL SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION.
WISCONSIN WOMAN SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION.
The Journal Goes to 39 Foreign Countries
The Corporation
The Woman’s journal is a corporation
formed under the laws of Massachusetts. Its stockholders
are interested in furthering the cause of equal suffrage
through a paper owned and managed by suffragists.
Its directors, its editor-in-chief, and its deputy
treasurer receive no salary; its stockholders receive
no dividends. Those who purchase stock do so
for the sake of building up the paper to meet the needs
of the movement.
Its Purpose
Its purpose is contained in the following
description which appeared on the original title page:
“A weekly newspaper devoted to the interests
of woman to her educational, industrial,
legal, and political equality, and especially to her
right of suffrage.”
Annual Meeting
The annual meeting of the corporation
is held on the second Monday in January to elect officers
and transact such other business as may come before
the meeting. The officers are a board of five
directors, a president, a treasurer, and a clerk.
The officers for 1916, elected at the last annual
meeting are as follows:
President, Alice Stone Blackwell;
Deputy Treasurer, Howard L. Blackwell; Clerk, Catherine
Wilde; Directors, Maud Wood Park. Emma Lawrence
Blackwell, Grace A. Johnson, Alice Stone Blackwell
and Agnes E. Ryan.