Enthusiastic John Blue.

In a room of a hotel in the city in which the sanitarium having charge of Eunice was located, Earl Bluefield sat upon a sofa, his hands, with the fingers tightly interlaced, resting between his knees, his head and shoulders bent forward. The intense, haggard look upon his face told plainly of the painful meditation in which he was engaged.

Owing to Earl’s peculiar status in the world, Eunice, beloved as a wife, was far more to him than a wife. He looked upon himself as a sort of exotic in the non-resisting Negro race and considered himself a special object of scorn on the part of the white people of the South, who seemed to him to resent his near approach unto them in blood, and to mistrust his kind more than all other elements in Negro life. In the absence, therefore, of a perfect bond of racial sympathy anywhere, Eunice became to him his world as well as his wife, and no more horrible suggestion could be made than that he should go through life apart from her. Here indeed had been a marriage the welding of two into one.

Earl was not brooding as one who had hopelessly lost his all, but was plotting as one who would save his all. The task of the knight of old upon whom was the burden of rescuing some lovely maiden from imprisonment in a seemingly impregnable fortress, was but child’s play compared to the task before Earl, who must scale the walls of the castle of despair and batter down doors that laughed at the feebleness of steel if he would claim Eunice for his own again. He was face to face with the dreadful fact that nothing but the solution of the long standing race problem of America could release to him the one so dear to his heart, so essential to his existence.

As Earl sat canvassing the terrible plight in which he found himself, his mind ran the whole gamut of panaceas that had been proposed for a solution.

His own martial scheme of his earlier, unmarried days passed in review before his mind, but failed to appeal to him as it did in the days of yore. So far as he himself was concerned he would have welcomed a death in a glorious cause as an honorable release from the ranks of the advocates of universal justice, who, to his impatient spirit seemed to be marking time in the face of an aggressive foe. But death for himself would not rescue Eunice!

His mind recurred to the impression that seemed to prevail in some quarters that the solution of the problem mainly hinged upon giving industrial training to the Negro masses.

“That,” said he to himself, “will solve a large part of the Negro’s side of the problem, but how great an army of carpenters can hammer the spirit of repression out of those who hold that the eternal repression of the Negro is the nation’s only safeguard? What worker in iron can fashion a key that will open the door to that world of higher activities, the world of moral and spiritual forces which alone woos Eunice’s spirit and mine? What welder of steel can beat into one the discordant soul forces of willing Negroes and unwilling whites, the really pivotal point of the problem? Really pressing is the need of industrial training for our people, but my peculiar case calls for something that must come from Lincoln the emancipator rather than from Lincoln the rail-splitter.”

Earl next thought of Ensal’s proposed campaign of education which had been vigorously carried on by Tiara and he said: “It is one thing to produce a Niagara and another thing to harness it. O for a means of harnessing all the righteous sentiment in America in favor of the ideals of the Constitution.” Thus, on and on Earl soliloquized, groping for the light.

He stretched out upon the sofa and sought to refresh his tired brain with a few moments of sleep, but sleep refused to visit him. Suddenly he leaped from the sofa and said:

“I have it! I have it! Eunice shall be free.”

He now began to make hurried preparations for a trip South. While he is thus engaged we shall divulge to the reader the process of reasoning that at last led him to what he conceived to be daylight.

“Two things must be done,” argued Earl within himself. “Repression in the South must die and men with broader visions in that section must take charge of affairs. This is an age of freedom and an age of local self-government. Freedom must obtain in the South, and largely through some agency found or developed therein. The most effective way of killing repression is to make it kill itself and out of the soil nurtured by its carcass will spring a just order of things.

“I will lure repression to its death and then find my force within the South that will lead the South into nobler ways.”

Understanding this much of Earl’s new plan we are now prepared to follow him and intelligently watch developments.

The scene now shifts from the North to the South.

Fully conscious of the stupendous character of his undertaking, Earl walked slowly up the walk leading to the office of the Governor of M , a Southern state. He was steadying himself for the coming effort.

When shown to the governor’s office he said:

“This is the governor of the state of M , I believe.”

“They say that such is the case,” responded the governor, smilingly.

“I am just from the North and am making a tour of the South. I am traveling incognito and would like to be known to you as John Blue. As I shall broach only matters of common public interest in case you honor me with an interview, I shall be pleased to have you excuse me from making myself further known to you in a personal way,” said Earl, with great affability.

The governor was captured at once by Earl’s suave manner and actually fancied that some Northerner of exceeding great note was paying him a visit.

“Well, I am glad to see you glad to see you. The more you men of the North see our Southern ‘niggers’ the more you will sympathize with us,” said the governor.

“Do you think that either we Northerners or you Southerners get anything like an adequate view of the Negro?” asked Earl Bluefield, alias John Blue.

“Why not?” asked the governor.

“Well, you Southern people don’t mix with them socially, practically never enter their best homes, and would be amazed, I am told, if you really knew of the high order of their development socially. It is said that you call them ‘niggers,’ that your children speak of them as such, that you often speak harshly of them in your home circles, that many of your men are not as refined as they might be when they are dealing with Negro women, and that for these reasons the better grade of Negroes are leaving your domestic service, so that your observation of the Negro is more and more centered upon the type that does not represent the race at its best.”

“I had never thought of that. We do call them ‘niggers.’ I have a lot of trouble in keeping a cook. I wonder if that is the reason. Well, well, who would have thought that there was anything about a ‘nigger’ that Southerners would have to be told by a Northerner,” remarked the governor, winding up with a loud guffaw.

“As for the tourist class of Northerners,” resumed John Blue, “and Northerners residing in the South, they see only the rougher side of Negro life, much as do you Southerners. The Northern missionaries whose duties place them in touch with the best and worst that there is in Negro life have the real rounded view of the situation.”

The governor’s affability now disappeared. Said he:

“Don’t praise those mawkish missionaries to me. They are down here educating the heads of ‘niggers.’ We white folks have got enough heads to run this country.”

“Your irritation,” said Earl, “paves the way for me to say what I came to say. We Northerners are tired of being estranged from you Southerners. We are becoming a world power and should have a thoroughly united country. Why don’t you Southern people begin a campaign of education and let the North know your real mind, so that we won’t tread on your corns so often, to use a homely phrase.”

“Ha, ha! the North knows my views. They were heralded abroad everywhere and gave me the governorship. I had five planks in my platform and, to match your homely phrase with another one, they took like hot cakes,” said the governor.

“Would you object to outlining your platform to me,” asked Earl.

“Object? Why I am the boldest man in the South. I don’t bite my tongue. Surely you have heard of me,” said the governor.

“Yes, I have heard of you,” said Earl, “but I did not know but what you had been misrepresented by political enemies.”

“Well, you can judge for yourself as to whether I have been misrepresented or not. The five planks of my ‘nigger’ platform are these,” said he.

“First, this is a white man’s country.

“Second, one drop of Negro blood in a man’s veins makes him a ‘nigger.’

“Third, public office, neither federal nor state, was gotten up for a ‘nigger’ to hold.

“Fourth, all money spent on educating a ‘nigger,’ except to teach him to work, is a squandering of the public funds.

“Fifth, the outside world be d d. We will deal with the ‘nigger’ to suit ourselves.

“I will also tell you confidentially that I am one that don’t want the ‘nigger’ question out of politics. We are living side by side with these ‘niggers,’ and public agitation helps our people to keep in mind that there is an impassable gulf between the races. Such men as I am would be perfect fools for trying to solve this ‘nigger’ problem. A crazy man can see that the solving of this problem puts my kind out of business. Thousands of Southern men can whip me out of my boots on any issue outside of abusing the ‘nigger.’ That’s where I can go them one better. Haven’t you observed the universal lament that we are not up to the standard in point of statesmanship. The trouble is we ride into our kingdoms so easily. It don’t take a genius to persuade a people that you can beat a more tender-hearted man keeping a ‘nigger’ in his place. We machine men in the South don’t want this ‘nigger’ bugaboo put down. It’s our war whoop.”

“Aside from the political use to which you put your announced views on the race question, you really believe them, don’t you?” asked Earl.

“O yes. I think the good of the world demands that the ‘nigger’ be kept in his place,” replied the governor.

“Now, I am getting to the point,” said Earl. “Lincoln once said our country could not always exist half slave and half free. You see he was right. Now a lesser light than Lincoln tells you that the policy of repression must obtain in all our country or none, for the nationalizing spirit is at work, and is sure in time to produce a national unity of some sort. Shall this unity, so far as touches the question of the races, be upon the Northern or Southern basis, is a very live question for you Southerners. Now I suggest that you Southern people make this question a national one.”

“How can we raise the issue,” asked the governor.

“Easily. You people have been tolerating Negroes in federal positions down here for years. Collectorships of ports, marshalships and numerous positions of honor have all along been held by Negroes. Become tired of this and demand that they be withdrawn. That will be an invitation to the nation to join with you in your policy of repression.”

“Good! Good!” said the governor, clapping his hands.

“You can go further. The presidency of our nation is where the copartnership of the states finds conspicuous concrete expression. Demand that none but a repressionist or a man silent on that question be allowed to occupy that chair.”

“Good! Good! Good!” exclaimed the governor.

“Now as to your chances. The race instinct is in the North, but is not cultivated as much as it is in the South. Send your men to the North who are most adroit in their appeals to prejudice and you will find a force there to join you. Then remember you Southerners sprang to arms so gallantly in that skirmish with Spain that you made a fine impression. It was discovered that you had been brave enough not to allow defeat to rankle in your hearts, a really good quality. A more opportune time for you Southern people to take a stand would be hard to conceive,” said Earl.

Down came the governor’s hand upon his desk with a thud.

“Don’t you know I have been thinking that very thing. I have great influence in the councils of my party and I shall see to it that the ‘nigger’ question is the next national issue,” said the governor.

“You will have one little backset,” said Earl.

“The man whom you will have to oppose has made fewer Negro appointments than any of his more immediate predecessors and those made have been of a very high order a thing that could not always be said. Again, he has made it a point to have no Southern adviser save a known friend of the best element of the Southern people.”

The governor looked wrothy again. “Best element,” said he, sneeringly. “He is losing his time fooling with that crowd. All we radicals have to do is to crack our whips and they run to cover.”

“That brings us to another point of considerable importance. When the campaign is launched, whose views on the race question shall be in the foreground the views of the radicals or conservatives in the South,” asked Earl.

“The radicals shall occupy the center of the stage, sir. We are tired of these half-way policies!” thundered the governor.

Earl now arose to go.

“You will certainly hear from us radicals as never before in the history of the nation that is, since we jumped in the saddle and brought on the war,” said the governor.

“By jinks, you don’t think another war will come on, do you, Mr. Blue?” asked the governor.

“Oh, no; we have had our last war with lead and steel. All of our internal conflicts for the future must be intellectual, it seems,” answered John Blue.

“I am glad to hear you say that, for if we got into another tangle I do believe to my soul that these ‘niggers’ would be a little less quiet than they were before. But for our political alliance with the North we of the South would have to be one of the most truckling of nations. For, what could we do to a foreign foe with all these discontented ‘niggers’ squirming in the fires of race prejudice, like so many worms in hot ashes. You are sure there won’t be any physical fighting?” remarked the governor.

“The North would hardly hit you, for you are blood of their blood and they know how utterly helpless you are with an awakened race in your borders thoroughly of the opinion that you are not giving them a semblance of fair treatment,” said John Blue.

“I gad, we must bring the North our way. I see that whoever, in this fight of the races, gets the outsider is going to carry the day. We are coming in the next campaign. Look out for us.”

The two men bade each other adieu and Earl walked out of the office.

Earl invaded state after state in the South and conferred with the radical leaders wherever he went and found the sentiment everywhere prevailing that the time was ripe for the radical South to pull off its mask and let the world see its real heart.

With an anxious heart Earl watched the forming of the lines of the campaign. Men in all parts of the country, whose only hope of success lay in obtaining the political power in the hands of the radicals, besought them to forego making the Negro question an issue, but they were deaf to all appeals.

The convention dominated by the radicals met, and John Blue, alias Earl Bluefield, was there. When the Anti-Negro plank was read, from his seat in the gallery a mighty cheer rang out that started a wave of enthusiasm unsurpassed in the history of political conventions.

As John Blue stood waving a flag and cheering, his eye swept over that great throng, and he said to himself:

“O bonnie Southland: if you had developed real statesmen among you, men who knew their age, they would be here to tell all these people save myself to be quiet, on the ground that it is indelicate for a corpse to cheer at its own funeral. But your really great men are at home sorrowing over your coming humiliation. This day’s work is the beginning of the end. Eunice, the sky brightens!

“Heaven of heavens, I thank thee that thou hast so arranged it that the American people must now say as to whether or not the caste spirit shall be allowed to lay his bloody tentacles on the political life of the whole nation.”