I have often regretted, my dear brother,
that my letters have for some time been rather intended
to satisfy your curiosity than your affection.
At this moment I feel differently, and I rejoice that
the inquietude and danger of my situation will, probably,
not come to your knowledge till I shall be no longer
subject to them. I have been for several days
unwell, and yet my body, valetudinarian as I am at
best, is now the better part of me; for my mind has
been so deranged by suspense and terror, that I expect
to recover my health long before I shall be able to
tranquillize my spirits.
On our return from Soissons I found,
by the public prints, that a decree had passed for
arresting all natives of the countries with which France
is at war, and who had not constantly resided there
since 1789. This intelligence, as you will
conceive, sufficiently alarmed me, and I lost no time
in consulting Mad. de ____’s friends on the subject,
who were generally of opinion that the decree was
merely a menace, and that it was too unjust to be
put in execution. As some days elapsed and no
steps were taken in consequence, I began to think
they were right, and my spirits were somewhat revived;
when one evening, as I was preparing to go to bed,
my maid suddenly entered the room, and, before she
could give me any previous explanation, the apartment
was filled with armed men. As soon as I was
collected enough to enquire the object of this unseasonable
visit, I learned that all this military apparel was
to put the seals on my papers, and convey my person
to the Hotel de Ville! I knew it would
be vain to remonstrated, and therefore made an effort
to recover my spirits and submit. The business,
however, was not yet terminated, my papers were to
be sealed and though they were not very
voluminous, the process was more difficult than you
would imagine, none of the company having been employed
on affairs of the kind before. A debate ensued
on the manner in which it should be done, and, after
a very tumultuous discussion, it was sagaciously concluded
to seal up the doors and windows of all the apartments
appropriated to my use. They then discovered
that they had no seal fit for the purpose, and a new
consultation was holden on the propriety of affixing
a cypher which was offered them by one of the Garde
Nationale.
This weighty matter being at length
decided, the doors of my bedchamber, dressing-room,
and of the apartments with which they communicated,
were carefully fastened up, though not without an
observation on my part that I was only a guest at
Mad. de ____’s, and that an order to seize my
papers or person was not a mandate for rendering a
part of her home useless. But there was no reasoning
with ignorance and a score of bayonets, nor could
I obtain permission even to take some linen out of
my drawers. On going down stairs, I found the
court and avenues to the garden amply guarded, and
with this numerous escort, and accompanied by Mad.
de ____, I was conducted to the Hotel de Ville.
I know not what resistance they might expect from
a single female, but, to judge by their precautions,
they must have deemed the adventure a very perilous
one. When we arrived at the Hotel de Ville, it
was near eleven o’clock: the hall was crouded,
and a young man, in a dirty linen jacket and trowsers
and dirty linen, with the air of a Polisson and the
countenance of an assassin, was haranguing with great
vehemence against the English, who, he asserted, were
all agents of Pitt, (especially the women,) and were
to set fire to the corn, and corrupt the garrisons
of the fortified towns. The people listened
to these terrible projects with a stupid sort of surprize,
and, for the most part, seemed either very careless
or very incredulous. As soon as this inflammatory
piece of eloquence was finished, I was presented to
the ill-looking orator, who, I learned, was a representant
du peuple. It was very easy to perceive
that my spirits were quite overpowered, and that I
could with difficulty support myself; but this did
not prevent the representant du peuple from
treating me with that inconsiderable brutality which
is commonly the effect of a sudden accession of power
on narrow and vulgar minds. After a variety of
impertinent questions, menaces of a prison for myself,
and exclamations of hatred and vengeance against my
country, on producing some friends of Mad. de ____,
who were to be answerable for me, I was released, and
returned home more dead than alive.
You must not infer, from what I have
related, that I was particularly distinguished on
this occasion, for though I have no acquaintance with
the English here, I understand they had all been treated
much in the same manner. As soon as the
representant had left the town, by dint of solicitation
we prevailed on the municipality to take the seal off
the rooms, and content themselves with selecting and
securing my papers, which was done yesterday by a
commission, formally appointed for the purpose.
I know not the quality of the good citizens to whom
this important charge was entrusted, but I concluded
from their costume that they had been more usefully
employed the preceding part of the day at the anvil
and last. It is certain, however, they had undertaken
a business greatly beyond their powers. They
indeed turned over all my trunks and drawers, and
dived to the bottom of water-jugs and flower-jars with
great zeal, but neglected to search a large portfolio
that lay on the table, probably from not knowing the
use of it; and my servant conveyed away some letters,
while I amused them with the sight of a blue-bottle
fly through a microscope. They were at first
much puzzled to know whether books and music were
included under the article of papers, and were very
desirous of burning a history of France, because they
discovered, by the title-plate, that it was “about
Kings;” but the most difficult part of this
momentous transaction was taking an account of it in
writing. However, as only one of the company
could write, there was no disputing as to the scribe,
though there was much about the manner of execution.
I did not see the composition, but I could hear that
it stated “comme quoi,” they
had found the seals unbroken, “comme quoi,”
they had taken them off, and divers “as hows”
of the same kind. The whole being concluded,
and my papers deposited in a box, I was at length freed
from my guests, and left in possession of my apartments.
It is impossible to account for this
treatment of the English by any mode of reasoning
that does not exclude both justice and policy; and
viewing it only as a symptom of that desperate wickedness
which commits evil, not as a means, but an end, I
am extremely alarmed for our situation. At this
moment the whole of French politics seems to center
in an endeavour to render the English odious both
as a nation and as individuals. The Convention,
the clubs, and the streets of Paris, resound with low
abuse of this tendency; and a motion was made in the
former, by one Garnier, to procure the assassination
of Mr. Pitt. Couthon, a member of the Comite
de Salut Publique, has proposed and carried
a decree to declare him the enemy of mankind; and
the citizens of Paris are stunned by the hawkers of
Mr. Pitt’s plots with the Queen to “starve
all France,” and “massacre all the patriots.” Amidst
so many efforts to provoke the destruction of the
English, it is wonderful, when we consider the sanguinary
character which the French people have lately evinced,
that we are yet safe, and it is in effect only to
be accounted for by their disinclination to take any
part in the animosities of their government.
I have just received a few lines from Mrs. D____, written in French, and
put in the post without sealing. I perceive, by the contents, though she
enters into no details, that circumstances similar to those I have
described have likewise taken place at Amiens. In addition to my other
anxieties, I have the prospect of a long separation from my friends; for
though I am not in confinement, I cannot, while the decree which arrested
me remains in force, quit the town of Peronne. I have not often looked
forward with so little hope, or so little certainty, and though a
first-rate philosopher might make up his mind to a particular event, yet
to be prepared for any thing, and all things, is a more difficult
matter.
The histories of Greece and Rome have
long constituted the grand resources of French eloquence,
and it is not till within a few days that an orator
has discovered all this good learning to be of no use not,
as you might imagine, because the moral character
and political situation of the French differ from
those of the Greeks and Romans, but because they are
superior to all the people who ever existed, and ought
to be cited as models, instead of descending to become
copyists. “Therefore, continues this Jacobin
sage, (whose name is Henriot, and who is highly popular,)
let us burn all the libraries and all the antiquities,
and have no guide but ourselves let us
cut off the heads of all the Deputies who have not
voted according to our principles, banish or imprison
all the gentry and the clergy, and guillotine the
Queen and General Custine!”
These are the usual subjects of discussion
at the clubs, and the Convention itself is not much
more decent. I tremble when I recollect that
I am in a country where a member of the legislature
proposes rewards for assassination, and the leader
of a society, that pretends to inform and instruct
the people, argues in favour of burning all the books.
The French are on the eve of exhibiting the singular
spectacle of a nation enlightened by science, accustomed
to the benefit of laws and the enjoyment of arts,
suddenly becoming barbarous by system, and sinking
into ignorance from choice. When the Goths
shared the most curious antiques by weight, were they
not more civilized than the Parisian of 1793, who
disturbs the ashes of Henry the Fourth, or destroys
the monument of Turenne, by a decree? I
have myself been forced to an act very much in the
spirit of the times, but I could not, without risking
my own safety, do otherwise; and I sat up late last
night for the purpose of burning Burke, which I had
brought with me, but had fortunately so well concealed,
that it escaped the late inquisition. I indeed
made this sacrifice to prudence with great unwillingness every
day, by confirming Mr. Burke’s assertions, or
fulfilling his predictions, had so increased my reverence
for the work, that I regarded it as a kind of political
oracle. I did not, however, destroy it without
an apologetic apostrophe to the author’s benevolence,
which I am sure would suffer, were he to be the occasion,
though involuntarily, of conducting a female to a prison
or the Guillotine.
“How chances mock, and changes
fill the cup of alteration up with divers liquors.” On
the same hearth, and in a mingled flame, was consumed
the very constitution of 1789, on which Mr. Burke’s
book was a censure, and which would now expose me
to equal danger were it to be found in my possession.
In collecting the ashes of these two compositions,
the tendency of which is so different, (for such is
the complexion of the moment, that I would not have
even the servant suspect I had been burning a quantity
of papers,) I could not but moralize on the mutability
of popular opinion. Mr. Burke’s Gallic
adversaries are now most of them proscribed and anathematized
more than himself. Perhaps another year may
see his bust erected on the piedestal which now
supports that of Brutus or Le Pelletier.
The letters I have written to you
since the communication was interrupted, with some
other papers that I am solicitous to preserve, I have
hitherto always carried about me, and I know not if
any danger, merely probable, will induce me to part
with them. You will not, I think, suspect me
of attaching any consequence to my scribblings from
vanity; and if I run some personal risk in keeping
them, it is because the situation of this country
is so singular, and the events which occur almost
daily so important, that the remarks of any one who
is unlucky enough to be a spectator, may interest,
without the advantage of literary talents. Yours.