THE BATTLE OF SHARPSBURG
The battle of Sharpsburg, or Antietam,
for it is known by both names, began at early dawn
on the 17th of September.
General McClellan had obviously determined
to direct his main assault against the Confederate
left, a movement which General Lee had foreseen and
provided for, and at dawn commenced a rapid fire
of artillery upon that portion of the Confederate
line. Under cover of this fire, General Hooker
then advanced his infantry and made a headlong assault
upon Jackson’s line, with the obvious view of
crushing that wing of Lee’s army, or driving
it back on Sharpsburg and the river. The Federal
force making this attack, or advancing promptly to
support it, consisted of the corps of Generals Hooker,
Mansfield, and Sumner, and numbered, according to
General Sumner, forty thousand men, of whom eighteen
thousand belonged to General Hooker’s corps.
Jackson’s whole force was four
thousand men. Of the truth of this statement
of the respective forces, proof is here given:
“I have always believed,”
said General Sumner afterward, before the war committee,
“that, instead of sending these troops into that
action in driblets, had General McClellan authorized
me to march there forty thousand men on the
left flank of the enemy,” etc.
“Hooker formed his corps of
eighteen thousand men,” etc., says
Mr. Swinton, the able and candid Northern historian
of the war.
Jackson’s force is shown by
the Confederate official reports. His corps consisted
of Ewell’s division and “Jackson’s
old division.” General Jones, commanding
the latter, reported: “The division at the
beginning of the fight numbered not over one thousand
six hundred men.” Early, commanding Ewell’s
division, reported the three brigades to number:
Lawton’s
1,150
Hayes’s
550
Walker’s
700
2,400
“Old Division,” as above
1,600
Jackson’s corps
4,000
This was the entire force carried
by General Jackson into the fight, and these four
thousand men, as the reader will perceive, bore the
brunt of the first great assault of General McClellan.
Just as the light broadened in the
east above the crest of mountains rising in rear of
the Federal lines. General Hooker made his assault.
His aim was plainly to drive the force in his front
across the Hagerstown road and back on the Potomac,
and in this he seemed about to succeed. Jackson
had placed in front Ewell’s division of twenty-four
hundred men. This force received General Hooker’s
charge, and a furious struggle followed, in which
the division was nearly destroyed. A glance at
the casualties will show this. They were remarkable.
General Lawton, division commander, was wounded and
carried from the field; Colonel Douglas, brigade commander,
was killed; Colonel Walker, also commanding brigade,
was disabled; Lawton’s brigade lost five hundred
and fifty-four killed and wounded out of eleven hundred
and fifty, and five out of six regimental commanders.
Hayes’s brigade lost three hundred and twenty-three
out of five hundred and fifty, and all the regimental
commanders. Walker’s brigade lost two hundred
and twenty-eight out of less than seven hundred, and
three out of four regimental commanders; and, of the
staff-officers of the division, scarcely one remained.
In an hour after dawn, this heavy
slaughter had been effected in Ewell’s division,
and the detailed statement which we have given will
best show the stubborn resistance offered by the Southern
troops. Still, they were unable to hold their
ground, and fell back at last in disorder before General
Hooker, who pressed forward to seize the Hagerstown
road and crush the whole Confederate left. He
was met, however, by Jackson’s Old Division
of sixteen hundred men, who had been held in reserve;
and General Lee hastened to the point threatened Hood’s
two small brigades, one of which. General Hood
states, numbered but eight hundred and sixty-four
men. With this force Jackson now met the advancing
column of General Hooker, delivering a heavy fire
from the woods upon the Federal forces. In face
of this fire they hesitated, and Hood made a vigorous
charge, General Stuart opening at the same time a
cross-fire on the enemy with his horse-artillery.
The combined fire increased their disorganization,
and it now turned into disorder. Jackson seized
the moment, as always, throwing forward his whole
line, and the enemy were first checked, and then driven
back in confusion, the Confederates pursuing and cheering.
The first struggle had thus resulted
in favor of the Confederates with about
six thousand they had repulsed eighteen thousand and
it was obvious to General McClellan that, without
reinforcements, his right could not hold its ground.
He accordingly, just at sunrise, sent General Mansfield’s
corps to the aid of General Hooker, and at nine o’clock
General Sumner’s corps was added, making in
all forty thousand men.
The appearance of affairs at this
moment was discouraging to the Federal commander.
His heavy assaulting column had been forced back with
great slaughter; General Hooker had been wounded and
borne from the field; General Mansfield, while forming
his line, had been mortally wounded; and now, at nine
o’clock, when the corps of General Sumner arrived,
the prospect was depressing. Of the condition
of the Federal forces, General Sumner’s own
statement conveys a very distinct conception:
“On going upon the field,” said General
Sumner, before the war committee, “I found that
General Hooker’s corps had been dispersed and
routed. I passed him some distance in the rear,
where he had been carried wounded, but I saw nothing
of his corps at all, as I was advancing with my command
on the field. I sent one of my staff-officers
to find where they were, and General Ricketts, the
only officer we could find, stated that he could not
raise three hundred men of the corps.”
General Mansfield’s corps also had been checked,
and now “began to waver and break.”
Such had been the result of the great
Federal assault, and it was highly creditable to the
Confederate arms. With a comparatively insignificant
force, Jackson had received the attack of the entire
Federal right wing, and had not only repulsed, but
nearly broken to pieces, the large force in his front.
The arrival of General Sumner, however,
completely changed the face of affairs, and, as his
fresh troops advanced, those which had been so roughly
handled by Jackson had an opportunity to reform.
This was rapidly effected, and, having marshalled
his troops, General Sumner, an officer of great dash
and courage, made a vigorous charge. From this
moment the battle began to rage with new fury.
General Lee had sent to the left the brigades of Colquitt,
Ripley, and McRae, and with these, the troops of Hood,
and his own shattered division, Jackson presented
a stubborn front, but his loss was heavy. General
Starke, of the Old Division, was killed; the brigade,
regimental, and company officers fell almost without
an exception, and the brigades dwindled to mere handfuls.
Under the great pressure, Jackson
was at length forced back. One of General Sumner’s
divisions drove the right of the Confederates beyond
the Hagerstown road, and, at this moment the long struggle
seemed ended; the great wrestle in which the adversaries
had so long staggered to and fro, advancing and retreating
in turn, seemed at last virtually decided in favor
of the Federal arms.
This was undoubtedly the turning-point
of the battle of Sharpsburg, and General Lee had witnessed
the conflict upon his left with great anxiety.
It was impossible, however, to send thither more troops
than he had already sent. As will be seen in
a moment, both his centre and right were extremely
weak. A.P. Hill and General McLaws had not
arrived from Harper’s Ferry. Thus the left
had been reenforced to the full extent of Lee’s
ability, and now that portion of his line seemed about
to be crushed.
Fortunately, however, General McLaws,
who had been delayed longer than was expected by General
Lee, at last arrived, and was hurried to the left.
It was ten o’clock, and in that one hour the
fighting of an entire day seemed to have been concentrated.
Jackson was holding his ground with difficulty when
the divisions of McLaws and Walker were sent to him.
As soon as they reached the field, they were thrown
into action, and General Lee had the satisfaction
of witnessing a new order of things. The advance it
might rather be called the onward rush of
the Federal line was checked. Jackson’s
weary men took fresh heart; that great commander promptly
assumed the offensive, and, advancing his whole line,
drove the enemy before him until he reoccupied the
ground from which General Sumner had forced him to
retire.
From the ground thus occupied, the
Federal forces were unable to dislodge him, and the
great struggle of “the left at Sharpsburg”
was over. It had begun at dawn and was decided
by ten or eleven o’clock, and the troops on
both sides had fought as resolutely as in any other
action of the war. The event had been decided
by the pertinacity of the Southern troops, and by
the prompt movement of reenforcements by General Lee
from his right and centre. Posted near his centre,
he had surveyed at one glance the whole field of action;
the design of General McClellan to direct his main
assault upon the Confederate left was promptly penetrated,
and the rapid concentration of the Southern forces
in that quarter had, by defeating this movement, decided
the result of the battle.
Attacks on the Confederate centre
and right followed that upon the left. In the
centre a great disaster was at one time imminent.
Owing to a mistake of orders, the brave General Rhodes
had drawn back his brigade posted there this
was seen by the enemy and a sudden rush
was made by them with the view of piercing Lee’s
centre. The promptness and courage of a few officers
and a small body of troops defeated this attempt.
General D.H. Hill rallied a few hundred men,
and opened fire with a single gun, and Colonel Cooke
faced the enemy with his regiment, “standing
boldly in line,” says General Lee, “without
a cartridge.” The stand made by this small
force saved the army from serious disaster; the Federal
line retired, but a last assault was soon begun, this
time against the Confederate right. It continued
in a somewhat desultory manner until four in the evening,
when, having massed a heavy column under General Burnside,
opposite the bridge in front of Lee’s right
wing, General McClellan forced the bridge and carried
the crest beyond.
The moment was critical, as the Confederate
force at this point was less than three thousand men.
But, fortunately, reenforcements arrived, consisting
of A.P. Hill’s forces from Harper’s
Ferry. These attacked the enemy, drove him from
the hill across the Antietam again; and so threatening
did the situation at that moment appear to General
McClellan, that he is said to have sent General Burnside
the message: “Hold your ground! If
you cannot, then the bridge, to the last man.
Always the bridge! If the bridge is lost, all
is lost!”
The urgency of this order sufficiently
indicates that the Federal commander was not without
solicitude for the safety of his own left wing.
Ignorant, doubtless, of the extremely small force which
had thus repulsed General Burnside, in all four thousand
five hundred men, he feared that General Lee would
cross the bridge, assail his left, and that the hard-fought
day might end in disaster to his own army. That
General Lee contemplated this movement, in spite of
the disproportion of numbers, is intimated in his
official report. “It was nearly dark,”
he says, “and the Federal artillery was massed
to defend the bridge, with General Porter’s
corps, consisting of fresh troops, behind it.
Under these circumstances,” he adds, “it
was deemed injudicious to push our advantage further
in the face of fresh troops of the enemy much exceeding
our own.”
The idea of an advance against the
Federal left was accordingly abandoned, and a movement
of Jackson’s command, which Lee directed, with
the view of turning the Federal right, was discontinued
from the same considerations. Night had come,
both sides were worn out, neither of the two great
adversaries cared to risk another struggle, and the
bitterly-contested battle of Sharpsburg was over.
The two armies remained facing each
other throughout the following day. During the
night of this day, Lee crossed with his army back into
Virginia. He states his reasons for this:
“As we could not look for a material increase
of strength,” he says, “and the enemy’s
force could be largely and rapidly augmented, it was
not thought prudent to wait until he should be ready
again to offer battle.”
General McClellan does not seem to
have been able to renew the struggle at that time.
“The next morning,” he says, referring
to the day succeeding the battle, “I found that
our loss had been so great, and there was so much
disorganization in some of the commands, that I did
not consider it proper to renew the attack that day.”
This decision of General McClellan’s
subjected him subsequently to very harsh criticism
from the Federal authorities, the theory having obtained
at Washington that he had had it in his power, by renewing
the battle, to cut Lee to pieces. Of the probability
of such a result the reader will form his own judgment.
The ground for such a conclusion seems slight.
The loss and disorganization were, it would seem,
even greater on the Federal than on the Confederate
side, and Lee would have probably been better able
to sustain an attack than General McClellan to make
it. It will be seen that General Meade afterward,
under circumstances more favorable still, declined
to attack Lee at Williamsport. If one of the
two commanders be greatly censured, the other must
be also, and the world will be always apt to conclude
that they knew what could be effected better than the
civilians.
But General McClellan did make an
attempt to “crush Lee,” such as the authorities
at Washington desired, and its result may possibly
throw light on the point in discussion.
On the night of the 19th, Lee having
crossed the Potomac on the night of the 18th, General
McClellan sent a considerable force across the river
near Shepherdstown, which drove off the Confederate
artillery there, and at daylight formed line of battle
on the south bank, protected by their cannon north
of the river. Of the brief but bloody engagement
which followed an incident of the war little
dwelt upon in the histories General A.P.
Hill, who was sent by Lee to repulse the enemy, gives
an animated account. “The Federal artillery,
to the number of seventy pieces,” he says, “lined
the opposite heights, and their infantry was strongly
posted on the crest of the Virginia hills. When
he advanced with his division, he was met by the most
tremendous fire of artillery he ever saw,” but
the men continued to move on without wavering, and
the attack resulted in the complete rout of the enemy,
who were “driven pell-mell into the river,”
the current of which was “blue with floating
bodies.” General Hill chronicles this incident
in terms of unwonted eloquence, and declares that,
by the account of the enemy themselves, they lost
“three thousand men killed and drowned from
one brigade,” which appears to be an exaggeration.
His own loss was, in killed and wounded, two hundred
and sixty-one.
This repulse was decisive, and General
McClellan made no further attempt to pursue the adversary,
who, standing at bay on the soil of Virginia, was
still more formidable than he had been on the soil
of Maryland. As we have intimated on a preceding
page, the result of this attempt to pursue would seem
to relieve General McClellan from the criticism of
the Washington authorities. If he was repulsed
with heavy slaughter in his attempt to strike at Lee
on the morning of September 20th, it is not probable
that an assault on his adversary on September 18th
would have had different results.
No further crossing at that time was
undertaken by the Federal commander. His army
was moved toward Harper’s Ferry, an important
base for further operations, and Lee’s army
went into camp along the banks of the Opequan.